Eritrean forces struggling for positive change and democracy in the country have repeatedly shown the inclination of  reinvention the wheel, so to say, every now and then. The brilliantly written and re-written charters, working documents, unity proposals....what have you.... are almost the same. Yet, we keep meeting and drafting, re-drafting the same old ideas, the same old stuff.

This is what panelists from the EPDP pointed out at the recent Eritrean consultative conference in Nairobi. A clear mention was made of the EPDP transitional plan for Eritrea that was first introduced to a workshop of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) in July 2009, and again to the leadership of the EDA in February 2010 for their careful consideration as part of many issues that needed to be exhaustively discussed before going to a national "Waela".

The National Consultative Conference (NCC), which was organized by the Eritrean Forum for National Dialogue (Medrek/al-Muntadha) in Nairobi between 27 and 29 November 2015, received Arabic, English and Tigrigna translation of the old EPDP document for discussion.

As pledged, the www.Harnnet.org is pleased to post today the English version of its document which underwent a number of revisions in the past. Good reading:

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Transitional Plan for Eritrea* (TPE) Revised and Presented for 2nd Time To Be EDA Document -- the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), February 2010

Table of Contents

Letter from EPDP Chairman                                                                                3

Acronyms                                                                                                              5

Executive Summary                                                                                              6

Introduction to the Transitional Plan                                                                    7

EPDP's/EDA’s Commitment                                                                                9

Guiding Principles of the Transition                                                                     10

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan                                                           11

A Rundown of Bodies within the Transitional Process                                       11

National Conference                                                                                             13

National Council of Shimagles**/Elders                                                              14

The Executive Board                                                                                            15

Independent Auditing Board                                                                               16

Group of Experts                                                                                                   16 

Transitional Assembly                                                                                           17

Eritrean Transitional Government                                                                         17

Independent Task Committees                                                                             18

Elections and Referendum                                                                                   19

National Security                                                                                                  20

Economy                                                                                                               20

Demobilization                                                                                                      21

Civil Services                                                                                                        21

Judiciary                                                                                                                22

The Diaspora                                                                                                         22

Foreign Relations                                                                                                  23

* This document, prepared by EDP in March 2006, was revised in June 2009 and made a shared draft of the EDP and EPP and presented to the July EDA workshop as EDA draft and again edited as EPDP paper and presented to the EDA which did not give it due attention.

**In Eritrea, the word “Shimagle (s) in Tigre and Tigrigna signifies a group of   elders delegated by the community to accomplish a given task.

Letter from the EPDP Chairman

Dear Compatriots,

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), has, like other Eritrean opposition organizations, been engaged in a protracted process of searching for constructive ways and means of contributing its share in finding a peaceful and practical strategy that is designed to resolve the immense challenges facing the Eritrean people and the State of Eritrea.

We feel that the paramount crisis confronting our country revolves around peaceful assembling of a constitutionally anchored multi-party and democratic system of governance that replaces the current one-party system.

This is a formidable national task that demands the participation of all Eritreans. Unless we fully commit ourselves to finding a peaceful and creative way of managing our differences, we will not be able to build a just and prosperous nation for which our martyrs sacrificed their lives.

We present this Transitional Plan as a potential steppingstone towards building a democratic Eritrea. We hope for and look forward to receiving positive and critical input from all Eritreans that will help us polish and refine this plan and finally adopt it as a document of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA).  Through this plan, we believe our people will have a unifying strategy that will help bring to closure the tragic outcome of an authoritarian system which is presently controlling every aspect of their lives. Moreover, we believe this plan will help in guiding our people to be through a period of peaceful transition.

The task of building a democratic system and institutions that outlive individual leaders, political parties and recurring political and economic crises cannot take place unless we put our differences aside. As Eritreans, we need to agree to come together and identify the best solution from all possible options on the basis of mutual understanding and commitment to our national survival.  

With high hope and great expectation we present this Transition Plan for your consideration.  We earnestly invite every Eritrean to contribute to the enhancement of this endeavor.

A peaceful transition would be the crowning of our lifetimes that were spent in the struggle to bring not only independence but also democracy to our country. Our dreams are to see the establishment of real institutions and the rule of law that guarantees peace and freedom for our children and the children of every Eritrean citizen.

Let us reiterate that the EPDP believes that [If accepted by EDA as its draft] the success of this initiative will depend on everybody’s active participation and constructive feedback.

Woldeyesus Ammar,

Chairman, EPDP

Acronyms

EB                Executive Board

EDA             Eritrean Democratic Alliance

EDF              Eritrean Defense Forces

EDP              Eritrean Democratic Party

ENC              Eritrean National Charter

EPDP            Eritrean People’s Democratic Party

EPP               Eritrean People’s Party

ETG              Eritrean Transitional Government

FPC               Free Press Committee

GE                 Group of Experts

IAB               Independent Auditing Board

IEC                Independent Electoral Commission

IHRC             Independent Human Right Commission

IOC                International Observers and Consultants

ITC                Independent Task Committees

NC                 National Conference

NCS               National Council of Shimagles/Elders

NS                  National Security

NPCRB          National Police and Civilian Relations Board                                                                  

PFDJ               People’s Front for Democracy and Justice

PRC                Public Relations Committee

TA                Transitional Assembly

TCC               Transitional Civilian Commissioner

TDM              Transitional Defense Minister

TG                 Transitional Government

TPE                Transitional Plan for Eritrea

Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea

Executive Summary

The “Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea,” is divided into two phases where the structure and roles of the various bodies and institutions will be defined.

Phase I – Pre-Transitional - In the pre-transition phase we envision the following steps: (a) Call for a broad based and all-inclusive political First National Conference (NC) to lay the framework for the transition process and, (b) elect the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) from among those participating in the NC. An extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces, civic institutions, independent political activists, and others will be conducted on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The NCS will be the highest authority to guide and coordinate the debate and expert studies of the social, political and economic policies of the nation during the transitional period. To discharge these responsibilities, the NCS will elect an Executive Board (EB), whose role is to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) and to function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS.  The EB is accountable to the NCS and will present reports of its activities to the NCS. The EB is authorized to form Task Forces to assist it in fulfilling its mandate. One of the Task Forces shall a draft transitional laws and regulations that can be adopted for use in the transition period.

Phase II – Establishing a democratically elected Government in Eritrea. When the present Government is removed from its grip of power, the NCS will assume full responsibility until the Second National Conference is convened and a Transitional Assembly (TA) is formed, this time with the full participation of all sectors of the Eritrean people at home and in the Diaspora. The TA will function as a transitional legislative body, adopt transitional laws and regulations, and will carry out the process toward a constitutionally elected Government. But until a permanent constitution is adopted through popular referendum and an elected government takes power, the TA will appoint a transitional government of technocrats to conduct the day-to-day operations of the government.

Introduction to the Transitional Plan for Eritrea

The people of Eritrea are once again being put to an extraordinary test of character. They are being summoned to reaffirm their renowned resoluteness; this time by standing up against an indigenous tyranny that has imposed on them a cruel and despicable one-party system:

• Whereas, the values for which their sons and daughters paid with their precious lives, including thousands who are left physically disabled and emotionally scarred, have been betrayed and replaced with a new political order that benefits the few individuals in power;

• Whereas, in order to realize a free and democratic Eritrea, the material, physical and emotional sacrifices that were invested by every Eritrean family were misused and the benefits that were reaped during the post independence era were monopolized by the few in power;

• Whereas, the heroes who survived the armed struggle for independence, not only continue to live a life filled with poverty and repression, but also face a gloomy future;

• Whereas, many genuine and highly regarded cultures have been tarnished and their generational social values devalued by those in power;

• Whereas, young people have been forcibly conscripted to serve in the authoritarian regime’s militaristic adventures that are counter-productive to the country’s overall development;

• Whereas, the national treasury has been emptied to advance unsound economic policies and other misappropriations;

• Whereas, the lawless regime has imprisoned elders, journalists, national assembly members, politicians, women, religious individuals, teachers, students … etc. whose numbers reach in the thousands;

• Whereas, in the face of cyclical drought and the unwise rejection of critical and indispensable aid has rendered the nation in abject poverty;

• Whereas, the leaders’ lack of diplomacy and aggressive approach added towards Eritrea’s total isolation from the international community;

• Whereas, the war-mongering attitude of the regime has caused unimaginable damage inside the country and the region;

• Whereas, a constitution ratified under its sponsorshiphas been shelved for years while a self-appointed government continues to impose itself with a declared stance against a multi-party democratic style of government; and

• Whereas, the regime’s total disregard for basic human rights and elementary principles of rules of law has become world-renowned making Eritrea virtually, a failed state.

Therefore, the total sum of the above and other downward spiraling trends,   make it incumbent upon EDA [EPDP hoping the EDA will adopt this draft] and other opposition organizations to make strong efforts towards saving the country. It is EDA ’s belief that saving the nation from total destruction and despair must be given a higher priority over all other political activities. In order to realize this objective, EDA adopts this draft Transitional Plan for consideration, discussion and further development by all political organizations, civic organizations, concerned individuals and the people of Eritrea at large.

The EDA believes that the fate of Eritrea must not be left in the hands of such a cruel and irresponsible leadership. The reign of tyranny must come to an end. The era of individual liberty and pluralistic democracy must be built on the graves of our martyrs so their souls can find peace and solace. Constitutional governance and rule of law must prevail across the width and breadth of our young nation.

EDA’s (and EPDP's) Commitment

It is clear to all Eritreans that the present regime has failed to live up to the expectations of the people. The Eritrean people, including most members of the ruling party who are heroes of the struggle for independence, continue to suffer under this oppressive regime. Students, members of the armed forces, farmers, workers, the Diaspora as well as friends of Eritrea have been vocally and actively protesting against the dictatorial regime and demanding fundamental changes.

The combined struggle of member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance for change and democratization that will usher in the downfall of the one-party authoritarian system and the building of a constitutional and democratic Eritrea has been the cornerstone of the national umbrella. Since its inception, the alliance has been advocating that political sovereignty must be transferred to its rightful owner: the people of Eritrea.

EDA reaffirms its determination to live up to its commitment by playing its role in the democracy building process. It is taking the initial step by proposing a rational and practical transitional process in order to bring an end to the autocratic system imposed on the people of Eritrea. In order to facilitate a smooth transfer of sovereignty, EDA hereby adopts a comprehensive Transitional Plan to the people of Eritrea, at home and in the Diaspora, for their consideration and action.

Transitional Plan for Eritrea (TPE) is a work-in-progress that is open for all citizens, civic organizations, and political forces to participate in its development and finalization. The TPE is a preliminary attempt to set the general outline of the transition process as well as to prioritize specific tasks that must be accomplished in a defined period and sequence to smoothly expedite the transition.

The most critical thread interweaving the TPE is the fundamental national responsibility of making sure thatthe process is peaceful and does not threaten or endanger Eritrea’s national security.   Again, EDA strongly believes that anchoring our TPE on a secure Eritrea is the indispensable ingredient of the whole transition process. 

The national umbrella, EDA, fully acknowledges that the people of Eritrea must have the final say in all political changes.  However, given the prevailing political conditions inside the country, in which no one can freely express her/his wishes, EDA member organizations are forced to speak-up in defense of the people and the nation. Indeed, there is no substitute for the people’s direct involvement in the affairs of the nation in order to usher in a peaceful and sustainable democratic change. Nonetheless, we are confident that the people of Eritrea have enough experience and are endowed with rich accumulated wisdom to sort out their internal problems and build a just and peaceful nation that can endure the test of future generations

The EDA member organizations categorically state that it is not their intention to let the current regime perpetuate its criminal rule. They would also like to send a clear signal that deters any individual or group who may wish to repeat the same dictatorial rule in the future. Therefore, we are presenting this plan:

• To solemnly declare to our people inside and outside of the country that we are truly committed to democracy;

• To challenge our people to stand against anyone, military or civilian, that intends to usurp power through undemocratic processes and refuses to hand it over to the people;

• To appeal to our people to cherish democracy, rule of law and accept nothing short of total liberty;

• To help coordinate the efforts of the opposition forces;

• To openly declare our vision for Eritrea and let the international community know our ultimate goal is to support a peaceful transfer of power to the people of Eritrea.

Guiding Principles of the Transition Plan

The transition plan is guided by the spirit of peace, justice and human rights. It stands against rancorous and retaliatory measures and is fully committed to the wishes of the Eritrean people.  The guiding principles are based on the fact that:

• Every citizen should have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to the transition.

• Citizens are ensured that the process is legal and peaceful. 

• The independence and territorial integrity of the country are firmly secure.

• The transitional period shall not exceed two years

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan/Phase 1

The proposal assumes that a broad based and all-inclusive political National Conference (NC) will be held to lay the framework for the transition process. Participants should be willing to exhibit commitment, a nationalist vision and flexibility in order to translate the plan into practice within an agreed timeframe and with the highest spirit of collaboration.

All representatives attending the NC will abide by the final decision of the Conference. In case of a conflicting political stands between a member organization and the collective decision of the NC, the latter decision will supersede that of a given member organization’s stand.

EDA, and in consultations with other opposition groups, civil societies, independent individuals and community leaders in the Diaspora, will take the initiative of planning and executingthe National Conference (NC).

A Rundown of Bodies within the whole Transitional Process, Phase I and Phase II

The structure of the transitional institutions is envisioned to be as outlined below:

• The First National Conference (NC) abroad: The mandating body that elects the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC). This Charter is the final document that delineates the basic agreements reached during the pre-transition process by representatives attending the first National Conference.

• The National Council of Shimagles (NCS): By virtue of the mandate given to it by the National Conference (NC), NCS will be the highest authority during the pre-transitional phase.

• The Executive Board (EB): A body to be appointed by NCS which will function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS from the end of the first meeting of the National Conference until its next meeting.

• The Transitional Assembly (TA): The assembly that will be organized by the NCS with the cooperation and consultation of the EB immediately after the acquisition of power. 

• The Transitional Government (TG): The government that will be formed by the TA to govern the nation until a democratically elected National Assembly and Representative Government are in place.

The Second National Conference, inside the Homeland

The National Conferences (NC) will be instrumental in facilitating a peaceful transition that will lead the country towards democratization and accelerated progress and development.  EDA believes the experiences the opposition camp gained over the years should be strengthened by holding a second National Conference inside the homeland. This will give a positive signal to all Eritreans and the international community that Eritreans are determined to unite on all fronts to establish a democratic country where its citizens can enjoy peace and prosperity.

Cognizant of the fact that there is not even a modicum of rudimentary political freedom inside Eritrea, EDA feels that the extraordinary circumstance makes holding a genuine and full-blown National Conference inside Eritrea unattainable. Due to this circumstance, as stated above, there shall be a National Conference held in the Diaspora to frame the general outline of the pre-transition process.

Assisted by experiences of the work of the first National Conference and its institutions, the second National Conference to be held inside the homeland shall formulate a strategy that will expedite the struggle for democracy and rule of law as well as inducing the turning over of political power by the present authoritarian regime to the Transitional Government (TG).

This National Conference will work to secure smooth transition, delineate ways for the nation to regain a well-suited life style, to jump-start the economy and to maintain stability.

The National Conference should debate and build general consensus on the following strategic national issues.

• National Security - how best to maintain peace, stability and protect our national   security during the transition period.

• Constitution - coordinate a discussion on a permanent Constitution.

• Transitional Assembly - coordinate the establishment of the Transitional Assembly.

• Transitional Government – work towards the establishment of a Transitional Government.

• Judiciary – establish an independent, professional and competent judiciary.

• Monitor the election, formation of political parties, formulation of referendum laws and their pertinent procedures.

• Independent Task Committees - the NC will authorize the formation of independent task committees that will expedite the transition period.

• Economy – delve into both Macro and Micro levels.

• Foreign Relations - outline policies that will shape the country’s foreign relations.

• Demobilization – the gradual return of the young to a normal life.

• Reconciliation – democratic dialogue and the search for agreement among various sectors of the society.

• Mobilization of Eritreans in the Diaspora.

The above-mentioned issues should be further studied by different individuals or groups of experts and a working draft policy on each issue should be submitted to the National Council of Shimagles (NCS).

National Council of Shimagles/Elders (NCS)

At the end of the proceedings of the National Conference, it is hereby proposed that a body collectively known as the National Council of Shimagles (NCS), (numbers to be determined by the Conference) be elected to assume the responsibilities as outlined by the NC, to include ensuring that the regime is coaxed to open dialogue on a transition to democracy or forced to resign.

The NCS will be elected from among those participating in the NC.  There will also be a need to make room for those considered of national importance but could not attend the Conference. It will be helpful to conduct an extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The authority of the NCS will emanate from the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) adopted by the National Conference.

The NCS will also be in charge of implementing the resolutions and decisions adopted by the National Conference. Until a Transitional Assembly (TA) assumes its responsibilities and sets up a Transitional Government (TG), the NCS will be the highest authority to guide expert studies and formulations of social, political and economic policies that would best serve the people of Eritrea during the transitional period. It will also ensure that the aims and spirit of the NC are upheld and implemented by the EB.

The lifetime of NCS will be restricted to two years maximum. If the regime is not removed from its grip of power within two years, the NC shall convene to review strategies and elect a new NCS. The NCS will have legal existence for the pre-transition period - the period beginning from the adjourning of the NC up to the official opening of the TA - the beginning of the actual transition period.  Beyond the maximum of two-years - in Diaspora, the duration of the NCS’s authority, i.e. after the actual transition period, will not exceed a maximum period of 3 months past the resignation or removal of the present regime.

Other explicit duties and responsibilities of the NCS will be as follows:

• To appoint an Executive Board (EB) which will manage the day-to-day affairs until a Transitional Government (TG) is established.

• To help, in cooperation with the EB, ensure the formation of the Transitional Assembly (TA) by the Second National Conference inside the country.

• To create a peaceful and conducive political environment so that the people of Eritrea can fully participate in the political deliberations of the transition process.

• To hold either a face-to-face or remote conference at least once every quarter, but should meet at least once every year in person.

• To guide and monitor the work of the EB on a preset schedule and by calling an extraordinary meeting when circumstances warrant. NCS meeting will have a quorum which consists of a minimum of 2/3 of NCS members.

• To make all its decisions on the basis of 2/3 majority vote of a quorum present and voting.

The Executive Board (EB)

The NCS will appoint individuals to the Executive Board. The EB, whose membership size is to be determined by the NCS, will consist of highly respected and able professionals. Satisfactory and reasonable salary and allowance will be provided to the EB team when possible by the NCS.

The EB will:

• Implement the policies of the organization and execute the decisions made by the NCS on a daily basis.

• Report to the NCS, to which it is accountable.

• Lead the struggle for democracy until the regime is changed.

• Establish various committees and sub-committees as the needs arise. The EB will also appoint the members of the different committees and subcommittees and will guide and monitor their work.

• Have a lifetime of two years maximum and its decisions are made on 2/3 majority vote basis.

• Cease to exist with the establishment of the TG by the TA.

Independent Auditing Board (IAB)

The work of the NCS and EB is going to necessitate the solicitation of funds and the incorporation of an independent auditing structure.

• IAB will be appointed at the National Conference and they will report to the National Conference.

• IAB will work in close cooperation with the EB.

• The work of the IAB will adhere to international standards.

The Group of Experts (GE)

The GE unit will be composed of Eritrean and non-Eritrean experts. It will also include experienced and knowledgeable volunteers who will be asked to tackle specific tasks with regards to specific issues. Members of the GE will be appointed by the EB.

• The GE will provide ideas, comments and advice as requested by either the EB or its committees on various issues. Above all, it shall have a solid team of experts that drafts a transition constitution for use in the transition period until a permanent constitution is put to a popular referendum.

• It will pursue its tasks within the principles and interests of NC.

• The EB will closely liaise with the members of the GE with regards to all aspects of the tasks.

• The EB will consider requests for allocation by the members of GE.

• The GE will study and provide advice to the EB on matters related to security, economy, foreign relations, public administration, and educational policies and on any other issues as required.

The Transitional Assembly (TA)

The NCS, at the time of transition (as soon as the authoritarian regime’s surrender of political power becomes eminent), will organize and supervise the setting up of the TA. This body will be a broadly based and a diversified-transitional organ. The TA will reflect the widest cross section of the Eritrean society. The TA, as it will be an un-elected transitional institution, will be constituted for a specifically agreed period of time - a maximum of two years.

 The Transitional Assembly (TA) will:

• Function as a transitional legislative body, decreeing laws and controlling the budget during the transition.

• Carry out a thorough deliberation of the ratified Constitution and execute the resulting decisions.

• Organize a referendum on constitutional issues that cannot be settled within its tenure.

• Draft, deliberate and approve Party Laws.

• Draft, deliberate, and approve Election Laws.

• Organize the first democratic election of the Eritrean government (Legislative and Executive branch of government).

• Organize the establishment of an independent human rights commission.

• Elect its officers at its first meeting and conclude its work by handing over power to a popularly elected National Assembly.

The Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG)

As its first priority, the TA will organize the appointment of an Executive Board for the transitional period to run the routine affairs of the nation. This will be known as the Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG). ETG will be organized in such a way that it will be ready to automatically assume the day to day running of the government’s affairs under the supervision and with the cooperation of the TA.

ETG’s mandate ends upon the formation of a popularly elected National Assembly and the establishment of a Democratic Government, reflecting the outcome of the first National Assembly election.

ETG will:

• Be composed of educated and experienced professionals whose allegiance is not to the political parties but to the State of Eritrea. The vision is to establish a Government of Technocrats.

• Keep stability and build national institutions until a democratically elected government assumes power.

• Will study and implement means that will jump-start the economy.

Independent Task Committees (ITC)

The NC will authorize the formation of ITCs that will supply the necessary expertise and consultation in the process leading up to the beginning of the transition period. These task committees will cease to exist as soon as the Transitional Assembly is officially formed.  The TA can reactivate these committees at its own discretion.

To name few committees:

• A Public Relations Committee (PRC): to promote harmony and goodwill toward the Transitional Plan within the various players and the international community.

• Independent Auditing Board (IAB): See p. 17. IAB will be appointed by the National Conference.

• Group of Experts (GP): See p. 17. The GP will be composed of technocrats and experts appointed by the EB to address specific issues and contend with difficult subject matters.

• Free Press Committee (FPC): a committee set up by the EB to promote the revival and redeployment of a vigorous free and independent press which will eventually be an integral part of the transitional process.

• Independent Human Right Commission (IHRC):  a committee set up to coordinate the efforts of human rights activists, help facilitate and direct the future establishment of an independent  human rights institution.

• Reconciliation Committee (RC): a committee that will be tasked to study the causes and effects of the many differences and estrangements that exist between various groups of the Eritrean society. The RC will present its recommendations to the EB and then work towards harmonizing the differences.

Elections and Referendum

Until the establishment of an elected parliament, referendum can be held to settle open constitutional questions where the politicians could not reach agreements at earlier attempts. With the establishment of a democratic Eritrea, interested groups should have the right to voice their wishes including a call for referendums following established procedures and laws.

The TA and the ETG shall prepare all necessary logistics for the election and referendum i.e. Election laws, voter registration process, voter education, formation of electoral commission, arrangements for free participation of all political parties, unhindered participation of voters, facilitating means of communications, transportation, funding, security, assistance to the disabled …etc.

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), which will be established by the TA, will:

• Organize the process to freely elect the first Assembly in accordance with the Eritrean Constitution.

• Examine situations where special laws will be required to conduct free elections and without any pressure.

• Would be mandated to develop, with help from the international community, laws and a system of governance that are straight forward.

• Make the electoral process easily accessible to all citizens.

IEC’s mandate will cease to exist upon the establishment of a democratically elected government. The new National Assembly will legislate the necessary laws to establish the IEC as a permanent institution.

National Security

In the interest of national security, it is important that members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) and Police be given the assurance of their safety and respect for their basic rights so they embrace the peaceful change and become part of the process and not against it.  During the transition period, the TA will select a qualified civilian to the office of the Transitional Defense Minister (TDM) in order to depoliticize and institutionalize the army. 

The Transitional Defense Ministry, with the consultation of the Transitional Cabinet, will guide the integration, de-politicization, and modernization of the forces.

The ETG will:

• Prepare studies outlining the benefits and disadvantages of having a professional army, a mandatory national service or a combination of the two options.

• Take into consideration how to restructure and reorganize the national militia. 

• Urgently incorporate military organs of the opposition groups into the national defense forces.

• Ensure that the police force is led by Transitional Civilian Commissioner (TCC) until the police force is reorganized.

• Provide broad reorientation and retraining of the police force that highlights the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights to the policing process.

• Ensure the development of a culture of cooperation between the civilians and the police by establishing a National Police and Civilian Relations Board (NPCRB) to facilitate the necessary progress towards better working relationships.

The Economy

In order to transform the devastated, highly centralized and PFDJ-controlled economy to a free market economy, one of the primary duties of the ETG will be to launch debates and formulate policies based on the studies submitted by the GE and ITC.

In order to do this both the EB and later the ETG will work together with international institutions such as IMF, UN and World Bank etc. in order to inform them of the complex challenges and solicit their direct input and advice in rehabilitating the Eritrean economy.

Demobilization

ETG will assume the responsibility of demobilizing hundreds of thousands of members of the armed forces and helping them join their families and reintegrate them into society.

One of the GE committees will be expected to study the proposal provided by the international community concerning demobilization and conduct further studies of its own before submitting its findings to the ETG.

ETG will:

• Make basic necessities available to the demobilized and their families in order to help them integrate into the society.

• Provide training and employment opportunities.

• Solicit financial and other aid from the international community to facilitate the transition.

Civil Services

The foundation of the future Eritrean Civil Service should be based upon the establishment of a merit-based civil servant system that promotes highly qualified and dedicated individuals. Civil Service should assume its rightful place in the Eritrean society and every endeavor should be made for the public to respect and appreciate the benefits of civil service to society. In order to enhance the works of the politicians and policy makers, the civil servants will be expected to maintain a high standard of cooperation, integrity and work ethic.

During the transition period, the ETG must make sure that:

• Government services are not interrupted.

• The structure of the present Civil Servants remain intact until necessary changes are implemented.

• All civil servants are paid their salaries on time.

• Civil servants continue to collect revenues, and make sure all proper fees and taxes are collected.

• Funds are made available to mitigate the financial squeeze for the first twelve months.

Judiciary

Justice and the rule of law should be the foundation of a future Eritrea. To this end, the setting up of an independent, professional and competent judiciary is paramount.  A comprehensive study should be commissioned and presented to TA for ratification with a proposal for a way forward.  Intellectual and material support should be sought from the international community to facilitate the development of the justice system.

The judiciary should:

• Employ judges who are highly skilled and non-partisan in their dispensation of justice.

• Have a system that is fair, transparent and accessible to all citizens.

• Set up a system that is trusted by the general public.

• Provide no room for special courts that function outside its legal perimeter.

• See that justice is served in time without any delays.

The Diaspora

The ETG will reach out to the vast Eritrean communities presently residing around the world in order to revive the historic commitment and engagement of Diaspora in the affairs of their young nation. The ETG will devise a mechanism that will encourage those in the Diaspora to invest their knowledge, experiences, skills and talents in multitude of ways to help both the transition process as well as the overall effort of constructing a democratic society.

Since the size of the Diaspora is quite large, the ETG will make use of their expertise and experiences in various ways that will promote the reconstruction, maintenance and development processes of Eritrea. 

The ETG will:

• Send delegates to all parts of Africa, Europe, America, the Middle East and Australia to conduct face to face dialogues with the Diaspora community about the transition process and to solicit political, material and moral support for the transition.

• Create incentives for the Diaspora to actively participate in the social, economic and political development of Eritrea.

• Persuade them to invest knowledge as well as financial capital in Eritrea.

• Encourage the Diaspora to function as good ambassadors and as bridges to connect Eritrea with the outside world.

• Send envoys abroad to consult with the Diaspora regarding the economy, politics, justice and other components that make up a nation.

• Dispatch various groups to explore knowledge, creativity and fresh ideas that exist amidst Eritrean citizens living abroad.

• Recognize and respect the achievements of the Diaspora and use their successes in setting up models for the present and coming generation.

Foreign Relations

Eritrea will be a serious and responsible member of the world community once the proposed changes take effect. It is unfortunate that the current regime’s foreign policy has isolated Eritrea. The nation’s foreign policy should be based on respect for the sovereignty and independence of all states located in close proximity to and far from Eritrea. The policy is to promote the interests of global peace, trade, cooperation, stability and orderly development.

The ETG, as its priority, should make the effort to:  

• Mend the strained relationships with our immediate neighbors.

• Pronounce and publicize widely to the world that the new government is democratic and will lead the country to peace and prosperity.

• Solicit the assistance of all friendly countries and international bodies to help the country jumpstart its economy.

• Request for the allocation of funds for immediate use of alleviating poverty.

• Dispatch delegates all over the world to explain the plans and aims of ETG.

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)

By Woldeyesus Ammar

In spite of the utterly nonsensical chatter of ill-informed and ill-intentioned naysayers of all shades and colors, the consultative conference held in Nairobi, Kenya, late  last month was another positive attempt - and the right step - towards consolidating the fragmented Eritrean opposition in the diaspora.  It indeed  was yet another occasion in which:

• the weaknesses and strengths of both the regime and the opposition were carefully scrutinized;  
• the challenges for political transition with possible scenarios were studied;
•  all the shared visions were analyzed; and finally
• the key question of what is to be done to reorganize oneself to dislodge the dictatorial regime and to embark on a peaceful and healthy transition to the much dreamt of democratic rule was carefully dealt and acted upon.

This writer had the opportunity of being one of the panelists on the subject of political transitions and the hurdles encountered by nations while struggling to remove dictatorships and then finding a suitable path to democracy and the rule of law. (To cut the long story short, published below are the introductory notes I had the occasion to summarize the subject matter. The full text of the EPDP Transition Plan submitted to Eritrean organizations over six years will be released in a separate posting).Good reading.

  Talking points on

Transitional Political Processes and

Structures Towards Democratic Change in Eritrea

National Consultative Conference, Nairobi, 27-29 Nov. 2015

Introductory note

Due to understandable time constraint, I am mainly raising for discussion at this workshop not a researched paper but an old draft transition plan for Eritrea that we (parties that formed today's EPDP) addressed for consideration by an Eritrean political workshop in July 2009 and again in February 2010. But, alas, that draft was not  considered by those concerned. (See the Arabic, English and Tigrigna versions of the draft Transition Plan for Eritrea (TPE) in separate attachments).

But before introducing and opening discussion on that draft plan, let me say a few general things about Africa and Eritrea in connection with political transitions which usually prove complex because real transitions require the destruction of an existing authoritarianism and the construction of a new democratic order with viable institutions.

Africa

"Second liberation" is the term some African writers use  in describing  a political transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic system of governance. But political transitions are country/society specific:  one case is different from the other because every country or society has its own unique experiences, history, social characteristics and other challenges that need to be addressed in a transition process which can be influenced also by external factors.

A quick reading of the African scene shows that the vast majority of the independent states fell and remained for up to 30 years under authoritarian  one-party, one-man or military regimes. Why?

• The historical dominance of traditional African chiefs;
• The idea of demographic majority-rule;
• The excuses of defending national unity from tribal/regional disorder;
• Using ideology to justify control;
• The claimed preference of 'strong rulers' for fast economic development etc

 were among the arguments raised in support of continuing  authoritarianism in Africa. As we can recall,  many "founding fathers" of the new states, and former liberation movements monopolized power. Competition and participation of the civil society were suppressed. Rulers became "presidents for life".

Cold War and Political Transitions in Africa: A period of political transition towards democracy in Africa was ushered in supported by an  important external factor: the end of the Cold War. One writer tells that the whole of Africa counted only one election per year for the long period between 1960 and 1989, while the period 1990 to 2012 in average witnessed seven elections per year.  In 1991, there were 86 violent protests calling for change and democratization. As a result, 28 countries held elections within a few years; 13 rulers were defeated in elections. It was a promising start but  many reversals and backsliding occurred in many cases. (By 1991, Eritrea was dancing in euphoria for its hard-won victory while the rest of Africa had enough with  authoritarian  leaders!).

Political transitions in Africa took different paths, including the following:   

• Military coup d'états (now discredited by AU);
• National Conferences (many instances in West Africa);
• Leaders who accepted to be part of the transition, see the case of BeninPopular revolutions/uprisings (Ethiopia/Tunisia);
  • Negotiated Settlements (Zimbabwe/Namibia/S. Africa). 

The case of Benin in 1989 and the transition in Chile allowed the rulers to continue in the transition processes which finally worked against the dictators. In the ChileanIncrease capacity to identify triggers of violence;

1. Increase opportunities for reducing tensions;
2. Have positive relations with civil society, policy makers, regional and international bodies;
3. Create wide awareness on the need of peaceful political transition.

Identifying the suitable path  to political transition and increasing capacity in managing possible occurrence of violence in the transition to post-dictatorship Eritrea are the challenges and uphill tasks awaiting Eritrean forces struggling for democratic change.

Eritrea

Since every society has its unique features, discussing political transition in Eritrea will no doubt necessitate giving due attention to the country's social and historical background, probably with more emphasis on important socio-political developments experienced, say, during the  1940s-50s,   as well as during the 30-year liberation struggle and the past 24 years under the one-man/one party rule.  In today's discussion, one can only state that transition from dictatorship to democratic rule in Eritrea  will be affected  by a number of factors including the following:  

• The absence of democratic tradition,  and a trustworthy  elite that can lead the way ("how do you build democracy without democrats?", as someone put it);
• The ethno-linguistic, religious,  cultural/geographical diversity; 
• The ingrained military mentality;
• Lingering political divisions and mutual mistrust which still require reconciliation;
• Mistrust of neighbours, especially of Ethiopia;
• The low level of education and political awareness of the average citizen, etc.

And as noted earlier, soul-searching and self-examination by raising such factors, and continually dialoguing (as the Chilean forces of change did - see footnote 2) on  how to manage them will be helpful in our case.  

In Eritrea, the immediate scenarios for change may include:

1. A military coup by senior commanders for continuation of PFDJ rule, with the most likely gesture of  inviting former PFDJ colleagues of its preference, and promising to rule under the 1997 constitution;
2. Rival army commanders can start in-fighting and cause civil war;
3. Younger army officers with lower PFDJ cadres, and may most likely invite the entire fragmented opposition outside Eritrea which is not in a position to help them or contribute positively;
4. An internal army faction taking over with support of neighbouring country/ies.
5. A massive people's uprising may put pressure for a democratic change.

Most of these scenarios (mainly my scenarios) are likely to invite more disaster. It is true that some of us in the opposition camp, including the EPDP,  would prefer change by a popular uprising and hope it will take place. But the fifth scenario requires a degree of liberalization, even limited,  under a dictatorship.  Assuming that minimum change is obtained from the current leader or his successors, then popular uprising supported by all segments of the population could be envisaged. For this to be a reality, factors like the following need to be in place:

• Presence of democratic struggle/organization inside the homeland;
• United diaspora force that can convey a coherent and correct message (and not one telling our people that we are two or nine peoples);
• International sympathy to regime change as well as support to the opposition by  regional international organizations;
• Favourable attitude to change by Eritrea's neighbours.

Only to emphasize, a reassuring and long-lasting democratic change in Eritrea has to come through a non-violent struggle that facilitates the widest participation possible. The creation of an inclusive national umbrella that is attractive enough to embrace the young generation and women both in the country and abroad becomes critically important. (On its part, the EPDP aspires to create short- and long-term political alliances to achieve its goal of establishing a democratic, stable and prosperous state.)    

Usually,  many of us say: 'we are where we are because the start in 1991 was not inclusive'.  It indeed was part of the old winner take all mentality of one-party systems. Today, fighting this lingering mentality and attitude of excluding others and,  instead, creating trust among all actors is a big challenge facing us.  As the paragraph below will indicate, we in the EPDP believe that adopting a national charter as of now; confirming that we will start the new phase with the formation of  a national unity government for a specified duration, and launching a healing and reconciliation mechanism in that process will be reassuring to all stakeholders as of now.

The Transitional Plan for Eritrea

As noted in the opening paragraph, it was in June 2009 that the then Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) and the Eritrean People's Party (EPP), both active members of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) at the time,  agreed to submit a draft transition plan for consideration by the EDA at its workshop held in Addis Ababa in July 2009. When the EPDP was created by a merger of related parties, the document was again submitted in February 2010 to the EDA  leaders for their consideration before holding the famous "hagerawi waela" that later took place in the summer of  2010. To cut a long story short, the draft Transition Plan for Eritrea included two phase.

Phase I

Phase one or the pre-transitional plan has the following components:

1. Calling for a broad-based  National Conference in the diaspora to lay down the transition process in a National Charter.
2. The first National Conference in diaspora to elect a leadership (National Council of Shimageles - NCS) as highest authority to guide the transition.
3. The NCS to form an Executive Board (EB) that would be tasked to implement the National Charter.
4. Task Forces would prepare various drafts on pre-regime downfall activities and for future use.

Phase II

5. The NCS and its executive body, the EB, [together with additional members representatives from inside the country as the need arises], to replace the removed regime and function as the supreme authority in the early phases of the  transition period and call the second National Conference
6.  The second National Conference would elect Transitional Assembly.
7. The Transitional Assembly would form a Transitional Government of technocrats for a limited duration.

 Guiding Principles of the transition plan: "the spirit of peace, justice, human rights".

• Every citizen to have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to this transition.
• Citizens to be ensured that the process is legal and peaceful.
• The independence and territorial integrity of the state are firmly secure.
• The transitional period not to exceed two years.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1]  The case of Mathieu Kerekou of Benin is a good example of an African leader allowing transition through concession. Following repeated protests in 1989, Kerekou dropped ideological commitment to Marxism; made concessions; called for a National Reconciliation Conference which worked against him. He was vilified and begged for amnesty which was given him. A new constitution was adopted. He lost in elections. That was a landmark transition to democracy in Africa.

[1]  As we know, Chile was under dictatorship between 1973 and 1990. Although Chile had a long tradition in democracy and possessed a sizable middle class, we can still learn some lessons from their case in transition. 1. As in the Eritrean case of today, the Chilean opposition suffered of fragmentation. As of 1984, the democratic forces engaged in "thousands" of meetings and seminars and these finally helped them to agree on what should be done. 2. They agreed on a path to transition, a legal foundation: to  reform and use Agustino Pinochet's constitution. Then started laying down details of future state structures.  3.  They agreed to be careful in long-term institutions: dictators can leave their marks in laws, procedures, personalities. 4. Democracy has to mean peace and order.  Show ability to prevent emergence of violence. (In the Eritrean case there is war-fatigue because of what happened in the past 54 years and people look for peace and order first). 5. Solid action on economic growth 6. Democracy should mean justice. Rule of law and representation. prepare to establish truth, investigate human rights violations through effective mechanisms. 

1. تعيش إرتريا في ظل دكتاتورية اِستبدادية شديدة المركزية. حيث لا يوجد دستور في البلاد، ولم تُجر أي إنتخابات برلمانية، على المستويين المحلى والعام، تاركةً البلاد دون هيئة تشريعية أو حكومة تتمتع بتمثيل حقيقي. هناك غياب كُلي لحكم القانون، وإنتهاك صارخ لحقوق الإنسان الأساسية؛ وسحق لأي معارضة. والنظام يستمر في سجن وتعذيب وإعدام المعارضين مع الإفلات من العقاب. وإقتصاد مُحتكر أدى إلى حالة من الفوضى والبطالة والفقر المدقع. وأضحى التجنيد الإجباري مفروضًا على الكثير من الشباب، الذين يُجبرون على أعمال السخرة من أجل بقاء واستمرار الدكتاتورية والخوض في حروبها التي لا تنتهي. فلذلك يهرب الشباب بأعداد كبير من البلاد، ويخاطرون بأرواحهم بحثًا عن الأمان ورغبةً في إعالة أنفسهم وأسرهم، ويصبحون عبئًا على البلدان المضيفة.

2.  تتزايد المعارضة للنظام في الداخل وفي الشتات. وبالرغم من الجهود المبذولة للربط بينهما وتشكيل تحالف أكثر تماسكًا لمعارضة الشتات، فإنّه يتعين القيام بالمزيد والكثير في سبيل أن تؤتى هذه الجهود ثمارها، والتأكيد من أنّ سقوطًا وشيكًا للنظام الدكتاتوري لا يؤدي إلى فراغ سياسي وإنهيار داخلي.

3.  وعلى ضوه، انعقد الملتقى الوطني التشاوري، في الفترة ما بين 27 و 29  من نوفمبر 2015، بالعاصمة الكينية نيروبي، حيث استعرض الوضع السائد في البلاد، وناقش بعمق القضايا التالية:-

3.1  نقاط القوة والضعف في النظام والمعارضة.

3.2  تحديات ومعوقات تغيير النظام والسيناريوهات المحتملة.

3.3  دعم الجهود لتعزيز الوحدة الوطنية.

3.4  خلق إطار للعمل المشترك ومواجهة التحديات.

4.  وإدراكًا لحاجة كل التنظيمات الوطنية المعارضة في المهجر والداخل  للإلتحام حول برنامج عمل سياسي مشترك، اتفق المشاركون للعمل معًا على:

4.1  حماية سيادة ووحدة أراضي دولة إرتريا.

4.2  توجيه جهود كل القوى الوطنية الديمقراطية من أجل تحقيق الأهداف.

4.3  استبدال النظام الدكتاتوري بحكومة دستورية.

4.4  وضع التدابير اللازمة لضمان الإنتقال المُنظّم.

4.5  تشكيل هئية تَواصُل تعمل على:

أ-  صياغة رؤية مشتركة وبرنامج عمل، بالتشاور مع التنظيمات السياسية، من أجل إنتقال سلس إلى نظام ديمقراطي.

ب-  التحضير للإجتماع القادم الشامل لجميع التنظيمات المعارضة لمناقشة السبل والوسائل الكفيلة بتسريع التحوّل الديمقراطي.

المشاركون في الملتقى:-

1-  جبهة التحرير الإرترية

2-  جبهة الإنقاذ الوطني الإرترية 

3-  حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الإرتري

4- الحزبالديمقراطي الإرتري                    
5-  حزب النهضة الإرتري                                                    
6-  الجبهة الديمقراطية للوحدة الإرترية 

7-  حزب المؤتمر الإرتري

8-  حركة الإصلاح الإسلامي الإرترية

9-  الحزب الإسلامي الإرتري للعدالة والتنمية

10- المؤتمر الإسلامي الإرتري

11- الحركة الفدرالية الديمقراطية الإرترية

12- المنتدى الوطني للحوار

الملتقى الوطني التشاوري 

نيروبي، كينيا -29 نوفمبر 2015

عقدت دائرة شؤون الشباب بالمكتب التنفيذي لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري اجتماعها الدوري الرابع في الثاني والعشرين من نوفمبر 2015م، هذا وبعد مناقشة وتقييم عمل الدورة المنصرمة ناقش المجتمعون بند الاجتماع الرئيسي المتمثل في ( أسباب غياب الشباب عن ساحات النضال الذي يجري لإنقاذ الوطن ).

عدَّدَ الاجتماع موانع كثيرة ومتنوعة تحجب الشباب عن المشاركة النضالية إلا أنه رأى أن معرفة الأسباب الحقيقية والرئيسية لذلك الغياب لن تتسنـَّـى إلا بالتقاء الشباب أنفسهم والقيام بتنظيم استبيانات في أوساطهم. وللقيام بهذه المهمة كلف الاجتماع لجنة من خمسة أشخاص لدراسة الظاهرة بالتعاون والتنسيق مع مختلف الجهات المعنية بأمر الشباب بغض النظر عن الموقع التنظيمي والانتماء الفكري.

من جهةٍ أخرى أجمع الحضور أن السبب الرئيس لهذا الغياب يرجع الي انشغال الشباب بأنفسهم وترتيب أوضاعهم الشخصية ومعاشهم اليومي وما يعانونه في سبيل ذلك من مصاعب مما أدى الي شغلهم عن أية قضايا أخرى. ومن ثم اتفق المجتمعون علي أن يبذل الكل جهده من أجل رفع إسهام الشباب في النضال دون التفرقة بينهم من حيث الانتماء التنظيمي أو الديني ...الخ. علي أن يكون علي رأس تلك المجهودات توعية وإرشاد القادمين الجدد من الشباب عبر إعطائهم الكورسات المكثفة عن سبل كسب العيش ومعايشة المجتمعات التي يتواجدون في أوساطها. واتفقت المناقشات علي ضرورة إنفاذ هذا البرنامج الإرشادي بالتعاون مع جميع الشباب من شتى المشارب السياسية والتنظيمية.

ብልቢ እነፍቕሮን ዘፍቅረናን ሓውና፡ ኣቦና ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ብሞት ካብ ዝፍለየና ኣብዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘሎና ወርሒ  ዓሰርተ ዓመቱ ከቑጽር  ኢዩ። እዚ ካብ ግዜ ንእስነቱ ጀሚሩ፡ ደኺመ ከይበለ፡ ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ፡ ምእንቲ ራህዋን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ህዝቡን ሃገሩን ዝተቓለሰ ሓውን ኣቦን፡ ብኣካል ካባና ይፈለ`ምበር ስራሑን ሞያኡን ታሪኹን ምሳና ብምህላዉ ሕቡናት ኢና።

ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ብመደብ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ እዋን ኢዩ፡ ብ17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ብሃንደበት፡ ብሕማም ልቢ ካብዛ ዓለም ተፈልዩ። ኣስከሬኑ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ሆላንድ ብምምጻእ ቤተ-ሰቡን ደቁን ብዙሓት መቃልስቱን ፈተውቱን ኣብ ዝተረኽብሉ ብ30 ታሕሳስ 2005 ኣብ ፍላርዲንገን ከባቢ ሮተርዳም ሓመድ ኣዳም ለቢሱ።

ብኣጋጣሚ ናይ ዓሰርተ ዓመቱ፡ ንእነፍቅሮ ኣቦናን ሓውናን ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል እንዝክረሉ መደብ፡ ንቀዳም 19 ታሕሳስ 2015 ኣዳሊና ስለዘሎና፡ ኣብዚ መዓልቲ ዚ ምሳና ክትውዕሉን ዘሎኩም ዝኽሪታት ከተካፍሉን ንኩሉኹም ፈተውትን መቃልስትን ስውእ ስዩም ብክብሪ ንዕድመኩም።

ስዉእና እንዝክረሉ መዓልቲ፡ ንታሪኽ ሂወቱ ዘንጸባርቕ  ዝተፈላለየ መደባት ተሰሪዕሉ ኣሎ። እቲ መደባት ብከምዚ ኣብ ታሕቲ ተዘርዚሩ ዘሎ ክካየድ ኢዩ።

ኣድራሻ መካነ-መቓብር                         ኣድራሻ መደባት ዝካየደሉ ህንጻ

ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽኒያት ኣብቲ መዓልቲ ብኣካል ክርከብ ዘይክእል፡ ብመልእኽቱ ክራኸብ ይኽእል ኢዩ። እትራኸብሉ ኣድራሻ ኢመይል This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. (ኣይዳ ስዩም)

ብሰላም ምጽኡ

ስድራ ቤት ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዕቕባሚካኤል

Memorial Service and get-together on 10th anniversary of the martyrdom of

Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestay) on 19th December 2015 in Holland

Dear family and friends,

Saturday 19th December 2015 will be a special day. A day on which we’ll take the time to remember and celebrate the life of our beloved Seyoum. We kindly invite you to join us.

Please refer to the details stated below and email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. if you’d like to be included in the programme.

Locations

Cemetery [From 11:00-11.30]	Remembrance Service [Start 12.00]
Begraafplaats Holy Olmendreef 150 3137 CR Vlaardingen	De Windwijzer Schiedamseweg 95 3134 BD Vlaardingen

Programme

Keynote speaker Woldeyesus Ammar

1፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ዲክታቶርያዊ እዩ። ኣብታ ሃገር ሕገ-መንግስቲ የለን። ብደረጃ ሃገር ኮነ ከባቢ ዝካየድ ፓርላሜንታዊ ምርጫ የለን። ከምዚ ብምዃኑ ህዝቢ ዝውክል ሓጋጊ ኣካል የለን። ስርዓተ-ሕጊ የለን። ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኣይክበርን እዩ። ናይ ምቅዋም መሰል እውን የለን። እቲ ዲክታተርያዊ ስርዓት ይቃወሙኒ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዝብሎም ኣካላት ዘካይዶ ማእሰርቲ፡ ስቓይን ቅትለትን ቀጻሊ ኣሎ። ኣብ እታ ሃገር ዘሎ ምእኩል ፖሊሲ ቁጠባ ብቀጥዒ ዘየብሉ ስራሕ ኣልቦነትን ድኽነትን ዝግለጽ እዩ። መወዳእታ ብዘየብሉ ግዱድ ዕስክርና መንእሰያት ነቲ ዲክታቶር ከገልግሉን መወዳእታ ንዘየብሉ ዝኸፍቶ ውግኣቱ ዝተፈርድሉ እዩ። መንእሰያት ካብዚ ንምድሓን ብብዝሒ ሃገሮም ገዲፎም፡ ንህይወቶም ውሕስነት ብዘየብሉ ጉዕዞ፡ ህይወቶም ንምድሓንን ናይ ምንባር ቀጻልነቶም ንምርግጋጽን ይስደዱ ኣለዉ። እዚ ስደት ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ነተን ዝቅበላ ሃገራት እውን ሰከም ኮይኑወን ዘሎ እዩ።

2፡ ተቓውሞ ኣንጻርዚ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ኮነ ኣብ ወጻኢ ይዓቢ ኣሎ። እቲ ንክልቲኡ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሓይልታት ንምውህሃድ ዝግበር ዘሎ ቃልሲ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ነዚ መስርሕ ፈጺምካ ኣብቲ ዘድለ ውጽኢት ንምብጻሕን ውድቀት ናይቲ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ሃጓፍ ብዘይፈጥር ንምዕዋትን ጌና ቀጻሊ ጻዕሪ ዝሓትት እዩ።

3፡ እቲ ኣብ ናይሮቢ ኣብ 27-29 ሕዳር 2015 ዝተኻየድ ሃገራዊ ምምኽኻራዊ ኮንፈረንስ፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ካለኦት ጉዳያትን ዘትዩ እዩ። ማለት

3፡1 ሓያልን ድኹምን ጐድኒ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓትን ተቓውሞን።

3፡2 ስርዓት ኣብ ምቕያር ዘሎ ብደሆታትን ከጋጥሙ ዝኽእሉ ተኽእሎታትን;

3፡3 ቀጻልን ዝሓየለን ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ምርግጋጽ

3፡4 ሓቢርካ ነቶም ብደሆታት ንምምካት ዘኽእል መስርሕ ምዝርጋሕ

4፡ ተሳተፍቲ እዚ ሃገራዊ ምምኽኻራዊ ኮንፈረንስ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ዘሎ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ፖለቲካዊ መድረኽ ንምምጽኡ ዘለዎ ኣድላይነት ብምርዳእ ብሓደ ክሰርሑ ተሰማሚዖም። ማለት

4፡1 ምሕላው ልኡላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ሓድነት ሃገረ ኤርትራ

4፡2 ናይ ኩሎም ደገፍቲ ደሞክራሲ ሃገራውያን ሓይልታት ኣስተዋጸኦ ናብ ናይ ሓባር ዕማም ከም ዘተኩር ምግባር።

4፡3 ነዚ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ብሕገመንግስታዊ ስርዓት ምትክኡ።

4፡4 ስሩዕ ምስግጋር ንምርግጋጽ ኣድላይ ዘበለ ስጉምትታት ምውሳድ

4፡5 ግዝያዊት ናይ ርክብ ኣካል ምቛም

ሀ፡ምስ ኵሎም ተቓወምቲ ብምርኻብ መድረኽ ምስግጋር ብልሙጽ ኣገባብ ንምክያድ ዘኽእል ሓባራዊ ራእን ሓባራዊ ናይ ትግባረ መደብን ምቕራጽን ምትግባርን፤

ለ. መስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ንምቅልጣፍ ኵሎም ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ዝካፈልሉ ኣኼባ ምድላው።

5፡ ኣብ'ዚ ኣኼባ'ዚ እተሳተፉ ውድባት፦

1. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

2. ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ

3. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ

4. ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ

5. ሰልፊ ናህዳ ኤርትራ

6. ፈደራላዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓስ ኤርትራ

7. ኤርትራዊ እስላማዊ ሰልፊ ንፍትሕን ልምዓትን

8. ሰልፊ ጕባኤ ኤርትራ (ስትራተጂ ዓዲ)

9. እስላማዊ ህዝባዊ ጕባኤ ( እስላሕ)

10 ኤርትራዊ እስላማዊ ጕባኤ

11. ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ መድረኽ ንዘተ

12. ዲሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ንሓደነት ኤርትራ (ሳግም)

ናይሮቢ 29 ሕዳር 2015

1. A highly centralised authoritarian dictatorship exists in Eritrea. No constitution exists in the country, and there have never been any parliamentary elections, whether local or national, leaving the country with no legislative body or representative government. Rule of law is absent; basic human rights are denied; and any dissent is crushed. The regime continues to imprison, torture and execute opponents with impunity. The command economy is in shambles, accompanied by mass unemployment and extreme poverty. Compulsory conscription has become the lot of the youth, who are forced to toil for life for the dictatorship and fight its unending wars. The youth are fleeing the country in droves, risking their lives to seek safety and the means to sustain themselves and their families, thus becoming burdens to host countries.

2. Opposition to the regime is growing at home and in the Diaspora. However, despite commendable efforts to build a stronger linkage between the two and to forge a more coherent coalition of the diaspora opposition, much more needs to be done to bring these efforts to fruition and ensure that the imminent downfall of the dictatorial regime does not lead to political vacuum and internal implosion.

3. The National Consultative Conference (NCC), held in Nairobi on 27-29 November 2015, deliberated on the prevailing situation in the country and, more specifically, discussed:

3.1 The strengths and weaknesses of the Eritrean regime and the opposition;

3.2 The challenges and dilemmas of regime change and possible scenarios of transition;

3.3 Sustaining and further strengthening national unity;

3.4 A framework to address the challenges of working together;

4. Convinced of the need for all opposition organisations in the Diaspora and inside the country to coalesce around a common political platform, the participants of the NCC agreed to work together to:

4.1 Safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Eritrea;

4.2 Channel efforts of all national pro-democracy forces towards the pursuit of the common purpose;

4.3 Replace the dictatorial regime with a constitutional government;

4.4 Draw up the necessary measures to ensure an orderly transition; and

4.5 Establish an Ad-hoc Contact Organ to:

a. Draft a common vision and program of action, in close consultation with political organisations, for a smooth transition to a democratic order.

b. Prepare for the next all-inclusive meeting of opposition organisations to discuss ways and means to accelerate democratic transition.

5. List of participating organisations:

1. Eritrean Liberation Front

2. Eritrean National Salvation Front

3. Eritrean Peoples’ Democratic Party

4. Eritrean Democratic Party

5. Eritrean Nahda Party

6. Democratic Front for Eritrean Unity

7. Eritrean Congress Party

8. Eritrean Islamic Islah Movement

9. Eritrean Islamic Congress

10. Eritrean Islamic Party for Justic & Development

11. Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement

12. National Forum for Dialogue

Nairobi, 29 November 2015

بعد أن تجاوز أعضاء فرع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بجنوب ألمانيا معوقات الحصول علي مقر قاموا بعقد اجتماعهم الدوري بمدينة شتوتغارت في الرابع عشر من نوفمبر 2015م.

ناقش الاجتماع الأجندة التالية:

أ/ تقييم عام لعمل الفرع:

بعد التقييم الشامل لعمل الفرع توصل المجتمعون الي أن الاجتماعات التي تجرى عن بعد عبر الوسائط الالكترونية لم تكن قادرةً علي إنجاز أعمال الفرع علي الوجه المطلوب، لذلك رأى الاجتماع أن الاجتماعات المباشرة أنجع وسيلة لإنجاز الأعمال ومن ثم ضرورة اتباع هذه الوسيلة في عقد الاجتماعات القادمة.

ب/ المهام المشتركة:

بما أن هناك مهام نضالية مشتركة بين كل الناشطين في الحقل النضالي من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي في ارتريا رأى الاجتماع ضرورة تنسيق الفرع مع فروع بقية العاملين في هذا المجال في كل الموضوعات والقضايا المشتركة.

وإنفاذاً لهذا القرار تواً شارك المجتمعون في الأمسية الغنائية المشتركة التي أحيتها فرقة ( إمبي نملكي) ( لا للدكتاتورية ) والتقوا خلالها بعدد من الناشطين السياسيين والمجتمعيين ناقشوا معهم الشأن الارتري العام.  

عقد فرع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بفرانكفورت وضواحيها اجتماعه الدوري في الخامس عشر من نوفمبر 2015م.

افتتح الاجتماع أعماله بكلمة ترحيبية من سكرتير الفرع السيد/ أفورقي كداني، ثم تناول المجتمعون بالمناقشة والتقييم أعمال الفرع خلال الدورة المنصرمة، كما تم تنوير الحضور بمجريات ومخرجات الاجتماع الالكتروني الشامل لعضوية الحزب الذي عقد في السابع من نوفمبر 2015م. 

تناول الاجتماع الفرصة التي أتيحت لوفد قيادة الحزب لحضور ومخاطبة اجتماع البرلمان الأوربي المعقود في التاسع من نوفمبر 2015م والتي تمكن من خلالها من إسماع صوت الحزب المعترض علي منح الاتحاد الأوربي مبلغ 200 مليون يورو للحكومة الارترية لأنها ليست أهلاً لصرفها في مجالي التنمية وتحسين أوضاع حقوق الانسان حسبما يتطلب الغرض الممنوحة له. ثم انتقل الاجتماع لمناقشة أجندته الأخرى.

البند الثاني من أجندة الاجتماع كان مناقشة دور الشباب ومشاركته في النضال من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي وابتدرت المناقشة الأخت/ فيبن قديوون عضو قيادة الفرع وعضو المجلس المركزي للحزب، كما حضر الاجتماع أعضاء قيادة اقليم أوربا ومنطقة ألمانيا.

يجدر بالذكر أنه كان للشباب في هذه الجلسة حضور مكثف، حيث تقدموا الصفوف وأداروا جلسات الاجتماع وساهموا بقوة في المناقشات المتعلقة بدورهم ومشكلاتهم، مما بعث الأمل في النفوس أنهم بالفعل سوف يكونون قادة المستقبل. 

بل أعلنوا أنهم من أشد المعنيين بأمر التغيير لأنه سوف ينهي عذاباتهم وتشردهم الذي تسبب فيه النظام الدكتاتوري الأرعن.

ناقش الاجتماع العديد من مشكلات الشباب وفي ختام ذلك اتفق المجتمعون علي ضرورة التشبث بالأهداف والشعارات التالية: لنتمسك بهويتنا الوطنية، لنعمل علي إيجاد ارتريا التي يسودها السلام والديمقراطية والعدالة، ولنعمل بعد ذلك علي تنمية وتطوير بلادنا. هذا وبعد مناقشاتٍ ثرة وساخنة أنهى الاجتماع جلساته بإحياء ذكرى الشهداء.