ዝኾነ ሰብ ብዛዕባ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ኩለንተናኡ ኮነ ብዛዕባ ካልእ ክዛረበሉ ዝደሊ ዛዕባ ሓሳቡ ናይ ምግላጽ መሰል ኣለዎ። እዚ መሰል’ዚ ሃናጽን ቅቡልን ዝኸውን ግና ናይ ካለኦት ተመሳሳሊ መሰል ዘይጉንጽ ክኸውን እንከሎ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ሓሳብካ ናይ ምግላጽ ሜዳ ከም ናትካ ብሕታዊ ንብረት ወሲድካ ንካለኦት ክትነድሕን ኣፎም ከተትሕዝን ምፍታን ግና ብኹሉ መዕቀኒ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን።

ከምቲ “ናይ ደቂ ሰብ ህይወት በብመልክዑ ብዝግለጽ ፍልልያት ዝተነድቀ እዩ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሰባት ኮነ ብሰባት ዝተነድቀ ትካላት ፍልልያት ክህሉ ግድን እዩ። ሰባት ኣብ ህይወቶም ካብ ዝፍተንሉ ግድላት ሓደ ከኣ ነዚ ፍልልያት’ዚ ከመሓድሩ ምኽኣልን ዘይምኽኣልን እዩ።  ነዚ ፈተና’ዚ ክሓልፉ ዘይከኣሉ ሰባት ከኣ እዮም፡ ጠቃኒ፡ ናግራም፡ ዕቡድ፡ ዘራጊቶ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብል ቅጽል ኣስማት ዝወሃቦም። ኩልና ከምዘይንስሕቶ “ሰላም” ኣብ ዓለምና መወዳድርቲ ዘየብላ ብቐጻሊ እትለዓል ቃል እያ። ሰላም ሰባት  ምስ ሕልናኦም ኣሳንዮም ዝነብሩላ ጥራይ ዘይኮነት ምስ ካለኦት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኩርነዓትን ዓውደ-ስረሓትን ኣሳንዮም ኣብ ውጽኢት ንክበጽሑ እተኽእል ጠማሪት እያ። ነዚኣ ንምውሓስ ነቲ ብዙሕ ዝመንቀሊኡ ዝበልናዮ ፍልልያት ምውጋድ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ምውጋድ ፍልልያት ግና እንተ ተደልየ’ውን ኣይከኣልን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ መዋጽኦ ንፍልልያት ከተመሓድርን ከተከኣእልን ምብቃዕ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ሰላማውን ርጉእን ኩነታት ኣሎ እንብሎ ትካላት ኮነ ከባብታት ፍልልያቱ ዘወገደ ዘይኮነ፡ ፍልልያቱ ንኹሎም ሰብ ጉዳይ ክጠምር ብዝኽእል ሕግን ውዕልን ዘመሓደረ ማለት እዩ። ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ምዃን፡ ነቲ ሓረጋት ደጋጊምካ ብምጽሓፍ ዘይኮነ ብግብሪ ከምኡ ክትከውን ብምብቃዕ እዩ። ንሕጊ ዘይተኽብር ክነስኻ ሕጋዊ ክትከውን ምፍታን ግና ኪኖ ድኻም ዋጋ የብሉን።

እዚ ካብቶም ፍልልያት ዘለዎም ብናይ ሓደ ወገን ድሌት ዘይኮነ ብናይ ኩሎም ወገናት ቅሩብነት፡ ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ብናይ ሕጊ ምእዙዝነትን ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ ምምሕዳሩ ዘጸግም ናይ ሓሳብ ፍልልይ ተፈጢሩ፡  ምርሕሓቕ ከጋጥም እንከሎ፡ ምክብባር ካልእ ናይ ሰላም መርእያ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ሓደ ኣካል “ኣነ ዝረገምኩዎ ርጉም ኣነ ዝመረቕኩዎ ምሩቕ” እንተዘይበልኩም ኢሉ መሬት እንተዘበጠ፡ ዘበጥበጡ ውጽኢት ዘይህልዎ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ከም ዝወድቕ ርዱእ እዩ። በቲ ብኣነነት ተሰንዲሑ ዝጠሓሶ ሕግን ስርዓትን ኣብ ክንዲ ዝጠዓስ ነቲ ጥሕሰቱን ዓመጹን ሕጋዊ ንምምሳል፡ ነቶም “የለን እቲ መንገዲ ከምኡ ኣይኮነን” ዝበሉ ከነውር እንከሎ ከኣ መሊሱ የገርም “ወይ ጉድ ቀታል ወድኻስ ለባም እንተዝኾነልካ” ዘብል’ውን ይኸውን።

ሓደ ጉዳይ በቲ ንስኻ ዝቐየስካዮ ከም ዝኸደልካ ንምግባር የኽእለኒ’ዩ ዝበልካዮ፡ ሓሳብ ምቕራብ ዝንጸግ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ግና ከምቲ በይንኻ ድዩ ጉጅለ ፈጢርካ ዝፈሓስካዮ ዝውዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ ክሓልፎ ዝግበኦ መስርሕን ናይ ካለኦት ሓሳብ ናይ ምቕራብ እጃምን ከም ዝጽብዮ ምግንዛብ ግድን እዩ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ውድባውን ሰልፋውን ኣሰራርሓ ዝቐርብ ሓሳብ ዝዕየረሉ ብዙሕ ደረጃታት ኣለዎ። ቀንዲ ከኣ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣሰራርሓ፡ ሰልፋዊ ቅዋምን ስርዒታዊ ሰንሰለትን ናታቶም ዘይስገር ግደ ኣለዎም። እዚ መዕቀንታት ኣብቶም ኩሉ ነገር ኣብ ትሕቲ ደሞክራስያዊ፡ ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ኣገባብ ክቃነ ኣለዎ ኢሎም ዝተቐበሉ እምበር፡ ሓንሳብ ካብዚ መስኖዚ ወጺኦም ዝበገጉ ዝበርገጉ ወገናት ኣይሰርሕን እዩ። እቶም ካብ ቀይዲ ዘፍትሑ ኩሉ ድሕሪኡ ዝወስድዎ ስጉምትታት  “ይምሕረልናዶ ኣየምሕረለይን?” እንዳበሉ ዝለብስዎ ፍንዊ እምበር ቀላሲ መዕቀኒ የብሉን። ነዚ ንክጥዕሞም ድማ ነቶም ፈላሊኻ ክረኣዩ ዘይክእሉ፡ ቅዋም፡ ነቲ ቅዋም ከተግብር ዝተመዘዘ ሕጋዊ መሪሕነት፡ ደሞክራስያዊ ጥርናፈ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብሉ መሰረተ-ሓሳባት ከባእሱን   ዘንተ-ምትእስሳሮም ክበትኩን  ሒዅ ይብሉ።

“እገለ ከምዚ እዩ” ክትበሃል ቀሊል እዩ። ከምቲ እትበሃሎ ኮይንካ ክትቀረብ ግና ከቢድ እዩ። ዘይከኣለሉ ኣጋጣሚ’ውን ኣሎ። በዚ መንጽር፡ ምሁር በዓል መዓርግ ኮይንካ  ንምሁር ዝምጥን ተግባር ምውናን ክሳብ ክንደይ ከም ዘጸገም ኣብ ሓደ ሓደ ምሁራን ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ኣብ ባህልና ምሁር ኣይጋገን እዩ ዝብል ግንዛበ ስለ ዘሎ፡ “ዝተማህረ ይቕተለኒ” ይበሃል እዩ።  ምሁር ለባምን መሓርን ስለ ዝኾነ ኣይቀትልን እዩ ካብ ዝብል ብምንቃል። እንተኾነ እምነት ዘንበርካሉ ኣካል እውን ክጠልም ከም ዝኽእል ንምምልካት “ለባም ክጋገ እንከሎስ መራግእቲ ነየብሉ” ከኣ ይበሃል። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ሕጂ ሕጂ ክንዕዘቦ እንከለና ነቲ “ካብ ምህሮስ ኣእምሮ” ዝብል ምስላ ቀዳሞት’ውን እውን ቦታ ትኸልኦ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቁምነገር እምበኣር ትዕዝብትና ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ንምሁራን፡ ከከም ውልቃዊ ተግባሮምን ኣበርክተኦምን እምበር ኣልማማ ብይን ምሃብ ኣብ ጌጋ ዘውድቕ’ዩ። “ብሰንኪ ንቑጽ ይነድድ ርሑስ” ከይከውን።

እቲ ካልእ ጸገም ገለ ወገናት ለባም ወይ ምሁር ዝብል ስም ይሕዙ። ከባቢኦም እውን ኣብዚ ስያመኦም ተመስሪቱ እምነት የንብረሎም። ብተግባር ግና ትሕቲ ስሞም ይኾኑ። ከምኡ ምዃኖም ስለ ዘይርደኦም ግና በቲ  ስኽራኖም ይቕጽሉ።  ተዓዛቢ ከኣ ጽሑፋቶምን መደረታቶምን  ትሕቲ ትጽቢቱ ምስ ኮኖ ኣብ ልዕሊኦም ዝነበሮ ግምት ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ እንዳተሸምቀቐ ይኸይድ። ምስ ከምዚ ወየተዕዛባይ ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ከምቲ “ባህ ንክብሎ ልባ ጽብሓላ ዱባ” ዝበሃል፡ ናይ ሓሶት እንዳሰሓቐ፡ ልቡ ዘይኮነስ እዝኑ ኣይነፍጎምን። እቶም ዕቡያት ግና ኣብቲ ዝብልዎ እምበር ኣብቲ ዝበሃልዎ ስለ ዘየቕልቡ ብናይ “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ስልቲ ይዕዘሩ። እዚ ጥራይ መዓስ ኮይኑ፡ ሕሉፍሓሊፎም ምስ ነብሶም ከይተመሃሃሩ ኣብ መድረኻት መምሃራን ክኾኑ ይደልዩ። እቲ ትምህርቶም ዝኾርኮሖ ተሳታፋይ “ነዓይ ነንጭዋስ ኣብ ለቖታ” ከም ዝብሎም ኣይስወጦምን። ኣብዚ  በቲ ዝደጋገም ዘይውርዙይ ኣቀራርባኦም፡  ንናይ ሰባት ሕልና ከም ዝኹርኩሕ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እንተኾነ “ክቡር የኽብረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ፡ ሕሱር ከኣ የሕስረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ” ስለ ዝኾነ ዘተዓዛዝብ  እምበር ካብ ጸኒዕካ ቃልስኻ ምቕጻል ዓዲ ዘውዕል ኣይኮነን።

By
February 16, 2018 06:25

Thursday’s ruling may provide a respite for thousands of men who received deportation notices earlier this month.

African asylum seekers line up to apply for a visa in Bnei Brak, Israel

 
  

African asylum seekers line up to apply for a visa in Bnei Brak, Israel. (photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

Thursday’s ruling by a special appeals court that Eritreans who fled forced military service are now eligible for refugee status could prove to be a lifeline for thousands of the 20,000 men slated for deportation to an unknown third African country beginning April 1.

Noting that Eritrean army deserters make up over half of the 28,000 Eritreans presently living in Israel who were previously denied asylum, Ori Lahat, CEO of the African Refugee Development Center, deemed the ruling a “game changer.”

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While most Western nations have long considered conscription conditions in Eritrea to be slave-like and inhumane, Israel has refused to recognize it as such, instead derisively referring to those who fled its military as “evaders” and “infiltrators.”

“This was an important issue because in the Western world, if you look at the percentages, it was obvious in almost all the countries there that Eritreans who fled the military qualified for asylum – except in Israel,” Lahat said.

“This ruling is very relevant to the majority of asylum-seekers in Israel because the main claim by the majority of Eritreans was abusive military conditions. Thousands of these men were previously denied asylum out of hand, and those who are denied asylum are being deported, and now their cases can be reopened.”

To date, the Interior Ministry’s Population, Immigration and Border Authority has only reviewed 6,500 of the 15,000 African asylum requests submitted since 2013. Among the 6,500 it has reviewed, 10 Eritreans and one Sudanese national have been granted asylum status.

It remains unclear how many of the remaining 8,500 applicants are Eritreans who fled the military. Currently, there are approximately 38,000 Eritrean and Sudanese migrants living in Israel. The vast majority have been sequestered in ghettos in impoverished south Tel Aviv.

According to Lahat, Thursday’s ruling may provide a respite for thousands of men who received deportation notices earlier this month.

“For the moment, at least, we will have to see how to stop them from being deported because it shows the intent of the government of Israel to send deportation letters even though it knows that their cases should be reopened,” he said.

“The government knew that most countries accepted Eritrean army desertion as a qualification for refugee status, and [Israel] should not have been the one country that was different from all the others. So, I think it shows that Israel’s intent was to deport as many people as possible.”

In Canada, the US and EU nearly 90% of Eritreans qualify for asylum, while in Israel the acceptance rate is a fraction of a percent.
The appeal court’s ruling, Lahat said, warrants cautious optimism.

“This is a serious game changer, and we know there will probably be a next round because the government will appeal the ruling, but for now it is a big win,” he said.

MK Michal Rozin (Meretz) echoed Lahat’s contention that the ruling is evidence of the government’s biased asylum system.
“Today’s ruling is further proof that the asylum-screening system in Israel is failing and biased,” she said. “This is an important decision of the appeals court, which proves the lies of the government. For years, asylum applications for Eritrean refugees have been automatically rejected, unlike other countries in the world that recognize them as refugees.”

Accordingly, Rozin demanded that the expulsion process should be stopped since it contravenes the 1951 Refugee Convention, of which Israel was among the first signatories.

“The deportation process must be stopped immediately,” she said. “The State of Israel must reconsider the requests of Eritrean asylum seekers rejected by it – a decision now ruled by the court, which determined that it was not in accordance with the international standard required by the UN Refugee Convention.”

Meanwhile, Yonatan Jakubowicz of the Israeli Immigration Policy Center, which opposes the absorption of African refugees, said “the majority of evaders from national service in Eritrea are not refugees by the Geneva Convention standards.”

“According to multiple reports and sources, a great portion can return to Eritrea with no fear of reprisal if done so from their own volition, and after paying a 2% tax on their earnings while abroad,” he said on Thursday.

“Among these sources is a recent report by the European Asylum Support Office, an official European Commission think tank, and information from the Israeli Interior Ministry, proving that over 2,000 Eritrean migrants – many of whom are national service evaders – have chosen to return to Eritrea from Israel of their own volition,” he added.

Friday, 16 February 2018 09:56

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 15.02.2018

Written by

South African President Jacob Zuma resigns under pressure from ANC

South African President Jacob Zuma attends a session during the 30th annual African Union summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Jan. 28. Zuma resigned Wednesday. (Simon Maina / AFP/Getty Images)

South African President Jacob Zuma bowed to intense pressure from his party and resigned Wednesday, ending nearly nine years of rule marred by corruption scandals and fiscal mismanagement that shamed the party of Nelson Mandela and inflicted serious damage on one of Africa's biggest economies.

The 75-year-old leader's approval ratings had been sinking along with those of his ruling party, the African National Congress. In the end, the party turned against him and sided with his deputy, Cyril Ramaphosa, who unseated Zuma as party president in December and now becomes acting president of the country.

The ANC national executive committee issued Zuma an ultimatum Monday: resign or be recalled from office.

Zuma, who had already been resisting pressure from party leaders to quit, remained defiant at first. On Wednesday, he went on television and, in a lengthy statement, insisted that he had done nothing wrong.

"What is the rush? I have been asking this question all the time," he told SABC television. "You can't force a decision as is being done now."

"It's the first time that I feel the leadership is unfair," Zuma said. "It's 'No, you must just go.' The ANC does not run things that way. It's a kind of ANC that I begin to feel that there's something wrong here."

But late Wednesday, Zuma backed down and in a television address announced his decision to resign.

"I do not fear exiting political office," he said. "However, I have only asked my party to articulate my transgressions and the reason for its immediate decision that I vacate office."

He insisted the decision to dismiss him was unjustified, but said he decided to resign in order to avoid violence between members of the ANC.

"I am forever indebted to the ANC, the liberation movement I have served almost all my life," he said. "I respect each member and leader of this glorious movement. I have served the people of South Africa to the best of my ability. I am forever grateful that they trusted me with the highest office in the land."

Ramaphosa, now the acting president, is expected to be elected president at a meeting of the ANC parliamentary caucus in coming days.

Zuma had been due to leave office when his term ended in 2019. But Ramaphosa and his supporters wanted Zuma out well in advance of next year's presidential election in hopes that the ANC would have time to rebuild its support.

The opposition Democratic Alliance had said any departure deal should be made public and threatened to go to court if Zuma was given immunity from prosecution on corruption charges he is trying to fend off.

Zuma rose to power on the important role he played in the struggle against apartheid and on his charisma, often rousing party supporters, dancing and singing his trademark apartheid-era struggle song "Bring Me My Machine Gun." He ended a depleted figure, booed at party gatherings.

His method of governing — using the law to go after enemies, and state contracts and government jobs to enrich allies — is common in many African countries. But many South Africans, including sections of the ANC, were horrified at the scope of the scandals that followed him.

Soon after taking office in 2009, Zuma upgraded his mansion in the coastal province of Kwazulu-Natal, charging the state for "security upgrades," including a swimming pool, a visitor's center and an amphitheater. He was eventually forced to pay back $600,000 to the government.

Less than a year into his presidency, family members and friends had accumulated scores of companies, getting rich on the patronage that his political machine lavished.

Lawmakers and government officials have alleged that a powerful business family used its friendship with the president to manipulate cabinet appointments. Critics say the Gupta family — which has joint ventures with one of Zuma's sons, Duduzane Zuma, and has employed two other Zuma family members — "captured" the state in an effort to advance its commercial interests, which include mining, media and aviation.

The family and Zuma have denied the allegations.

In a sign that the political winds have shifted, a police anti-corruption unit known as the Hawks raided the home of the Guptas on Wednesday. The Hawks confirmed three arrests had been made and said two other people had agreed to hand themselves over to police.

The arrests related to a dairy farm project in the Free State province that was supposed to direct money to poor black South Africans. Instead, almost all the money is alleged to have been used to pay for a Gupta family wedding.

Under Zuma, many of the people shuffled into government jobs were unqualified, ill-equipped or corrupt. He drew widespread criticism in 2016 when he dismissed a reputable finance minister, Nhlanhla Nene, and tried to install a former mayor of a small municipality with little experience in finance.

That same year, a Chinese rhino horn trafficker claimed in a television documentary that he "did business" with the wife of David Mahlobo, a former state security minister and close Zuma ally. He claimed Mahlobo was his friend and displayed cellphone photos of them together.

Mahlobo denied either he or his wife had any connection with the trafficker and was never investigated. He remains in the cabinet as minister for energy. Zuma had been promoting a controversial $83-billion nuclear power plan that Ramaphosa says the country cannot afford.

The proposed deal with Russia was pushed hard by Zuma and Mahlobo, with critics accusing the government of undue haste in pursuing the deal.

Zuma was tainted by scandal even before voters elected him. He had been accused of rape, then acquitted, and charged with making over 783 allegedly corrupt payments as deputy president before prosecutors dropped the charges weeks before the 2009 election, clearing his way to become president after the vote.

But, popular in the party, he overcame the political damage from those episodes with a personal story that made him a hero in the fight against apartheid.

He grew up illiterate, forced to herd cattle as a child instead of going to school, after the death of his father, a policeman. His mother left him in the care of relatives and went to the city of Durban to earn money as a maid, and he began to teach himself to read, using other children's school books.

He joined the ANC in 1959 and was jailed for 10 years on Robben Island with Mandela, who went on to become the nation's first black president. Zuma never received a visitor; his mother was too poor to travel to see him.

Upon release, he rose through the ranks of the ANC to head the intelligence arm of its military wing.

His history and his outsized personality propelled him to the leadership of the party. He was a populist who exuded charm and warmth, unlike former President Thabo Mbeki, the cool and remote successor to Mandela.

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The pressure for Zuma to step aside began to mount last fall after a court ordered the reinstatement of corruption charges that had been dropped in 2009 — a decision he is now fighting — and the deepening scandals over the influence of the Gupta family.

Increasing that pressure were the effects of fiscal mismanagement.

Last year, global credit rating agencies downgraded South Africa's debt rating to junk. State-owned enterprises piled up debt, requiring repeated bailouts. Recently the finance minister warned that electricity provider Eskom was in such bad shape that it could topple the entire South African economy.

Zuma lost control of the party at a national conference in December, failing in a bid to ensure his ex-wife, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, succeeded him in a move designed to shield him from prosecution.

Instead Ramaphosa narrowly won the presidency of the party and the right to succeed Zuma as the nation's president if the ANC wins parliamentary elections next year. In South Africa, the majority party in parliament elects the president.

Zuma also lost control of the ANC's national executive committee, the only party body with the power to fire him — or in the parlance of the party, "recall" him.

Ramaphosa had started turning against his boss last year, telling a radio interviewer that he believed the president was guilty of rape, despite his 2006 acquittal.

At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, last month, Ramaphosa said that South Africa had been captured by corrupt elements close to Zuma.

As the sense of crisis deepened, the national currency surged at every suggestion Zuma would go.

His decision to resign saved the ANC the embarrassing spectacle of voting with opposition parties in parliament to oust him. The party had supported him in past no-confidence votes.

Zuma had been scheduled to deliver the state of the nation speech to parliament last Thursday. The address will now be delivered by Ramaphosa on Friday evening, after he is elected president that morning, the ANC has said.

After several days of negotiations between Ramaphosa and Zuma, the party's executive committee met in a marathon 13-hour session Monday to decide the issue. A letter of recall was delivered to Zuma by the party Tuesday.

Zuma is not the first South African president to be forced out of office. In a power play orchestrated by Zuma supporters, Mbeki resigned in 2008 after he was "recalled" by the executive committee, nine months before his term was due to end.

Many hope that Ramaphosa will clear out corruption in the ANC by appointing a strong chief of the National Prosecution Authority and empowering that person to go after powerful figures in the party — even at the risk of losing some key political allies.

 

Twitter: @RobynDixon_LAT

UPDATES:

2 p.m.: This article was updated with details of Jacob Zuma's resignation speech.

This article was originally published at 1:05 p.m.

Source=http://www.latimes.com/world/africa/la-fg-south-africa-zuma-presidency-20180214-story.html

 

ዝኾነ ይኹን ኣብ ትሕቲ ኣርዑት ጭቆና: ምዝመዛን ወጽዓን ዝነብር ህዝቢ፥ ነቲ ዝውጽዖን ዘጋፍዖን  ስርዓት ከለሊ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣሜን ኢሉን ረድዩን ዝግዛእ ፍጡር ስለዘየለ። ኣሜን ኢሉ ዘይግዛእ ካብ ኮነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ ክሳተፍ ዓቢ ተደላይነት ኣለዎ። ተሳትፎኡ ከኣ ብቐጥታ ብኣካል፡ ናይ ደገፍ ድምጽን ናይ ገንዘብ ሓገዝ ብምብርካትን ክኸውን ይኽእል።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ዝምልከቶም ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ እንተዘይተሳቲፎም ጽባሕ ካብቲ ብምልኪ ዝሳቐይዎን ዝግፍዕዎን ክላቐቑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ምኽንያቱ ነቲ ናይ ምልኪ ኣተሓስስባን ጽልዋኡን ንምውጋድ ዋናታት ክኾኑ ስለ ዝይክእሉ መመሊሶም ክድቆሱን ክምዝመዙን ኢዮም። በዚ ምኽንያት እቲ ጨፍሊቑ ጅሆ ሒዝዎም ዘሎ ምልኪ ወይ ኢደ-ወነናዊ ስልጣን ናይ ምብዳሁ ሓላፍነቶም ከም ምዃኑ ምስዝዝንግዑ ተወጻዕቲ ንሶም እዮም ክኾኑ። እቲ ምንታይ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ናይ ዝተወሰኑ ሰባት፥ ዓሌት፥ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ ወይ ሃይምኖት ሓላፍነት ስለዘይኮነ።

ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ናይ ምልጋስ ሓላፍነት ናይ መላእ እቲ ጭቁንን ግፉዕን ዜጋ እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳያት ሃገሮም እጃሞም ከበርቱን ክዋስኡን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዜጋታት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ዘይምስታፎም ሕመቕ ናይ ሰልፍታት ወይ ውድባት ገይሮም ክወስድዎ ወይ እውን እተን ሰልፍታት ልዕሊ ዝዓቕመን ከብርክታ ክጽበዩ ኣይግባእን። ከምየሲ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ክበሃል እንከሎ እቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እንተላይ እቲ ጸረ ምልኪ ዝቃለስ እውን ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባኡ ካብ ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ናጻ ክኸውን ኣለዎ ማለት እዩ። በዚ ምኽንያት፡ እቲ  ኣንጻር ምልኪ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ ብዘይ ተሳትፎ መላእ ዜጋታት ክዕወት ኣይክእልን እዩ።  ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ጽባሕ ንመላእ ዜጋታት እታ ሃገር ዘርብሕን ዘቕስንን ኩነታት ክፈጠር እምበኣር፡ ናይ ዝሰፍሐ ተጨቚነ ዝብል ዜጋ ግደን ሓላፍነትን እዩ።

እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ነተን ኣለዋ ዝበሃላ ሰልፍታት ክከታተልን፥ ሓደ ብሓደ ክፈልጠንን ከለልየንን ይግባእ። ህዝቢ ክሰምርን ሓቢሩ ክነብርን ዝምነን ዝብህግን፥ ካብ ጭቆና ተላቒቑ ድሞክራሲያዊ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ከንግስ እንተኾይኑ እምበር፡ ኢዱን እግሩን ኣጣሚሩ ተዓዛባይ ጥራይ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። እቲ ምንታይ ቅኑዕ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ብተሳትፎ መላእ ህዝቢ እዩ ክረጋገጽ ዝኽእል። ንዲሞክራሲ ብግቡእ ምፍላጥን ብተግባር ምምኳርን ሓደ ካብቲ ቀንዲ መሰረት ኣዕኑድ ናይ ግዝኣተሕጊ ስለ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ከይተሳተፈን ኣብ ተግባር ከይኣተወን እንታይ ዓይነት ስርዓት ክተክል ምዃኑ ጽባሕ ክሕርብቶ እዩ።

በዚ ሕጂ ኣብ ደገ እንከሎና እንዕዘቦ ዘሎና፡ እዚ ዘይበሃል ቁጽሪ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ተደርዲረን እንከለዋ ወግሐ ጸብሐ ክፈናጨላን ኣብ ነንሓድሕደን ክወናጀላን እንከለዋ ግደ እቲ ካልእ ኣብ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ዘየሎ እንታይ ከኸውን ነይርዎ? ነቲ ምፍንጫል ምውጋድን ነቲ ሓቂ ፋሕቲሩ  ንዝተጋገየ ጊጋ ከምዘሎ፥ ንቅኑዕ ከኣ ቅንዕነቱ ብምሕባርዶ ኣይኮነን? ዋላስ እንታይ ገደሰኒ ዘይንስልጣን እዮም ዝቆራቑሱ ዘለዉ ኢልካ ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይሲ ጽባሕ ንግሆ ፍትሓውን ርትዓውን ሕብረተሰብ ክንከውንዶ ንኽእል? ተዕዛባይ ጥራሕ ምዃን ወይ’ውን ንጉዳይ ሃገር ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይ ወገሐጸብሐ ምፍንጫል ነቲ ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዘርብሕ እምበር ካልእ ትርጉም የብሉን። ብኸምዚ ኣገባብ ድማ ንሃግርናን ህዝብናን ካብዚ ግፍዓዊ መላኺ ስርዓት ከነናግፎ ኣይኮናን። ንሓድነትና እውን ኣብ ሓደጋ ከነእቱ ምዃና እዩ ዝሕብረና። ኣብ ከምዚ ህሞት ከኣ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ንምድሓን ዝብል መደብ ወይ ሓሳብ ክህልወና ኣይኮነን።  

ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ኣብ ዝካየድ መስርሕ ውሑዳት ጸየቕቲ፡ ተበለጽትን፥ መደናገርትን ክህልዉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነዚኦም ንምልላዮምን መስመሮም ንምትሓዝን ከኣ ናይቲ ዝሰፍሐ ጸረ-ምልኪ ዝኾነ ኣካል እዩ። እዞም ተበለጽትን ጸየቕትን ብጸረ-ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝጎዓዙን ከኣ ተቐላጢፎም ናብቲ ናይ ፍልልያት በዓቲ እዮም ዝዕቆቡ። በዚ ኣቢሎም ከኣ እቲ ናይ ምድንጋር ሰይጣናዊ ስራሓቶም ንምስላጥ ዘየለ ፍልልያት ንምዕማቚን ንሓሶት ብኹምራ ደጋጊሞም ኣብ ኣእምሮ ደቂ ሰባት ክሰዂዑን ለይቲ ምስ መዓልቲ ብግሁድ ይኹን ብስውር እናተንቀሳቐሱ ንምልኪ ዘጠናኽሩ እምበር ንምልኪ ዝድምስሱ ኣይኮኑን። መሰረት ዘይብሉ ሓሶትን መናፍሓትን ሓቅነት ዘይብሉ ክስን ብምዝውታር ከኣ ዲሞክራሲያዊ መስመር ክትተክተል ማለት ዝበት እዩ። ስለዚ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ነዚ መላኺ ስርዓትን ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ካብ ሱሩ ክመሓው ድሌት ዘለዎ ዘበለ ሓቅን ሓሶትን፥ ሕጋውን ዘይሕጋውነትን ፈልዩ ክመራመርን ፍርዲ ክህብን ዘይተዳለወ ደላይ ፍትሒ ከይተረደኦ ነቲ ስርዓት ደገፍ እዩ ዝኸውን ዘሎ።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ኣኼባታት ተሳቲፎም ርእይትኦም ክህቡን ርእይቶ ካልኦት ክስምዑን ክቕበሉን፥ ሓቀኛ ዲሞክራሲ ክምኮሩን ከተግብሩን ክጽዕሩ ኣለዎም። ዜጋታት ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ህይወት ኣንቀሳቐስቲ ብምዃኖም ነዚ ብዕቱብ ክስረሕሉ እንተኾይኖም ዓገብ ንዝበሃል ዓገብ ክብሉ፥ ንዝኹነን ክኹንኑ፥ ጸቕጢ ምግባር ዘድልዮ እንተኾይኑ ጸቕጢ ክግበሩ እንከለዉ እዮም ውሕስነት ናይ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዘረጋገጽ። ንሓድሕድካ እናተጎራፈጥካን፥ ብሓሶት እናጠቀንካን ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ክተውሕስ ማለት ዘይከውን እዩ። ልክዕ እዩ ዲሞክራሲ ናጽነትን መሰልን ኢዩ ጥራሕ ኢልና ንውድኦ ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝግዝኣሉ ወይ ዝጠልቦ እውን ዕረ እናጠዓመካ ናይ ምምላእን ምትግባርን እውን እዩ።

 

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብቲ ናይ 30 ዓመታት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን፡ ምስቲ ዝነበረ ትንፋስ ዘይህብ ጥምጥማት ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ተሰሪሖም እዮም። ውግኣትን ዓወታትን ምሕራር፡ ካብ ዓሊግድር ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ከረን። ብኡ ኣቢልካ ናብ መንደፈራ፡ ዓዲዃላን መረብን፡ በቲ ካልእ ኣቕጣጫ ድማ ካብ ናቕፋን ኣፍዓበትን ክሳብ ደምቀምሓረን ካልኦት ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ከባቢታትን ብዙሕ መስተንክራት ተሰሪሑ እዩ። ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ከኣ ኣካል ናይዚ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ጀግንነት ዝፈጸምሉ ስርሒታት እዩ።

ኣብዚ ካብ ማይ ባሕሪ ብጭልፋ ዝተጠቐሰ ናይ ጅግንነት ውዕሎታት ዋጋ ዝኸፈሉ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት እዮም። ኣብዚ ናይ ዓወት ሜዳታት ናይቲ ወርትግ ዘይስልክዮ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኩለ-መዳያዊ ተሳትፎ መወዳድርቲ ኣይነበሮን። እዞም ጀጋኑ ተጋደልትን ህዝብን ነዚ ክቡር ዋጋ ክኸፍሉ እንከለዉ ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ኣዝዩ ረዚን ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ሸቶ ነይርዎም። እዚ ሸቶ “ናጽነትን ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ህዝባን” ኢልካ ጥራይ ዝጥቀስ ዘይኾነ ናብ ምሉእ፡ ሰላም፡ ዲሞክራስን ልምዓትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሕመረቱ ነባሪ ራህዋ ዝቋመት እዩ ነይሩ።

ከምዚ ኣብዚ ሰሙን ክንከታተሎ ዝጸናሕና ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ቅድሚ 28 ዓመታት ዝተፈጸመ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ክዝክር ቀንዩ። እዚ ስርሒት ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝተፈንቀለሉን ዝተሓግሓገሉን ስለ ዝኾነ ምዝካሩ ግቡእ እዩ። “ኪኖ’ቲ ምፍንቃል ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ፡ እቲ ንሱ ዝግልገለሉ ዝነበረ ወጻዒ ኣተሓሳስባኸ ምስኡዶ ተፈንቂሉ ወይስ ኣይፋሉን?” ዝብል ሕቶ ሃሰስ ምባሉ ኣገዳስነት ኣለዎ። እዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ፈንቅል ምስ ሓፈሻዊ ትጽቢት ህዝቢ አርትራ፡ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ናብ ዓወት እምበር፡ ናይ መወዳእታ ዓወት ከምዘይነበረ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ድሕሪ 28 ዓመት ናይቲ ስርሒት ኮይና ክንርእዮ እንከለና ዘተዓዛዝብ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ክቃለስ እንከሎ ብኣካል ንምልጋሱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ቀንዲ ዕላምኡስ እቲ ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ዝጥቀምሉ ዝነበሩ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ኣተሓሳስባታት ዳግማይ ከምዘይሰርር በንቊስካ ንምድራብይ እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ሎሚኸ ኩነታት ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ዓዲ ይሃሉ ኣብ ግዳም ዘመልክቶ እንታይ እዩ። ብርኢቶና ጀግንነት ፈንቅል ኮነ፡ ካልኦት ስርሒታት ጌና ናብ መሰላትን ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይተሸርፈን። ከምዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እዮም ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን “ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ሎሚ ድሕሪ ናጽነት’ኳ ዝያዳ ይኸፍኣና” ዝብሉ ዘለዉ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ከም ምግናን እንተወሲድናዮ፡ “ኤርትራ ብመንጽር፡ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ካብ ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ዝፍለ ህይወት የብላን” ዝብል ሚዛን ግና ብትኽክል ኣብ ኤርትራ ንዘሎ ኩነታት ዝውክል እዩ።

ወየን ቀደም ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ “ደቅኽን ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓይልታት ጸላኢ ከምዚ ዓይነት ጀግንነት ፈጺሞም” ዝብል ብምስጢር ዝዝርጋሕ ብስራት ሰሚዐን ዝሕበና ዝነበራ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ “ደቂ ስዉኣት ደቅኽን ኣብ ባሕሪ ሚዲትራንያን ሃሊቖም” ዝብል ቀጻሊ መዓንጠአን ዝኹምትር መርድእ ይሰምዓ ኣለዋ። ከምቲ ቀደም ውላደን ከም ዝተሰወአ ምስ ዝፈልጥ፡ ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ “ኣደ ወንበደ” ኢሉ ከየሳቕየን፡  ብወግዒ ምስ ቤተሰብ ዘይኮነ ንበይነን ንውሽጢ ዝነብዓ ዝነበራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ እውን ብሰንኪ ጥልመት ናይቲ ብዙሕ ሓርነታት ከውሕስ ዝተጸበየኦ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ውላደን ኣብ ባሕሪ ጥሒሉ ሞይቱ ወይ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ብዘጻወድዎ መፈንጠርያ ብበደዊን ተቐንጺሉ ክሰምዓ እንከለዋ ኣብዘይንቡር ናይ ሓዘን ኩነታት እህህህ ይብላ ኣለዋ። እቲ ቀደም “ኣብ ማርያም ግቢ ተኣሲሩ” ዝብል ዝነበረ ኣሰንባዲወረ ሎሚ ከኣ “ኣብ ዓዲ ኣብዮቶ ተኣሲሩ” ብዝብል ምትክኡ’ውን መለሳ የብሉን።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ፈንቅል ንዝኣመሰለ ስርሒታት ዝዝክረሉ ጎራሕ ምኽንያት ኣለዎ። እቲ ዝኽሪ  “ሕድሮም ንዘይምጥላምዩ” ምባሉ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ወዮ ነቲ “ህዝብና ብሳላ መስዋእትና ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ከይሕረሞ ሓደራ” ዝበልዎ ከም ዝተጠልመ ንርኢ ስለ ዘለና። ስለዚ ህግደፍ ነዚ ዝዝክርሉን ውሕዳት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ዝጠለሙ ደገፍቶም ዘሳዕስዕሉን ምኽንያት ኣካል ናይቲ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ሕሉፍ መሊስካ ጅሆ ናይ ምሓዙ ጉርሖም እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናይ ደቁ ጅግንነት ክዝከረሉ ዝብህጎ’ኳ እንተኾነ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዝያዳ ዘድልዮ ግና፡ “ትማሊ ከምዚ ይገብር ነይረ፡ ጽባሕ ከኣ ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ዝብል ምስምስ ዘይኾነስ “ሎሚ ከምዚ ይገብር ኣለኹ” ዝብል ግብራዊ ቃል ጥራይ ምዃኑ ክርዳእ ንዝደሊ ብሩህ’ዩ። ህዝቢ ንዝተወሰን ግዜ እምበር ንሓዋሩ ክዕሸው ስለ ዘይክእል፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከውርዶ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ጭቆና በቲ ኣብ ፈንቅልን መሰል ዝኽርታትን ዘንብሮ ዕንበባታትን ዘሰልፎ ኣረጊት ኣጽዋርን  “የዕሽዎ ኣለኹ” ኢሉ ዝኣምን እንተኾይኑ ድሕሪት ተሪፉ ኣሎ።

ስለዚ ነቶም ኣብ ምሕራር ምጽዋዕን ካልእ ከባብታትን ንሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ዝፈንቀሉ ክብርን ሞጐስን ይብጸሓዮም። እንተኾነ ብፍላይ ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባ ክረአ እንከሎ ካብ መግዛእቲ ፈሊኻ ዘይረአ፡ ጸረ-ሰላም፡ ጸረ-ልምዓትን ጸረ-ደሞክራስን ኣርዑት ናይ ምፍንቃል ዕማም ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ከም ዘሎ ኣይንዘንግዕ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ኮነ ኢሉ ነዞም ህዝብና ድሕሪ ናጽነት ክረኽቦም ዝግበኦ ዝነበሮ ጸጋታት ይነፍጎ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ህዝቢ እውን ካብኡ ዝጽበዮ ፍታሕ የለን’ሞ እቶም ንለውጢ እንቃለስ ዘለና ክንነቕሓሉ ዝግበኣና ዕማም እዩ።

#Refugees

Israel wants to deport 40,000 Africans. Many who left found misery at their destination, and a deadly journey to Europe their only escape

 ly journey to Europe their only escape

African migrants demonstrate against forced deportation in Herzlia, Israel, on 7 February (AFP)
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Monday 12 February 2018 13:44 UTC
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TEL AVIV - The group of 30 asylum seekers are crammed into the back of several Toyota utility vehicles, as they speed across the Sahara. 

The passengers have paid smugglers thousands of dollars to get out of Sudan and into Europe, but their journey has been treacherous - and for some already deadly.

With no water to get them through the the scorching, stifling heat, many die, as their friends watch in horror. But according to Kiflom, an Eritrean who was among the group, none of the drivers could care.

"Why should we care? God willing you will die too," Kiflom is told by one of the drivers.

They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot died in the Sahara, then in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean 

- Sheshai, Eritrean refugee in Holot prison, Israel

Kiflom was one of the few who survived, and eventually made it to Italy. But his journey began when he left Israel in April 2016 under its so-called "voluntary departure" programme, which moves unwanted African migrants to a third country with promises of financial support and official refugee status at their destination.

But many of the thousands of mainly Sudanese and Eritreans who left between 2014 and 2016 found their new hosts to be less than welcoming, the promised support failing to materialise, and escape to Europe their only chance of a better life. For many, it was also their death sentence.

Horror stories such as these, contained in a report by the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, Better a prison in Israel than dying on the way, are being used as a warning for 40,000 African migrants and asylum seekers still in Israel. 

Under a draconian acceleration of the old 'voluntary' scheme in January they were given two options: mandatory deportation within 60 days, or indefinite detention in Israel.

Sheshai, also an Eritrean, considers this options from a cell in the Holot detention centre, southern Israel. He has lived in the country for eight years, but was sent to Holot five months ago. He now has less than a month to decide his future.

"A lot of friends left Israel," he told Middle East Eye. "They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot of people died in the Sahara, then a lot of people died in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean.

"We prefer to stay in prison," he says, although he paints a grim picture of what that means: "We don't have anything, every day we sleep. We [just] have a phone, we use it for internet. We walk around the prison, to de-stress."

A dream turns to a nightmare

Indeed the stories from the other side, from those who have already left, is almost exclusively one of confusion, broken promises, and often death. 

Many are marooned without support and find themselves quickly on the move, crossing the borders of one failed state after another - including South Sudan and Libya - before betting everything on a boat to Europe.

Haile and Isayas, who both left under the voluntary scheme, told the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants that the support promised by Israel never materialised.

Both were given $3,500 and tickets to Rwanda, but from there they were on their own.

Isayas told the migrant hotline: "Israel says you can get documents and receive asylum and that you'll have a good life, like a dream."

But on landing in Rwanda's capital, Kigali, Isayas's documents were confiscated and he was led to a "hotel" where he and other migrants were watched by guards to ensure they didn't leave.

All in Isayas group "stayed in the hotel for a few days before being smuggled to Uganda".

Haile's money disappeared fast, and the last of his funds was used to pay smugglers to get him across the Mediterranean. He was one of the lucky ones: surviving the crossing, he found sanctuary in the Netherlands, where he lives now under refugee status.

African migrants stand behind barbed wire at the Holot detention centre (AFP)

No refugee status

The promises of refugee status were also often broken by the third country. Dawit, another voluntary departure, told HRM he was denied access to UNHCR, the UN's refugee agency.

"We said we want to go to the UNHCR, but they tell us 'no, no, no... If you do not move to another country we will return [you] to your country'."

Feeling "scared, pressured and insecure", Dawit crossed from Rwanda to Uganda after paying people-smugglers with money given to him by Israel.

Andie Lambe, the executive director of International Refugee Rights Initiative, has studied the plight of asylum seekers moved from Israel to Uganda under the 'voluntary deportation' programme.

Read more ►

African migrants in Israel opt for jail over deportation

Lambe said many were taken to a hotel on arrival, "where they could stay for free for two nights", before being left to fend for themselves.

Not one of those she had dealt with were ever granted refugee status - and many told Lambe they were told not to "bother trying" to apply.

"There is a responsibility on the Israeli state to make sure this is happening, if they are going to put that promise in their communications with potential deportees," she said.

Many left high and dry in Uganda found their way to South Sudan, a country itself in the grip of civil war and starvation and where millions of its own civilians had been forced from their homes.

Lambe said the deportees from Israel found themselves there as a direct result of getting nothing from the government of Uganda.

A UN vehicle guards civilians in South Sudan, which has been torn apart by civil war (AFP)

Gabriel, one of those who moved into South Sudan, described how he and others got there.

"All the way with no water, nothing. I don't want to repeat this. It was very hard. We were in the car for almost three days... With goats and sheep, we hid on top," Gabriel tried to explain his journey.

On reaching the border, Gabriel and the other asylum seekers had to each pay $2,000 to cross.

Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it

- Isayas, Eritrean refugee

Once in the capital of Juba, the Eritrean asylum seekers felt most at risk from South Sudanese rebels due to connections between the government of South Sudan and Eritrea.

Feeling in constant danger of being deported back to Eritrea, as well as being robbed and imprisoned for months due to not having identification, the asylum seekers moved north to Sudan.

However, many were picked up by Sudan's government, which works with Eritrea to return asylum seekers, many of whom have fled forced, life-long conscription to its army.

Samson was one of those scooped up by Sudanese police. After paying a bribe for his freedom, he found many of his friends had already been sent back to their home country.

"Now where are they? I don't know… [maybe] they will die in Eritrea."

African migrants attempt the crossing to Europe (AFP)

Libya's horror

What came next for those who escaped was even worse: Libya.

The journey to Libya haunts the asylum seekers who survived. "At night it comes to us in our head, it repeats… It wakes me up, what I saw… I don't want to remember this… I want to close that door," Kiflom, who survived the desert crossing, told HRM.

Many were placed in overcrowded warehouses for months. In rooms of up to 1,500 people, they were subject to rape, daily violence, slavery, and no food or water.

Like other prisons they had been in, ransoms were required for escape. "Those who did not have money stay longer." Many died.

The asylum seekers could only get on boats to Italy when the smugglers had found at least 500 people wanting go. Overloaded, the motors on the boats broke.

"We went 500 people into the sea, and out of them returned just maybe 100 people… From Israel there were 10 people on the boat, and we got out only three, you understand? Seven people died," Tesfay, a survivor, told HRM.

They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant.

- Dror Sadot, Hotline for Refugees and Migrants

Isayas is thankful he survived. He lives now in Italy. But he will never stop thinking of the people who died.

"Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it," he said.

Dror Sadot, a spokesman from HRM, told Middle East Eye that such stories would always get back to those awaiting deportation.

"They know what happened to their friends, when they left Rwanda or Uganda, they know many died on the way.

"They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant."

Of those left, Dror Sadot said many believe they will not be imprisoned for long by Israel, and it's better to wait it out.

Sheshai has hope the High Court in Israel will reverse the governments plan to deport them. "I hope a lot of people in Israel stand with us, with refugees," he said.

 

Source=http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-african-migrants-voluntary-deportation-205044968

February 11, 2018

The Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24.    (Reuters)
Collision course? Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24. (Reuters)

International interest in and around the Red Sea is intensifying, bringing increased geopolitical competition.

To the north, the Suez Canal links the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean and represents a crucial maritime trade route, transporting about 2.5% of global oil shipments, Global Security.org said.

At the other end, the Bab el Mandeb Strait — one of the world’s most important chokepoints, only 29km wide at its narrowest point — com­mands the southern entrance. It has taken on added geostrategic importance since the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen began in 2015.

Further south is the Horn of Africa, a hotbed of maritime piracy that prompted navies from around the world to form task forces to fight it.

The Red Sea’s enhanced geostrategic importance is driving unprecedented development and competition. Last year, China boosted its power projection capabilities by inaugurating a nearly $600 million naval base in Djibouti. The newest entrant is Turkey, which recently signed an agreement with Sudan to develop a port at Suakin.

China and Turkey will join the United States, which has operated its only full-fledged expeditionary military base on Africa, Camp Lemonnier, also in Djibouti, since 2002, as well as the French, Italian and Japanese forces.

Saudi Arabia has been running operations with coalition allies out of a base in Assab, Eritrea. The United Arab Emirates has a military presence in Yemeni Red Sea ports of Aden, Mokha and Mukalla as well as the island of Perim in Assab, and in Berbera in autonomous Somaliland. Last year, Turkey opened a military base in Somalia to train Somali forces.

The Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen has necessitated Arab Gulf countries locking off maritime supply routes to Houthi rebels and developing a supporting logistics network for operations. The Saudi-led coalition has been wary of providing Houthi rebels space to blockade or disrupt maritime traffic by mining and anti-ship weapons from the Yemeni coast, especially around the Bab el Mandeb.

Such burgeoning international interest in and around the Red Sea in the absence of a formal regional framework is straining the environment as a growing number of stakeholders seek to safeguard their interests by counterbalancing competitors. As such the Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

At the global level, the rise of China has been driving international competition. The Chinese want to safeguard freedom of navigation for key maritime trade routes and massive investments into Africa as part of its One Belt, One Road Initiative. The United States wants the regional security landscape preserved favourably, especially with Israel being in close proximity but also against terrorist threats and to counter a rising China and resurgent Russia.

The Saudi-led coalition is seeking to ease the socio-political instability that has been taking hold around Saudi Arabia’s periphery in good part by counterbalancing the regional footprint of Iran, which supports the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

Finally, there is the north-east African geopolitical competition. Egypt has strained relations with Sudan, which Cairo charges with supporting the Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt opposes Sudan-backed Ethiopian plans for the Renaissance Dam under construction since 2011. When finished it will be Africa’s largest hydro-electric power station and generate much-needed electricity for Ethiopia and Sudan but reduce water flows to Egypt’s Nile.

Sudan, like Ethiopia, has been the subject of investments and support from Qatar. Egypt views a potential emerging pro-Muslim Brotherhood alliance between Turkey, Qatar and Sudan as an incubating threat. Sudan recalled its ambassador to Egypt following reports Egypt had dispatched troops to Eritrea, which borders Sudan, in response to the announcement of Turkey’s Suakin agreement.

Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, Egypt, Sudan, Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia all border the Red Sea or its entry points but a growing number of extra-regional powers are moving in swiftly to safeguard their interests.

Some analysts say the Red Sea basin was previously overlooked for its strategic value. Being part Middle East and part Africa, it was approached in a segmented way. The absence of a multilateral regional framework to manage affairs or disputes in the Red Sea is probably a key reason why outside powers have been able to formalise their own presence and, ironically, may be making its emergence even less likely.

Written By Sabahat Khan

Sabahat Khan is a senior analyst at the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA).

Source=https://thearabweekly.com/why-intensifying-international-interest-red-sea-driving-military-buildup

ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብ10 ለካቲት 2018 ብቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ዝተዳለወ’ሞ ስርሑ ንክጅምር ትጽቢት ክግበረሉ ዝጸንሐ  መድረኽ ፓልቶክ (EPDP youth corner) ብወግዒ ስራሕ ኣጀሚሩ። ኣብዚ መእተዊ ቃሉ ነቶም እዚ መድረኽ ተኸፊቱ ስራሕ ንክጅመር ዝጸዓቱን ናይቲ መኽፈቲ ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድን ኣመስጊኑ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ምይይጥ ናይቲ መድረኽ ሕግን ስርዓትን ምኽታልን ኣብቲ ዝተላዕለ ዛዕባ ምትኳርን ዘለዎ ኣገዳስነት ድማ ኣብሪሁ።

ብጻይ መድሃኔ ህብትዝጊ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ብወገኑ  ናብ ምኽፋት እቲ መድረኽ ንምብጻሕ ዝተኻየደ ጻዕሪ ዘርዚሩ፡ ዕላማ እቲ መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ይኹኑ ኣይኹኑ ቦታኦም ኣብዚ ደሞክራስያዊ ቃልሲ ምሕያልን ምስፋሕን ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ ሓቢሮም ንኸህብትምዎ ጸዊዑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ከኣ ንዕዱም ጋሻን  ኣብዚ መኽፈቲ ሃናጽን መተባብዕን ሓሳባት ንዝሃቡን ኣመስጊኑ።

ናይቲ ዕለት ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድ (ኣቡሃሽም) “ክስተት ጀኦ-ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኣብ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ” ኣብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሰፊሕ መበገሲ መርሂ ሂቡ። ኣብ መብርሂኡ፡ ናይዚ ፍሉይ ኣጋጣሚ ዕዱም ብምዃኑ ሓጐስ ከም ዝስመዖ ጠቒሱ፡ ሰዲህኤ ነቲ ብውሽጥን ግዳምን ከጋጥሞ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ዕንቅፋታት ከከም ኣመጻጽኣኡ እንዳመከተ የካይዶ ንዘሎ ቃልሲ ንኢዱ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ፡ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካ ማለት እንታይ ማለት ምዃኑ፡ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ዝምድና ህዝብታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ ታሪኽ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝተኻየዱ ውግኣት፡ ህልዊ ቅልውላው ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ጽልዋን፡ ተጽዕኖ ፈለግ ኒል/ናይል ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ … ወዘተ ኣብ ዝብሉ ነጥብታት ሰፊሕን ዝርዝራውን መብርሂ ንተሳተፍቲ ኣቕሪቡ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ኣብዚ ሓያሎ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ ንዕዱም ጋሻ ብምምስጋንን ኣብ ቀጻሊ’ውን ኣብዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መድረኽ ሓሳቡን ርእይትኡን ንኸይፍለዮም ብምዝኽካር ዝተፈላለዩ ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም። ካብቶም ዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት፡ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝብል ከባቢ ዘጠቓልለን ሃገራት ብዓል መን እየን?፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ፈለግ ናይል (ኣባይ) ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ግብጽን ዘሎ ኩነታት ናበይ ክምዕብል እዩ፡ ብመንጽር ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊኸ ከመይ ይረኣ? ኣብ መንጎ ሱዳንን ኤርትራን ዘሎ ወጥሪ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ብከመይ ክጸልዎ እዩ? ውግእ የመንን ናይተን ኣብቲ ውግእ ተሳቲፈን ዘለዋ ሃገራት ወተሃደራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ምስፋርን ተጽዕኖኡ ክሳብ ክንደይ እዩ?፡ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ከ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ካብ ናይ ኢድ-ኣዙር ውግእ ንምድሓን  እንታይ ክንገብር ይግበኣና?” … ወዘተ ዝብሉ ይርከብዎም። ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ንነፍሲ ወክፍ ሕቶ ብሩህ መልሲ ሂቡ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ተሳተፍቲ ንንጹር መብርህታትን ምቕሉል ኣቀራርባን ጋሻ ኣመጒሶም እቲ ሓሳባት ኣፍልጦኻ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢና ክብ ዘብል ምንብሩ ምስ ሓበሩ ንኣገዳስነት ቀጻልነት ከምዚ ዓይነት መድረኻት ከኣ ጸዊዖም።

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