Author: Martin Plaut
Martin Plaut and Leonard Vincent
It may not be a physical barrier comparable to Donald Trump’s wall to prevent Mexicans from reaching the USA, but it is nearly in place. Europe is close to sealing the routes refugees and migrants take across the Mediterranean. Consider the facts. These are the routes into southern Europe. (Map: Frontex Risk Analysis, Q2 2016) frontex-migration-2016
Two routes that Africans have used in the past have almost been sealed. There is next to no transit by sea from West Africa through the Canary Islands and only a limited number arriving in Spain.
The route through the Sinai and Israel has been closed.
The brutal treatment of Eritreans and Sudanese in the Sinai by mafia-style Bedouin families, who extracted ransoms with torture and rape, was certainly a deterrent. So too has been the increasing propensity of Egypt to deport Eritreans to their home country, despite the risks that they will be jailed and abused when they are returned. But this route was sealed in December 2013 when the Israeli authorities built an almost impregnable fence, blocking entry via the Sinai.
This has left Libya – and to a lesser extent Egypt – as the only viable routes for Africans to use. Both are becoming more difficult. Although the International Organisation for Migration calculates that roughly 17 men, women and children perishing every day making the crossing, or nearly one every hour, they have not been deterred.
Libya is critical to the success of the EU’s strategy, as a recent European assessment explained: “Libya is of pivotal importance as the primary point of departure for the Central Mediterranean route.”
Libya: the final brick in the ‘wall’
The European Union has adopted new tactics to try to seal the central Mediterranean route.
The countries keenest to push this for this to take place are Germany and Italy, which took the bulk of the refugees that arrived in recent years. Germany received nearly 1.2 million asylum seekers over the past two years, while Italy received 335,000 arrivals over the course of 2015 and 2016.
Earlier this month Italy’s Interior Minister Marco Minniti was dispatched to Tripoli to broker an agreement on fighting irregular migration through the country with Fayez al-Sarraj, head of the UN-backed Government of National Accord.
Minniti and al-Sarraj agreed to reinforce cooperation on security, the fight against terrorism and human trafficking.
“There is a new impulse here — we are moving as pioneers,” Mario Giro, Italy’s deputy foreign minister, told the Financial Times. “But there is a lot of work to do, because Libya still doesn’t yet have the capacity to manage the flows, and the country is still divided.”
The deal has, apparently, hit a snag. The Libyan government is resisting Italy’s proposals, although their detailed objections have not been revealed.
Germany’s aid threat
While Italy’s attempting to strike a deal with Libya, Germany is issuing threats.
With Chancellor Angela Merkel facing elections in 2017 and keen to show she is no longer a ‘soft touch’ for refugees, a much harder line is now being taken with anyone seeking asylum in Germany.
Germany deported 25,000 migrants in 2016 and another 55,000 were persuaded to return home voluntarily.
German Interior Minister Thomas de Maizière is pushing a plan that would make it easier to detain rejected asylum seekers considered a potential security threat, and to deport them from “repatriation centres” at airports.
Germany is underling its determination to cut numbers by threatening to end development aid to countries that refuse to take back rejected asylum seekers. “Those who do not cooperate sufficiently cannot hope to benefit from our development aid,” Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel told Der Spiegel.
Europe and Africa
The Italian proposals are very much in line with agreements the EU reached with African leaders during their summit in Malta, in late 2015.
The two sides signed a deal to halt the flight of refugees and migrants.
Europe offered training to “law enforcement and judicial authorities” in new methods of investigation and “assisting in setting up specialised anti-trafficking and smuggling police units”. The European police forces of Europol and the EU’s border force (Frontex) will assist African security police in countering the “production of forged and fraudulent documents”.
This meant co-operating with dictatorial regimes, like Sudan, which is ruled by Omar al-Bashir, who is wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.
But President al-Bashir is now seen as a western friend, despite his notorious record. One of President Obama’s last acts in office has been to lift sanctions against Sudan.
What is clear from the Italian and German initiatives is that Europe is determined to do all it can to reduce, and finally halt, the flow of Africans through Libya – the only viable route left for most African migrants and refugees to reach Europe.
A legal route into Europe
While the informal and illegal routes are being sealed a tiny legitimate route is being opened. The Catholic Church, working through its aid arm, Caritas and the Community of Sant Egidio, has managed to negotiate an agreement with Italy for 500 refugees from the Horn of Africa to be allowed to come to Italy.
Oliviero Fortis, Head of the Immigration Department of Caritas, said: “We must, as far as possible, promote legal and secure entry solutions. Being able to enter Italy with a visa is an operation that works perfectly. Except at the political level, and that’s the big problem! It is the Italian Church that will bear the costs, in the hope that this initiative will be a model for the acceptance of refugees that can be monitored and replicated by European institutions.”
EU and Eritrea
Eritrea – among the most brutal dictatorships in Africa – remains one of the key sources of migration and refugees. Although Eritrea has fewer citizens than most other African states more Eritreans arrived illegally in Europe in early 2016 than from any other African country.
This comes at a time of unprecedented pressure on Eritrean refugees, as they make their way through Sudan and into Libya. The Sudanese government’s ‘Rapid Support Force’ – an autonomous special force headed by a notorious Janjaweed commander – has been used to round up refugees, to deport them back to Eritrea.
The EU is floundering around attempting to halt this exodus. Recently it offered €200 million in aid to Eritrean ‘projects’, but has few means of monitoring just how it will be spent. Eritrea is a one-party state, in which the ruling PFDJ has never held a congress.
The country is ruled by a narrow clique surrounding President Isaias Afwerki, which uses National Service conscripts on the farms and factories that they control.
While the EU has outlined a range of programmes it is willing to support, given the monopoly power exercised by the sole party and army commanders over the entire Eritrean society, it has next to no means of ensuring that the funds do not ultimately end up reinforcing this autocracy.
If the EU initiatives fail (and it is highly likely that they will) they will only serve to strengthen the Eritrean and Sudanese regimes. At the same time attempting to block Libya and Egypt as the only remaining means of reaching European soil is likely to force Eritrean and Sudanese citizens to take even longer and more dangerous journeys to reach safety.
The EU is working hard to strengthen its ties with Libya so that it can go into Libyan waters and destroy the boats and other infrastructure used to smuggle Africans into Europe.
In a report to EU’s 28 member states, Rear Admiral Enrico Credendino, who heads the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean (EU NAVFOR MED) explained that it is vital that
European navies operated inside Libyan territorial waters to halt trafficking. But this cannot happen at present. “It is clear that the legal and political pre-conditions have not been met,” said Admiral Credendino, indicating that greater cooperation with the Libyan authorities was needed.
The tiny legal route offered by Italy is unlikely to meet the needs of Africans desperate to seek refuge in Europe. Instead, the increasing restrictions are likely to lead to increased deaths and despair as destitute African youths take ever-more risky routes out of Africa – and further destabilisation of an already fragile part of the world.
This is the likely outcome of Europe’s African ‘wall’.
It will neither end the flow of refugees fleeing suffocating repression, nor will it seal the borders of Europe. Thousands of people fleeing for their lives will be forced away from Europe (and away from European public opinion). Instead it will place the burden of this crisis on brutal and often racist regimes along the fugitives’ routes.
And all this for what?
Refusing to accommodate, for a reasonable period of time, a few thousand young women and men who are only too eager to learn, live and contribute to European societies, until eventually circumstances change and they can return home with gratitude towards their European hosts.
It’s not only a shame; it is a political mistake of historic proportions.
እነሆ ሎሚውን ልክዕ ከምቶም ቀዳሞት ዝሓለፉ ብጸቱ ፡ ካብ ንእስነቱ ጀሚሩ ኣብ መሪር ተጋድሎ ዝዓበየ ፡ ክሳብ ዕለተ ዕረፍቱ ንተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቀዳማይ ቦታ ሰሪዑ ፡ ናይ ቃልሲ ዕጣቑ ከየውረደ ዝጸንሐ ልዑልን ጽኑዕን ተቃላሳይ ዶክተር ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም ወዲ ጎሞራ ኣቦ መንበር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ፡ ብሕማም ምኽንያት ብሞት ክፍለየና ከሎ ዝተሰማዓና ስንባደን ሓዘን ደረት የብሉን ። መስዋእቱ ንተጸባያይ ፍትሒ ንዝኾነ ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይተጸበዮ ዓቢ ክሳራ እዩ ።
ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ዶክተር ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም ወዲ ጎሞራ ዋላውን ካባና ካብዛ ዓለም እዚኣ እንተተፈለየ ፡ በቲ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ሓርነታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘበርከቶ ምእንቲ መሰልን ፍትሕን ራህዋን ንምርግጋጽ ዘሕለፎ መሪርን ነዊሕን ናይ ቃልሲ መዋእል ብኹሎም ወሎዶታት እናተዘከረ ክነብር እዩ ።
ነታ ኣንጊሁ ሰናይ ዝሓለመላ ሃገሩ ንኽቃለሰላ ኢሉ ዝወጸ ፡ ተመሊሱ ከይረኣያ ፡ ብደገ ደጊኡ ክስዋእ ከሎ ንበዓልቲ ቤቱን ንደቁን ንመላእ ዓጽመ ስጋኡን ንተቃለስቲ ብጾቱን ዝወረደ ከቢድ ሓዘን ንሕና ኣባላት ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ማሕበር ኣብ ጀርመን ብምሉእ ሕልና ተኻፈልቱ ምዃና ድሕሪ ምግላጽና፤ ንመዋቲ መንግስተ ሰማይ የዋርሶን ። ካብ በዓልቲ ቤቱን ደቁን ጀሚርና ክሳብ ንኹሉ ኣብዚ ሓዘን እዚ ተጸሚዱ ንዘሎ ቤተሰቡን ፈተውቱን ናይ ቃልሲ ብጾቱን፡ እቲ ኩሉ ዝካኣሎ ጌታ ሰማይን ምድርን ዝፈጠረ ጽንዓት ይሃብኩም ጠሊ ምስ ፍቕርን ስኒትን የውርደልኩም ንብል ።
ኣቦ መንበር ኤደማ ጀርመን
ብሉይ ብሓዲሽ፥ ክትካእ ኣድማሳዊ ሕጊ እዩ። ከመይሲ እቲ ሓዲሽ ዝነበረ እናኣረገ ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ንኣኡ ዝትክእ ከኣ ጎኑጎኑ ክፍጠር ናይ ግድን ስለዝኾነ። እዚ ማለት እቲ ካብ ሓዲሽ እናበለየ ናብ ብሉይ ገጹ ክጎዓዝ እንከሎ እቲ ብድሕሪኡ ንምሕዳስ ዝመጽእ ሓሳባት ከኣ እቲ ሓዲሽ ሓሳብ ነቲ ብሉይ ይትክኦ ማለት እዩ። እዚ ነቲ ገዲምን ሓድሽን ወለዶ እውን ዝትንክፎ እዩ። እቲ ምስ ሓዲሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ዝመጽእ ወለዶ ካብቲ ብሉይ ንኽሙከር ወይ ትምህርቲ ክቐስም ብቕዓትን ድሌትን ወኒኑ ሓዲሽ ነገር ክምህዝ ይኽእል።
ኤርትራ ሃገርና ኣብ ቅድምን ደሓርን መግዛእታዊ ዝነበረ ምትእስሳር በቲ እዋን እቲ ዝነበረ ናይ ባህልን ልምድን ሓቢርካ ምንባርን ክፈላለ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብቲ ግዜ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ባህሊ ኣዝዩ ክድልድልን ሃገራውነት ንከይፈሓቚን ዝሓልን ዝከላኸልን እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ኣብ ግዜ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ባህሊ ካብቲ ድሕሪ መግዛእቲ ዘሎ መድረኽ ምስቲ እቲ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ከተኣታትዎ ዝሓስብ ዝነበረ ባህሊ ኣዝዩ ይልዕል ምንባሩ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ዕላማ ሃገራውነት ምስቲ ዝተኣሳስሮ ባህልን ልምድን እናተኸባበረ ኣብ ውሽጡ ንፋስ ከየእቱ ብጥንቃቐ ይሕዞ ስለዝነበረ እዩ።
ሎሚ ድሕሪ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ብመግዛእቲ ደቂ ሃገር ምስ ተተከአ ግና እቲ ዝነበረ ባህሊ ሃሲሱ ሕድሓዳዊ ምክብባር ጠፊኡ ብውሑዱ እቲ ቀዳሞት ወለድና ኣብ ሓደ ባይቶ ኮፍ ኢሎም ብምድምማጽ ሽግራት ዝፈትሕሉ ዝነበሩ ጥበብ ኩሉ ጠፊኡ። ንዓበይቲ ምዝንጣልን፥ ንምእንቲ ሃገር ዝተወፈዩን በጃ ዝሓለፉን ምስትንዓቕን፥ ኮታ ንታሪኽ ዝሓለፉን ዝሓለፋን ብምንሻውን ዝተጸምደ ሓዲሽ ወለዶ ነቲ ነባር ክትክእ ይኽእልዶ? ዘጠራጥር እዩ። ሕሉፍ ዘይብሉ ህልዊ ከኣ ኣይክህልዎን እዩ። ህልዊ ዘይብሉ ከኣ መጻኢኡ ጽልግልግ ዝበለን ፍንጡሕን እዩ ክኸውን። ብዘይካዚ በቲ ሕሉፍ ኣሉታዊ ተረኽቦ ብምቚዛም ነቲ ህልዊ ልክዕ ከም ባርዕ ስለ ዘንድዶ እቲ መጻኢ ካብ ሕሉፍ ዝረኽቦ ውጽኢት፡ ወይ እውን ዝምኰረሉ ስለዘይብሉ መሰረት ዘይብሉ ሰነድ እዩ ክውንን።
በቲ ኣብ ግዜ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ቃልሲ በቶም ቀዳሞት ወለዶ ዝተጀመረ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ ማሕበራዊ፡ ፖለቲካውን ቁጠባውን ኣተሓሳስባ ካብቲ ናይ ሽዑ ናይ ገበተ ባህሊ ብቐሊሉ ናጻ ክኸውን ከምዘይክእል ርዱእ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ናይ ቅድም ወለዶ በቲ ናቱ ሃገራዊ ንቕሓትን ዝተኣሳስሮ ዝነበረ ሃገራዊ ባህልን መንነትን ነቲ ዝነበረ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ብሓዲሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ተኪእዎ እዩ። እዚ እቲ ኣድማሳዊ ሕጊ ኮይኑ እቲ ባዕዳዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ከም ብሉይ ክኸውን ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ ምትካእ እዚ ንፍቶ ንጽላእ ገዲም ወይ ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ኣልጊሱ፥ ብሃገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ከምዝተተከአ ሓደን ክልተን ዝበሃሎ ኣይኮነን። ብርግጽ እታ ሃገር ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ናጻ ኮይና ኢያ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ሓዲሽ ሃገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ከይተበገሰ ከሎ ኣሰር እቲ ዝጸንሐ ኣረጊት ወይ ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ክወጽእ ስለዘይከኣለ ከኣ ነቲ ሃገራዊ ዘተኣሳስሮ ዝነበረ ባህልን ልምድን መንነትን ብፈላሊኻ ግዛእ ዝብል ስለ ዝበታተኾ እነሆ ቅጥዒ ብዝሰኣነን ስነምግባር ብዝጎደሎን ተተኪኡ።
እዚ ፈላሊኻ ግዛእ ዝብል ኣተሓሳስባ ነቲ ውጽኢት ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ክኸውን ዝነበሮ ኣሳታፊ፡ ማዕርነታውን፡ ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ መንነትን ኣህሲስዎ። በዚ መሰረት እቲ ጥሙር ሃገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ነቲ ተሓቛቚፉ ክጎዓዝ ጸንሐ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ኣብ እንዳዳታት፥ ሃይማኖታትን፥ ቀቢላታትን ከፋፊሉ ጥራሕ እዩ መሰል ዝሕሎ ዝብል ኣጉል ፍልስፍና ክስዕርር ክኢሉ። በዚ መሰረት እቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝነበሮ ተጻዋርነት፥ ምትሕቑቛፍን፥ ስኒትን ኩሉ በብኣውራጃኡን ሃይማኖቱን ተኸባቢሩ ዝነብረላ ዝነበረት ሃገር በዚ እንተቐጺሉ ኣብ ቅልውላው ክትኣቱ ምዃና ርዱእ እዩ።
ሎሚ እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝነበረ ወለዶ ብደረጃ ገዲም ዝቑጸር ዘሎ፡ ምስቲ ሓዲሽ ወለዶ ኮይኑ እዩ እቲ መድረኽ ናይ ምቅብባልን ተመኩሮ ምውርራስን ባህሊ ክፈጥሮ ዝኽእል እምበር፡ በበይንኻ ኰንካ ዝመጽእ ናይ ምስግጋር ለውጢ ካብ ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ናጻ ከውጸኣና ኣይክእልን። ውጽኢቱ ኣሉታኡ’ውን ከቢድን እዩ ዝኸውን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ሓድሽ ወለዶ ካብ ስነፍልጠት ወጻኢ ብዝኾነ ስምዒት ነቲ ዝነበረ ባህልን ሃገራዊ ምትእስሳርን ብምብታኽ ክትክእ እንተ ኮይኑ ካብቲ ናይ ዝሓለፈ ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣይክመሃርን እዩ። እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ብሄራዊ፡ ሃይማኖታውን ዕልማናውን ዘሎ ፍልልይ መሰረቱ ፖለቲካዊ ምዃኑ ተገንዚብካ ኮፍ ኢልካ ብሓባር ናይ ምዝታይ፡ ምርድዳእን ናይ እንካን ሃባን ባህልን ምስ እነጥሪ እዩ እቲ ብሉይ ብሓዲሽ ክንትክእ በቒዕናዮ ከበሃል ዝክኣል።
ስለዚ ነቲ ዝሓለፈ መጉዳእትን ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባን ዘስዓቦ ቃንዛን ስቅያትን ናይ ሓደ ውሱን ሕብረተሰብ፥ ወይ ናይ ሓደ ውልቀሰብ ዘይኮነስ ናይ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቃንዛን መጉዳእትን ምዃኑ ተገንዚብና ክንቅበሎ ዘኽእለና ሓዲሽ ባህሊ ምፍጣር ከድልየና እዩ። እዚ ሓዲሽ ባህሊ እዚ ግና ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ስነፍልጠት ዝነቐለን እቲ ናይ ብሕቲ ንብሕቲ እቲ ናይ ሃገር ከኣ ናይ ኩሉ ዝኾነሉ ባይታ ክንምድምድ ከሎና እዩ እቲ ገዲም ብሓዲሽ ተተኪኡ ኢልና ንተኣማመነሉ ውጽኢት ንረኽበሉ።
Disaster comes day after more than 550 migrants rescued between Libya and Italy
Saturday 14 January 2017
The disaster came a day after two migrants were found crushed to death in a dinghy AP
More than 100 refugees have drowned after a boat sank in rough conditions in the Mediterranean Sea as the crisis shows no sign of slowing.
The Italian Navy was searching for survivors from the vessel, which was believed to be carrying up to 110 people.
Only four survivors were pulled from the water, with at least eight bodies found so far.
Flavio Di Giacomo, from the International Organisation for Migration, told The Independent around 106 people were thought to have died and described the conditions at sea as "extremely bad".
The boat went down in waters between Libya and Italy, which has become the deadliest sea crossing in the world since the start of the refugee crisis.
It claimed the vast majority of more than 5,000 lives lost in treacherous boat journeys to Europe in 2016, the deadliest year on record, with people drowning or being crushed or suffocated in overcrowded smugglers' boats.
Saturday's disaster was the worst single incident so far this year, which has already seen at least 122 deaths at sea.
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ህልዊ ኩነታት ህዝብናን ሃገርናን፡ ናይቶም ኣብ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ተዋሳእቲ ዘለዉ ኣካላትን ማለት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞን ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ብዓሚቝ ምስ መዘነ ዝመረጾ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዘይጐነጻዊ ኣገባብ እዩ። እዚ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ሒዝዎ ዝመጸ እሞ ኣብቲ ናይ 2015፡ 2ይ ጉባአኡ ዘሕደሶን ዘድመቖን ንኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዝምልከት ውሳነኡ ብኸፊል “…. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክኽተሎ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ሰላማውን ዲሞክራሲያውን ኣገባብ ቃልሲ፡ ሕጂ እውን ህልው ኲነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ዝጠልቦን ዝጻወሮን ንሱ ብምዃኑን፣ ንመጻኢ እውን፡ ህልው ስርዓት ንምእላይ ኣብ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ እዚ ኣገባብ ኪቕጽል ጉባኤ ወሲኑ። ….” ብዝብል ኣብ ሰነዳቱ ኣስፊርዎ ኣሎ።
እዚ ውሳነ’ዚ ብዝተፋላለዩ ወገናት ብዙሕ ትርጉማት ክወሃቦ ይስማዕ እዩ። ሰደህኤ ግና ካብ ስምዒትን ሚዛንን ናይ ዝወሃብ ናይ ግዳም ተጉማት ዘይኮነ ካብቲ ዘዋህለሎ ተመኩሮን ዝበጸሖ ገምጋም ተበጊሱ ኣብቲ ምርጫኡ እዩ ዝጸንዕ። ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ ሸቶኦም ኣብ ኤርትራ ንዘሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣወጊድካ ብደሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምትካእ ክሳብ ዝኾነ፡ ካለኦት ወገናት ንዝመረጽዎ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ’ውን የኽብረሎም።
ሰዲህኤ እዚ ኣገባብ ክመርጽ እንከሎ ኣብ መንጎኡን ኣብ መንጎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍን መሰረታዊ ፍልልይ ከም ዘሎ ብዘይምዝንጋዕን እቲ ንህዝብና ከም ቁርዲድ ጨቢጡ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ጉጅለ ተገዲዱ ተዘይኮይኑ ደንጊጹ ዝህቦ ለውጢ ከም ዘየለ ብምርዳእን እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እዚ ኣገባብ’ዚ ምኽታል ማለት ሰዓርን ተሰዓርን የለን ማለት ከምዘይኮነ ኣጸቢቑ ይግንዘብ እዩ። እቲ ምስዕዓር ግና ኣብ ሕጋውን ሰላማውን መድረኽ፡ ክትህብን ክትቅበልን ቅሩብ ብምዃን፡ እሞ ድማ ናይ ህዝቢ ወሳንነትን ልዕልናን ብዘንጸባርቕ ክኸውን ከም ዝግባእ ይግንዘብ። ኣብዚ ናይ ህዝቢ ሰፊሕ ተሳትፎ ዝድለየሉ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ህዝቢ ኣብ ውጽኢት እቲ ለውጢ ከይዕሾ እሞ ካልእ ብትሕዝቶኡ ካብ ህግደፍ ዘይፍለ ስርዓት ንከይመጾ ግቡእ ምክትታል ምእንቲ ክገብር እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ንህዝቢ እንዳሳተፍካ ምምጻእ ውጽኢት ናይቲ ለውጢ ብውሑዳት “ንሕና ኢና ለውጢ ኣምጺናልካ” በሃልቲ ምእንቲ ከይጭወ ዋሕስ ከም ምትካል ዝውሰድ ስለ ዝኾነ።
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ብመሰረቱ ናብ ዝሓሸ ንምስግጋሩ ናይ ኩሎም ኣብቲ ለውጢ ረብሓ ዘለዎም ወገናት ተሳትፎ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ ይኣምን። እዞም ሰብ ጉዳይ ብሓባር ክቃለሱን ክሳተፉን ክበሃል እንከሎ ብሓባር ከረዳድእ ዝኽእል ኣተሓሳስባን መድረኽን ክፈጥሩ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እቲ ሓደ ክውጽዕ እቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ ኣይውጻዕን ኣብ ዝብሉ ተጻረርቲ ኣተሓሳስባታት ኣብ ዝተሓናነቕሉ ህሞት ብሓባር ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ ክኾኑን ኣብቲ ናይ ምዕራይ ጉዕዞ ብሓባር ክምርሹን ግና ፈጺሞም ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ምኽንያቱ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት በሓትን ብቅዋም ክመሓደር ዘይምቕለልን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ክልቲኦም ተዓወቲ ናብ ዝኾንሉ ውጽኢት ክበጽሑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ኣብ ናይ ተዓዋታይ ተዓዋታይ ውጽኢት ክትበጽሕ ብናይ ሓዴኻ ድሌት ወይ ኣገዳድነት ዝውሰን ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻሩ ናይ ኩሎም ተዋሳእቲ ሰብ ጉዳይ ቅሩብነትን ፈቓድን ክህሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት፡ ኤርትራውያን ናብ ናይ ሓባር ተዓዋትነት ዘብጽሕ መድረኽ ክህልዎም፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ድምጺ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሓይልታት ተቓውሞኡን ጽን ኢሉ ክሰምዕ መተገበአ። እንተኾነ ህግደፍ ከምዚ ክገብር ዘሎ ዕድል ዕጽዊ እዩ ተተባህለ ምግናን ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ካብ ባህግን ድሌትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ኣርሒቑ ሰፊሩ ስለ ዘሎ። ስለዚ ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ናይ ተዓዋታይ ተዓዋታይ ውጽኢት ምጽባይ ኣብ ዘይሰምዓካ ደብሪ ከም ምምህላል እዩ ዝውሰድ።
ቃልስና ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሓጺሩ ዲክታቶርነት ተወጊዱ፡ ልዕልና ህዝቢ ዘውሕስ፡ ህዝቢ ብናጻ ውሳነኡ ብዘጽደቖ ቅዋም ዝቕለስ ብዙሕነታዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ምህናጽ እዩ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ ቀንዲ ክሰዓሩ ከም ሸቶ እነቐምጦም ከኣ ዲክታቶርያዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ኣዕኑድ መሳርሕታቱን ተሰከምቱን እዮም። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣብ ዲክታቶር ዝሰፍርን ብዘይብኣኡ ህልውና ዘየብሉ ምዃኑን ንምብራህ እዩ። ደሞክራሲያዊ ኣተሓሳስባ እውን ብዘይ ዝሕብሕቦ ደሞክራስያዊ ባእታ ህልውና የብሉን። ዲክታተርነት ኣብ ዘይጭበጥ ንፋስ ዝነብር ዘይኮነስ ወጽዓኡ ዘሳስይሉ ዲክታቶራት ኣለውዎ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ዲክታቶርነት ክንስዕር ክንቃለስ እንከለና ኣንጻር ዲክታቶራት ምቕናዕና ናይ ግድን እዩ። ንዲክታቶራት ከይተንከፍካ ንዲክታቶርያዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ፈሊኻ ምቅላስን ምስዓርን ግና ኣይከልን እዩ።
The news about the passing away of Dr. Habte Tesfamariam in the early evening of 13 January 2017 in German at 74 years of age had once more struck as a thunderbolt the rank and file of the Eritrean National Salvation Front, in particular, and its sister organizations in the opposition camp, and the wider change and justice seekers’ national movement, in general. The death of Dr. Habte is yet another devastating loss the ENSF has suffered in the span of the past few years.
His involvement in the Eritrean national movement had started at youthful age. As a student he had joined the Eritrean Liberation Movement whose message and organization had soon after its formation in 1958 spread countrywide in 7-person clandestine formations. During his enrollment as veterinary science student in Alemaya College, Ethiopia, he continued his activities from there as well. Subsequent to graduation with the first degree, he moved to Poland to pursue higher studies. From there, too, he joined other fellow compatriots to organize Europe-wide student union, which they wanted to link with the General Union of the Eritrean students whose members were studying in Cairo, Baghdad and Syria.
As chairman of his union in Europe he was frequent visitor to the Middle East in the 60s for the purpose of consulting with the ELF leadership of the time (The Supreme Council and the ELF later), and unifying the student unions under the General Union of the Eritrean Students (GUES). One of those travelers was in 1968. These missions had continued during his time as Ph.D. candidate in Berlin, East Germany. Following the completion of his studies there, he joined the ELF as a full timer fighter
The first encounter the writer of these lines had with him in person was at the venue of the ELF Second National Congress in 1975 where he was elected as a member of the higher political leadership the front, the Revolutionary Council. It was in that capacity that he was assigned to lead the European and African desk of the ELF Foreign Relations from his base in Damascus, Syria. Close working relationship between the Foreign Relations office and the ELF Foreign Information Center in Beirut, Lebanon, had given me as a member of the staff of the latter an opportunity to know Dr. Habte more as a person and an activist.
Dr. Habte was a kind, humble and modest man. A first impression was sufficient for a person to mark his jovial nature. His humility and respect for individual’s regardless of rank or status manifested themselves in practical life. Whenever he happened to be for work visits, he had shared his stipend or allowance with his subordinates, and did the shopping and prepared meals for them while they attended their jobs. I was one of those who had enjoyed his kindness and affection.
During his tenure as head of Euro-African desk in the ELF Foreign Relations bureau, his effort to open relations with European and African countries was relentless. It must be recalled that during those times these countries were almost totally closed area to ELF, and the Eritrean activists in general due to Ethiopia’s dominant diplomatic influence that encompassed the two superpowers of the time and their allies. Therefore, his movement was closely watched, and in one incident in 1976 in Lusaka, Zambia, he had narrowly escaped kidnapping by enemy security agents thanks to the then Ambassador of Somalia.
Due to this hurdles his efforts had faced, his pursuit of political and diplomatic openings for the ELF were run in two directions: political and diplomatic where possible and humanitarian aid channels to help refugees mainly in the camps in Eastern Sudan. In regard to the latter, he joined hands in 1975 with his friend from his student days, Dr. Yusuf Birhanu Ahmaddin, to found the Eritrean Red Cross-Crescent Society. This became crucial means in establishing contacts and relations with humanitarian and non-governmental aid agencies, and provided valuable medical and school facilities to needy refugees and their children such as UNESCO school in Kassala, Sudan, and the primary school at Wed-Sherifey refugee camp kilometers outskirt of Kassala.
His tenure in the Foreign Relation office had continued up to the end of the year 70s, and the setback the ELF had suffered in 1982 due to the allied EPLF-TPLF assault. The internal crisis and the unfortunate March 25 military takeover by contingents of the ELF under the late Abdalla Idris Mohammed, and detention of most of the top leadership had embarked Dr. Habte on extremely difficult mission.
The principal challenge was how to preserve at least some semblance of what the ELF had represented: demographic representation and programmatic ideals. It was then that his leadership quality had factored to manifest in resoluteness for principles and pragmatism in dealing with problems in the context of existing realities. During that difficult time, when the mainstream segment of the ELF that retained the name ELF-RC faced impossible options of disbanding or continuing as an organization, Dr. Habte had to rely on his pragmatism and find maneuvering space. That was the time when he and other leaders decided to opt for merger with the late Osman Saleh Sabbe’s organization and avoid dispersal and oblivion. That decision gave accorded the organization a breathing space until it could reorganize its rank and file re-emerge again as viable organization. Thus, Dr. Habte joined by the late Ahmed Mohammed Nasser and Ibrahim Mohammed Ali and many others, were able to lead the ELF-RC to hold its 3rd National Congress in 1989 from where it re-launched itself to play its role.
Ever since, thus, he served the organization in top level positions such as the chairmanship of the higher political leadership council (RC) and numerous ad hoc political missions and dialogue committees for unity. There had hardly been an attempt in the long unity efforts in which Dr. Habte had not played prominent role. This was true even in post-liberation years since 1991, when the monopolistic and dictatorial nature of the EPLF regime became more and more entrenched. Indeed, the struggle to unify the opposition organizations and rally support for them has demanded patriots with Dr. Habte’s level of commitment to national unity and liberation.
For that reason, he was conspicuously visible at various stages in the forums and conferences that produced opposition umbrellas. He had never missed any significant platform of which the 2010 Akaki Conference that led to Hawassa Congress a year after mere examples. He had served so diligently on the committees that he had co-authored of the Road Map which the Hawassa Congress of 2011 had adopted.
His comrades-in struggle, and generations to come, shall remember Dr. Habte an as accomplished patriot who had uniquely combined resoluteness on principles and flexible pragmatism on expediency whenever circumstances had called for it. This outlook reinforced by personal character had served him well in times of political crises. Whenever contradictions made political divorce, and thereby, decision making inevitable, the fate of national unity to which he was totally committed was deal maker or deal breaker. He shall be remembered as a man with unshaking faith in national unity through solidarity and integration as opposed to unity through compromise oriented military and political balances. On this matter, thus, no expediency or power of persuasion could sway him to compromise.
Dr. Habte had passed away while still the beloved and respected fatherly chairman of the Eritrean National Salvation Front. He shall be missed for long time as those who preceded him. He is survived with three bright children and their beloved mother.
May his soul rest in eternal peace, and his widow and children be graced with the strength that enable them work through the devastating grief.
ሸኽ ሓሰን ከክያ፡ ብ13 ጥሪ 2017 ኣብ ርእሰ-ከተማ ሱዳን ኣብ ካርቱም ከምዝዓረፈ ምስ ሰማዕና፡ ብዙሕ ሰንቢድናን ሓዚናን። ሸኽ ሓሰን ከክያን ቤተሰቡን፡ ኣብ’ቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተገብረ ቃልስታት ዘበርክተዎ ግዴታት ልሉይ ኢዩ ነይሩ።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ንሸኽ ሓሰን ከክያ መንግስተ-ሰማይ፡ ንስድራቤቱን ቤተሰቡን ድማ እግዚኣብሄር ጽንዓት ይሃቦም፡ ጠሉ ድማ የውርደሎም እናበለ፡ ናይ መሪር ሓዘኖም ተኻፋላይ ምዃኑ ይገልጽ።
ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ
14 ጥሪ 2017
ስውእ ተጋዳላይ ዶክተር ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም ብ13 ጥሪ 2017 ኣብ ጀርመን ብሕማም ምኽንያት ከምዝዓረፈ ምስ ሰማዕና፡ ብዙሕ ሰንቢድናን ሓዚናን። ስውእ ዶር ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም፡ ምሉእ ህይወቱ ምእንቲ ናጽነትን ሓርነትን ህዝቡ እተበጀወ ውፍይን ጽኑዕን ተቓላሳይ ኢዩ ነይሩ።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ንስውእ መንግስተ-ሰማይ፡ ንስድራቤቱ፡ ቤተሰቡን መቓልስቱን ድማ እግዚኣብሄር ጽንዓት ይሃቦም፡ ጠሉ ድማ የውርደሎም እናበለ፡ ናይ መሪር ሓዘኖም ተኻፋላይ ምዃኑ ይገልጽ።
ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ
14 ጥሪ 2017
ዝኸበርኩም ኤርትራውያንን ፈተውቲ ህዝብናን !!
ሎሚ ዕለት 13/01/2017 ልክዕ ሰዓት07.00 ናይ ኣጋ ምሸት፡ ሓርበኛ ሃገራዊ መራሒ ዶር. ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም፣ ኣቦ መንበር ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ፣ ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ሕማም፡ ካብ’ዛ ዓለም ብመስዋእቲ ተፈሊዩና ምህላዉ መሪር ሓዘን እናተሰማዓና ንሕብረኩም ። ንብጻይናን መራሒናን ዶር. ሃብተ ተስፋማርያም፣ መንግስተ ሰማያት የዋርሶ፣ ንክብርቲ በዓልቲ ቤቱ ብጸይቲ ኣድያም ተኽሊት ምስ ክቡራትን ደቁን ብምሉኦም ስድራ ቤቱን ብጾትን ከምኡ’ውን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተቓልስቲ ሓይልታቱን ከኣ ጽንዓትን ኣኻእሉን ይሃበና።
ብዛዕባ ሰነ ስርዓት ቀብርን ካልእ ሓበሬታ ከንስዕብ ኢና።
ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ