ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ እዋን ኩሉ ዕላልና ፖለቲካ ኮይኑ ከም ዘሎ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ቀደም ፖለቲካ ናይ ውሱናት ኣብ ከባቢ ፖለቲካውን መንግስታውን ስልጣን ዝርከቡ ወገናት ኣጀንዳ ጌርካ ይውሰድ ነይሩ። ሎሚ ግና ፖለቲካዊ ዛዕባን ዕላልን ካብ ሊቅ ክሳብ ደቂቅ ናይ ኩሉ ሰብ ኣጀንዳ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ  ብቀንዱ ናይ ኩሉ ወገን ህይወት ኣብ ትሕቲ ፖለቲካዊ ስግኣት ምህላዉ ዘመልክት ኮይኑ፡ ሳላ ዘበናዊ ስልጣነ ዝተፈጥረ ስሉጥ ዋሕዚ ሓበሬታ እውን ካልእ ምኽንያት ጌርካ ዝውሰድ እዩ።

ህይወትና ምሉእ ብምሉእ ካብ ፖለቲካ ፈሊኻ ዝረአ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ፖለቲካ ብፖለቲካኡ ብዛዕባ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከተካ ምዝራቡ ጽቡቕ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ግና ብዛዕባ ናይ ካለኦት ክየልዓልካ ተሓጺርካ ምንበር ማለት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ከም ኤርትራውያን ጸገማትና ብዙሕ፡ እንጽበዮ መፍትሒ እውን ከምኡ ብዙሕ እናሃለወ፡ ብዛዕባ ፖለቲካና ምዝራብ ዝጽላእ ዘይኮነስ ዝተባባዕ እዩ፡ ምኽንያቱ ፍታሕ ካብ ቀጻሊ ልዝብን ምዝርራብን ስለ ዝመጽእ። ወዮ “እስኪ ንላዘብ ምኽሪ ንክርከብ” እኳ ዝበሃል።

ብዓለም ደረጃ ከይተረፈ፡ ኣሻቓሊ ኣጀንዳ ዝኾነ ጉዳይካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ ብቐጥታ ዘይምልከተካ ምዝራብ ግና ዘይሩዘይሩ ነቲ እንተሃደምካሉ’ውን ዘይተርፈካ ሓላፍነት ፊትንፊት ካብ ምግጣም ምህዳም ሓሊፉ ካልእ ትርጉም ዝወሃቦ ኣይኮነን። ኮታ ከምቲ “መርዓ ጓለን ቀላቕል ምዓለን” ዝበሃል እዩ ክኸውን። ንኣብነት ህደግለነ ዘየብሉ ናይ ኢሳይያስን ጉጅለኡን ዲክታቶርያዊ ምምሕዳር ኣብ ቅድሜኻ ተኾድጩ እናሃለወ፡ ብዛዕባ ብዝምድናዊ ኣዘራርባ ካብቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ዝሓሸ ምምሕዳር ንዘለወን ሃገራትን መራሕተንን ከተነኣእስ ምውዓል ብቐሊሉ ዝረአ ሕማም ኣይኮነን።

ንስኻ ኣካሉ ዝኾንካሉ ህዝብን ሃገርን፡ ልዕልና ፍትሕን ሕገመንግስታዊ ምምሕዳርን ምሉእ ብምሉእ በዂርዎም እናሃለወ፡ ናይ ካለኦት ሃገራት ኣተገባብራ ሕገ-መንግስታት፡ ዘይምእኩል ምምሕዳራት፡  ኣወሃህባ ፍትሒ፡ መስርሕ ምርጫታት፡ ቁጠባዊ ፖሊስታት ’’’’’’’’ ወዘተ ከተነኣእስን ከተቆናጽብን ምውዓል ንበሃሊኡ ዘሕፍርን ኣብ ዓይኒ ተዓዘብቲ ዘውድቕን እዩ። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዓይኑ ብጨው ተሓጺቡ ሕንኩ ዝቐንጠጠ ኣብ ጥራይ ጐልጐል ዝዕብ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ኣብ መዝገበ ቃላቱ ዘየለ ምርጫን ካልእ መርኣያ ዲሞክራሲ ብዝኾኑ   ኣምራት እንተተወራዘየ መለክዒ ባህርያቱ ስለ ዝኾነ ኣየገርምን። እዚ ተግባሩ ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘመሓላልፎ ናይ ንዕቀት መልእኽቲ ግና ጓሲኻዮ ዝሕለፍ ኣይኮነን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ንዓኣቶም ዝምልከት ዛዕባታት ዘንጊዖም፡ ብዛዕባ ህወሓት፡ ኢህወደግ፡ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኦሮሚያ፡ ቅማንት፡ ወልቃይትን ነጢሮም ከኣ ብዛዕባ ሰላም ሶማልያን ደቡብ ሱዳንን ክለዓል እንከሎ መልሓሶ ዝሰሓሉ ኤርትራውያን ብዙሓት እዮም። ብዛዕባ እዚታት ምዝራብ ንውሪ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከተና ዘራጊቶ ተግባራት ህግደፍ ንዛረብ ክትብሎም እንከለኻ ግና ሚዛኖምን ቅሩብነቶምን ዝጐድል ብዙሓት እዮም። ብፍላይ ናይ ጉርሒ ይኹን ናይ ገርሂ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ እንተኾይኖም ኣብቲ ዘረባ ዘቐጽል ሕሩጭ ስለ ዘይህልዎም፡ እቲ ዝመርጽዎ ዘረባ ንዘይምጅማር ምጉብዕባዕ እዩ። ይፍተዉ ይጽልኡ ግና ጉዳይና ብምጉብዕባዕ ስለ ዘይውዳእ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ናብ ዘሎ ሓቂ ተገዲዶም ኢዶም ዝህብሉ ኩነታት ደፊኡ ይመጽእ ከምዘሎ ከስተብህሉ ይግበኦም።

እቲ ካልእ ካብ ጉዳይካ ናይ ምህዳም መልክዕ፡ ንካልእ ብምንኣስ ጐብለል ክትከውን ምፍታን እዩ። ንካልእ ሓሳዊ ብምባል ሓቀኛ፡ ንኻልእ ድኻ ብምባል ሃብታም፡ ንካልእ ግጉይ ብምባል ቅኑዕ፡ ዝኽወን ስለ ዝመስሎም ጸፍ ክብሉ ዝውዕሉን ዝሓድሩን እውን ምስቶም ጉዳያም ኣቐሚጦም ብዛዕባ እንዳማቶም ክመጻረዩ ዝውዕሉ ዝጽብጸቡ እዮም። እዚ ማልት ግና ንጉዳይካ ምስ ናይ ካለኦት ጉዳይ እንዳወዳደርካ ምዝራብ ነውሪ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እዚ ናትካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ እንዳማትካ ምዝራብ ካብቲ ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ንምድንጋርን ተሓቚኑ ኣብ ዘይጽዒ ሸንኮለል ንምንባርን ዝህንድሶ ሜላታት ሓደ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ጥራይ መዓኮሩ፡ ብዘለዎም ዓቕሚ ህዝቦም ብምስታፍ ሃገራቶም ክመርሑ ሓርኮትኮት ንዝብሉ መራሕቲ ምንእኣስ ካብቲ ዝልለየሉን ብብዙሓት መራሕቲ ሃገራት ከም ጽሉል ዝተገልጸሉን ተግባራቱ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣብዚ ኤርትራዊ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኣዝዩ ውዑይ ኣጀንዳ ዘለወሉ መድረኽ እውን ከይተረፈ “ ንሕና ብዛዕባ 5 ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባ 480 ሚልዮን ዝኸውን ህዝቢ እዚ ዞባ ኢና እንሓስብ” ከም ዝበለና ኩልና ሰሚዕናዮ ኢና። ሰማይ ዝሃገርኩም ኣብዛ 5 ሚልዮን እሞ ተባዕ፡ ጻዕረኛን ትዕግስተኛን ዝህዝባን ብኣቀማምጣ ኮነ ብተፈጥሮ ሃብቲ ዝተዓደለትን ሃገር ዘየድመዐስ፡ 480 ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኣብ ዘለውዎ ተሓቋኒ ማዕበል ሓንቢሱ ክወጽእ ማለት ድዩ። እዚ ምናልባት ነቲ ኢሳይያስ “ኤርትራ ንኢሳትኒ” ዝብል ሕማም ኣለዎ ዝብል ናይ ብዙሓት ግምት ዘራጉድ ይኸውን።

ሓደ ሰብ ከም ዝሓበረኒ፡ ኣብዚ ቀረባ እዋን ሓደ ኤውሮጳዊ ናይ ማሕበራዊ ሳይነስ ተመራማሪ ምስ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ኣስመራ ተራኺቡ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ናይ ዝያዳ ክልተ ሰዓታት ርክቦም ኢሳይያስ ዋላ ሓንሳብ ኤርትራ እትብል ቃል ከይጠቐሰ፡ ዞባ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕርን ዝብላ ሓረጋት እንዳቐያየረ ወግዑ ብምውዱኡ ከም ዝተገረም እቲ ሊቅ ዘጻወቶም ወገናት’ውን ተገሪሞም። እዚ ኢሳይያስ ክሳብ ክንደይ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ካብ ልቡ ኣውጺኡ ሰማይሰማይ ይሓስብ ከምዘሎ ዘረድእ ምስክርነት እዩ። ከምዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ከኣ  ንሕና እቶም ሰብ ጉዳይ “ብዛዕባ ጉዳይና ግዳ ዘይንዛረብ” ንብል ዘለና።

Source: African Arguments

https://africanarguments.org/2019/01/15/ethiopia-border-open-why-eritrea-sudan-fleeing/

Despite huge regional shifts, Eritreans continue to flee through Sudan, aided by resilient and flexible people-smuggling networks.

Smuggling networks in east Sudan are flexible and resilient. Credit: SOS Sahel

When the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea reopened in September 2018, it was a momentous occasion for the two neighbours. For the first time in twenty years, people on both sides were free to reunite with their loved ones.

The border opening was particularly significant, however, for those in Eritrea. Over the last two decades, hundreds of thousands of Eritreans – around 12% of the entire population – have fled Africa’s “Hermit Kingdom”. They have braved an official “shoot to kill” policy at the closed borders to escape into either Sudan or Ethiopia and embarked on perilous trips – risking predatory militias, exploitation, sexual violence and unforgiving tundra – with the aim of reaching Israel, the Gulf or Europe.

The new ability to travel freely to Ethiopia – without a passport, permit or promise to return – suddenly offered an opportunity to leave Eritrea with far lower risks. Many have seized it. According to the UN Refugee Agency and local authorities in Ethiopia’s Tigray state, arrivals from Eritrea have soared. Between 12 September and 2 October alone, over 10,000 people entered reception camps in Ethiopia.

But while this much was anticipated, the numbers of people crossing into Sudan has, somewhat unexpectedly, not reduced. Concrete data is difficult to access regarding irregular migration, but in-country sources suggest that the streams of people entering Sudan remained relatively consistent since the border opening. The question is why.

How smuggling in Sudan works

Sudan has long been a permissive environment for smuggling. Corruption, insecurity and porous borders have enabled illicit networks to flourish, turning the country into a conduit for not just goods and firearms but people. A lucrative commercial ecosystem has emerged for people-smuggling with criminal networks supplying logistics, accommodation and transportation to satisfy demand.

Along Sudan’s eastern borderlands, smugglers tend to derive from the nomadic Rashaida, Bedouin and Hidarib communities. They ferry “clients” in pickup trucks for a stretch of the journey before offloading them to the next group. These segmented expeditions allow poorer migrants to adopt a “pay as you go” approach, travelling in stages and working ad hoc to pay off their debts and raise the next tranche of funding. This avoids the need for expensive lump sums.

For years, Sudanese smugglers have marketed these services upstream to Eritreans through front “companies” and local contacts. Exploiting shared kinship bonds and tribal affiliations, they placate suspicious migrants by framing voyages as “low risk” and insisting refugees will receive support from compatriots in the diaspora. Often recruiters entice customers by distorting their expectations with promises of informal welfare nets and assistance in finding employment along their journeys.

While this has proven to be an attractive package, such arrangements remain exceptionally precarious. In reality, Eritreans face sexual abuse and high fatality rates en route. The assured brokerage of local smugglers regularly falls through, leaving migrants vulnerable to extortion and trafficking once trapped in Sudan.

Why not go through Ethiopia?

Given the dangers of transiting through Sudan, why have numbers remained relatively consistent despite the presence of a seemingly easier route through Ethiopia?

One possibility is that many Eritreans remain highly sceptical of the political changes happening at the highest level. Since the peace deal with Ethiopia, there has been very little transparency around the pact or information regarding what it will mean for those in Eritrea.

To begin with, the usual factors compelling Eritreans to flee – including repression, indefinite conscription and economic hardship – are all still in place. There is little incentive for the regime to scale back the “garrison state” as national service and systems of indentured labour ensure a pliable society and secure its survival. At the same time, many Eritreans may be wary of taking the current changes at face value. Having lived under President Isaias Afwerki’s authoritarian and sometimes capricious rule for decades, many may wonder how long the border with Ethiopia will actually remain open, while rumours of security crackdowns abound.

The influx of migrants crossing into Ethiopia has also strained Tigray state’s reception camps, processing infrastructure and health services. Over-saturation and an under-resourced host population has led to a deterioration of living standards for refugees, revealing the bleak realities facing migrants who have already crossed the border.

Sudan’s resilient smugglers

A final factor behind Sudan’s continued appeal for Eritrean refugees is that its smuggling networks remain in operation and are likely to endure in the face of any broader regional shifts.

Sudan’s smuggling nexus is not composed of kingpins or cartels but flexible networks of small competitive cells subscribing to the “supermarket principle” of high volume with low costs. This decentralised quality makes local service chains extremely versatile, enabling them to adapt to the closure of old routes and rescale to manage fluctuations in demand. Bosses with political connections may (temporarily) control particular bottlenecks, but in relatively unregulated areas such as eastern Sudan, barriers to market entry are low. Here, the smuggling industry comprises a series of loose working relationships that dissolve and re-form in response to new opportunities.

This configuration has helped insulated the trade from dependency on individual strongmen. For instance, over the last two decades, senior members of the Eritrean Defence Forces such as Brigadier-General Tekle Manjus Kiflay have allegedly been embedded in a range of criminal ventures, including human smuggling. But while they expedited migratory flows, these figures are ultimately components of a far wider transnational network. Their reported recent marginalisation by Isaias therefore seems to have done little to seriously disrupt day-to-day operations either side of the border.

The durability of Sudan’s networks also stems from their depth. Participation in, and profit from, smuggling is fairly ubiquitous in Sudanese communities living along migrant routes, with young men reportedly joining trafficking gangs to make quick cash before public festivities like Ramadan. More broadly, these exploitative practices have also become relatively normalised in these communities, especially in the context of Sudan’s own economic crisis, helped by the fact that they generate revenue streams and a cheap labour supply to satiate domestic shortfalls. Due to this significant level of public buy-in, there is little institutional capacity or inclination in Sudan to crack down on human smuggling. As a result, the trade has been able to survive and thrive as it responds to new challenges.

This resilience of Sudan’s smugglers combined with Eritreans’ mistrust of their government and Ethiopia’s difficulties in handling large numbers of arrivals may account for why refugees are not automatically opting to cross the open border to Ethiopia rather than journey through Sudan. Despite seemingly momentous regional shifts, these factors have contributed to situation in which irregular migrant flows from Eritrea to Sudan appear to have held relatively steady.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/with-ethiopias-border-now-open-why-are-eritreans-still-fleeing-to-sudan

ብዕለት 13.01.2019 ጨንፈር ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኡን ዘካየዶ ኣኼባ፡ ብናይ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ብናይ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መያእኩም ሰዓት 14.00 ምስ ተኸፈተ፡ ኣብ ዝስዕብ ኣጀንዳታት ተእትዩ፡-

1 - ነዚ ዓመትዚ ክግበር ተመዲቡ ዘሎ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአን ፈስቲቫልን፤

2 - ንእኡ ብዝምልከት ኣባላት ክገብርዎ ዝግብኦም ኩሉ መዳያዊ ተሳትፎታትን፤

3 - ህልዊ ጸገማት ህዝብናን መንእሰያትን ዝብሉ ኮይኖም መሪሕ ግደ መንእሰያትን ዘለዎም ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን ዘጠቓለሉ ነይሮም።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ (ሕድሪን) ኣብ ሓደ ንምምጻእ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ጻዕርታትን ንምዕዋት 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባኤን ዝሰላሰል ዘሎ መስርሕ ኣብዝተጠቕሰ ቀዳማይን ካልኣይን ኣጀንዳታት፡ ንድፊ ቅዋምን መምርሒ ሓጻይት ሽማግለ ናብ ኣባላት ተዘርጊሑ ምህላዉን ብምምሕዳር ጨንፈር መብርሂ ድሕሪ ምቕራብ፡ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ብሰፊሑ ተዘራሪበሙሉ። ኣኼበኛ እዚ መጸናበሪ ጉባአ‘ዚ ብዓወት ክዛዘምን ምስ ካልኦት ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት እውን፤ እተኽእለ ኣብ ሓደ ንምጥርናፍን  ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕን ኣተባባዕን ክኸውን ከም ዝኽእል ተስፍኡን ትጽቢቱን ብምግላጽ፤ ኩሉ ዝከኣሎ ንክገብር መብጽዓ ብምእታው ኣበርክትኡ ክገብር ከምዝኽእል ብምርኣይ  ኣብ  ኣወንታዊ ጅማሮታት ኣትዩ።

 ኣብቲ ዝሰዓበ ኣጀንዳታት እቲ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ምብትታንን ስደት መንእሰያትን ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ዝፈጠሮ ጸገማት ሕብረተ-ሰብና፡ ከም ዝኾነን፡ እዚ ዝተበደለ መንእሰይ ድማ ኣብ ስደት ከይተረፈ ገና ሽግሩ ብመጋበርያታት ህግዲፍ እናገደደ እኸይድ ከም ዘሎን፡ መንእሰይ ሓው ክብሮም ዓንዶም ኣባል ጨንፈር ሽማግለ ብዝርዝር መግለጺ ኣቕሪቡ። መንእሰይ ክብሮም ኣብ መግለጺኡ፡ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ‘ውን ተጠርኒፉ ሓድነቱ ኣደልዲሉ ሽግር መንእሰያትን ብዓቢኡ ድማ ሽግር ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ምፍታሕ ዘለዎ ሓላፍነት ብግቡእ ከም ዘየማልአን  ጠቒሱ። ወሲኹ‘ውን ኣብዚ ዘሎናዮ ግዜ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ንውልቃዊ ረብሓኡ ክብል ህዝቢ ኣብ ዘይፈልጦ ውዲታት ዝፍጽመሉ ዘሎን እዋን ኮይኑ፡ ሃገርና ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ንኸይታኣቱ፡ መንእሰያትና ዝዓበየ ሓላፍነት ብምስካም፡ ብተወፋይነት ክብድሁዎ ዘለዎም ዕማም ምዃኑ ፈሊጦም ሓድነቶም ኣደልዲሎም ክብገሱ ከም ዘለዎም ተሪር ምሕጽንታ ኣቕሪቡ።

ኣብዚ ጉዳይ‘ዚ እውን ኣኼበኛታት ርእይቶታትን ሃናጺ ሓሳባትን ብምልውዋጥ፡ ነዚ ዘሎ መድረኻዊ ዕማም ብኣና ብኤርትራውያን እምበር ካብ ዝኾነ ካልእ ኣካል ከይተጸበኻ፡ ከይተሓለልካ ብምቅላስ ጥራሕ ከም ዝኾነ ክፍታሕ ዝኽእል ኣስሚሮሙሉ።

ኣኼባ ኣብ ሰዓቱ ብዝክረ ሰማእታት ተዛዚሙ

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብቲ ቀደም ቀደም፡ ዝተወሰነ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ከም ብሌን ዓይኑ ይሕልዎን በጃ ይሓልፈሉን ከም ዝነበረ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻርዚ ካብ ንግሁኡ ኢሳይያስ ከምዚ ሕጂ ኮይንዎ ዘሎ ዕንኪላሎ ከም ዝኸውን ዝኣመቱ እውን ነይሮም። ኢሳይያስ ነዚ ውሱን ናይ ህዝቢ ደገፍ ብምምዝማዝ ዝተኽተሎ ናይ ሓሶት “ሓላዪ ህዝቢ” መሲልካ ናይ ምቕራብ ድራማታት’ኳ ይሰርሕ እንተነበረ፡ ሓቀኛ ናይ ህዝቢ ወገን ኮይኑ ግን ኣይፈልጥን። ግዜ ሓያል ፈራዲ ስለ ዝኾነ እዚ ናይ ኢሳይያስ ሓሳዊ ምስሉይነት ዘለኣለማዊ ክኸውን ኣይከኣለን። ምስልይነቱ እንዳተቐንጠጠ ሓቀኛ እንታይነት ናይዚ ዲክታቶር ካብ ምቅላዑ ዓዲ ኣይወዓለን። እዚ ማለት ኢሳይያስ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ እምበር ናይ ውሑዳት ኮነ ናይ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን መርኣያ ኮይኑ ኣይፈልጥን እዩ።

እዚ ክብሃል እንከሎ፡ ኢሳይያስ በይኑ ዘይኮነ ግዝያዊ መኻይዲ ዝኾንዎ ኣካላት ፈጢሩ ሓቀኛ ናይ ህዝቢ ወገን መሲሉ ክቐርብ ኣይጸዓረን ማለት ግን ኣይኮነን። ኩልና ከም እንርደኦ “ዓወት ንሓፋሽ” ክሳብ ሕጂ መሪሕ ጭረሖ ኢሳይያስን ጉጅለኡን ኮይና ትቕጽል ኣላ። “መዓስ፡ እንታይ ንምርግጋጽን ንምዕዋትን እዩ ሓፋሽ ተዓዊቱ?” ኢልካ ምስ እትሓትት ግና፡ ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመኩሮና፡ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክዕወትን ከዕኑን እምበር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ እንክዕወት ዘርኢ ተመኩሮ የብልናን። እምበርከ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብዘይሕገመንግስቲ፡ ብዘይልዕልና ሕጊ፡ ብዘይፈልጦምን ዘይመረጾምን መራሕቲ፡ ብዘይምኽባር ኩሉ መሰረታዊ መሰላት፡ ብዘይ ናይ ምውዳብን ሓሳብካ ምግላጽ መሰልን፡ ወዘተ እንዳተመሓደረ፡  ባዶ “ዓወት ንሓፋሽ ክደጋገመሉ እንከሎ ምስምንታይ እዩ ክቒጸር። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ መግዛእቲ ከም ዝተዓወተ፡ እንተኾነ ናይ ዓወቱ ተጠቃሚ ከምዘይኮነ ግና ብሩህ እዩ።

ኢሳይያስ ከም ዝኾነ ጸረ ህዝቢ፡ ንሱ ብዛዕባ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፈልጥ እምበር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዛዕባኡ ዝፈልጥ ኮይኑ ኣይስመዖን እዩ። ናይ ካለኦት ዲክታቶራት ዝምድና ምስቲ ዝገዝእዎ ህዝቢ ንምድህሳስ ግዜ ከይወሰድና፡ ናብ ተመኩሮና ክንመጽእ እንከለና፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢሳይያስ እንታይ ከም ዝሓስብን ስለምንታይን ኣዳዕዲዑ ይፈልጥ እዩ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ሓደ ብዕድመ ዝደፍኡ ብፖለቲካ ከኣ ዝበሰሉ ኤርትራዊ ብዛዕባዚ ዘሎ ኩነታት ሃገርና ከዕልሉ እንከለዉ፡ “ኢሳይያስ ብፍላይ ምስ ትግራይ ዘለዎ ሽግር ጉዳይ ዶብ ዘይኮነ፡ ዓባይ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ምምራሕ ዘይተጋህደ ሕልሙ ከይከውን እሰግእ እየ” ዝበልዎ፡ ህዝብና ብዛዕባ ሃርጎምጎም ኢሳይያስ ይፈልጥዩ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣዕሚቑ ከም ዝፈልጥ ዘመላኽት እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ናብዚ ግናይ ሰብኣይ ቅርበት ዝነበሮም ወገናት ዝህብዎ ዘለዉ ግምታት እውን ነዚ ዘራጉድ እዩ።

ኣብ ዝተወሰነ መድረኽ ኢሳይያስ ካብቲ ኣብ ዓዲ ኮይኑ ኩሉ ንቓልሲ ዘድሊ ዋጋ ክኸፍል ዝጸንሓ ሓፋሽ ኤርትራዊ፡ ናብቲ ብረት ዓጢቑ ኣብ ሜዳ ዝተሰለፈ ኤርትራዊ ክፋል ከም ዘዳሉ ይንገር ነይሩ። ንሱ ብዝሃንደሶ ተንኮል ኣብ ኣብያተ-መዘናግዕን ካለኦት ህዝቢ ዝእከበሎምን ኣገልግሎት ዝሓተሎምን መድረኻት እንዳሲቪልን እንዳተጋደልትን እንዳበልካ ማይቤታት ተንኮላዊ ምክፍፋላት ነይሮም እዮም። ነዚ ኢሳይያስ ኮነ ኢሉ ዝዘርገሖ ናይ ጥፍኣት መርበብ ተኸቲሎም ጣዕሳኡ ኣብ ዘይወጽእ ጸረ ህዝቢ ተግባራት ዝተሳተፉ ንዓኣቶም እምበር ንህዝቢ ዘይተቓለሱ ከም ዝነበሩ እውን ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ እቲ ቀንዲ ከሳቢ እቲ ብምክፍፋል ዝሃጥር ኢሳይያስ ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እንዳሓደረ ግና ኢሳይያስ ኣይኮነንዶ ናይቲ ሓፍሽ ተጋዳላይ ክኸውንስ ናይ ጉጅለ 13 ኮነ ናይ ጉጅለ 15 እውን ክኸውን ኣይከኣለን። እዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ እዞም ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ጉጅለታት ዝወሰዶ ስጉምትታት ከኣ ኢሳይያስ ምስ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ከምዘየለ ዘረድእ ግብራዊ ስጉምቲ እዩ። ንሱ ናይዞም ክሳብ ሕጂ ብምርኩስ ተደጊፎም ምስኡ ዘለዉ ፍሩያት ባእታታት እውን የለን። ኮታ ከም ብርሃነ ኣብርሀ እንዳቖንጠረ  መዓስ ከም ዝውደኦም መስርዕ ሒዞም ዝጽበዩ ዘለዉ  ግዳያት እዮም። ብእምንቶና ንሳቶም እውን እዚ ይጠፍኦም እዩ ማለት ኣይመስለናን። እንዳፈለጡ ተኾዲጮም ይጽበይዎ ምህላዎም ከኣ ደጊም ዝገበረ ይግበርና እምበር እንታይ ክገብር ብዝብል ድዉይ ውሳነ እዩ። ከምቲ ግቡእ ግና ረፊዱ እምበር፡ ንኢሳይያስ ከምቲ በይኑ እንዳሓሰበ ብሓሶት ምሳኹም ኣለኹም ዝብሎም፡ ደጊም ንሕና እውን ምሳኻ የለናን ዝብልሉ ዕድል ኣይዓረበን።

ኢሳይያስ ነዚ ነባርን ዝተሓላለኸን ውዲቱ ከዕውት ሓሶት ከዘውትር ናይ ግድን እዩ። ንሓቀኛ መንነት ኢሳይያስ ዘይተረድኡ ግሩሃት ሓሳዊ ምባሉ የሕምሞም ይኸውን። ምናልባት እውን ከምኡ ምባል ንኤርትራ ምውራድ ይመስሎም ይኸውን። እንተ ሓሶታት ኢሳይያስ ብዙሕ እዩ። ኣብ ካልእ ከይከድና ኣብ ዝኾነ ቃለ-መጠይቑ ዝኣትዎም ቃላትን ዝህንድሶም ቆጸራታትን ናይ ሓሶት እዮም። ቅድሚ ወርሕን ገለን ኣቢሉ ኣብ ዘካየዶ ዳሕረዋይ ቃለ-መጠይቕ’ኳ፡ ድሕሪ ሰሙን ብዛዕባ ኤርትራዊ ዜቤታዊ ጉዳይ ክዛርብ ቆጸራ ከም ዝሓዘ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ይስማዕ ነይሩ። ብተግባር ግና “ወይከ።” ኢሳይያስ ምናልባት ሓደ እዋን ንቓለ-መጠይቕ እንተቐሪቡ ብዛዕባዚ ዝጠለሞ ቆጸራ እውን ይቕረታ ኣይክሓትትን እዩ። ናይዚ ቀንዲ ትርጉም ከኣ ምስ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ዘይምህላዉ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ንዕቀት ዘርኢ እዩ። እዚ ካብ ኮነ ከምቲ “ኣድጊ ዝገበረካስ ጠይቂ ግበሮ” ዝበሃል፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራኸ “ምሳና ከምዘየለኻ ተርዲእና ኣለና” ዘይብለሉ ምኽንያት እንታይ እዩ። ብወገና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ በጺሑ ፈሪሑ ኣይንብልን። ኣብ ቅድሚ ብዓለም ደረጃ ዝተዋደደ ጸረ መሰል ርእሰ-ውሳነ ኣታሓሳስባ ተሰሊፉ ተዓዊቱ ነጻነቱ ዘውሓሰ ህዝቢ፡ በዚ ብተግባሩ ዝፈኾሰ ሰብ ፈሪሑ ምባል ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝምጥን ኣይኮነን። ምናልባት ንኢሳይያስ ምድፋር ንልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ከም ኣብ ሓደጋ ምእታው ዘይኮነ ክነሱ፡ ኮይኑ ተሰሚዕዎ ከይከው እንተተባህለ ሚዛናውነት ኣለዎ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ንሉኡላውነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሓደጋ ምውዳቕ ደድሕሪ ኢሳይያስ ምኻድ ምዃኑ ግን ኣይንዘንግዕ።

ከምቲ “ፈርስን ኣኮይ ኣኮይ ይብል፡ ኣድግንከ ዘይግዳዱ” ዝበሃል፡ ደጊም ኢሳይያስ ኣዳዕዲዑ ናይ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውያንን ከምዘይኮነ እንዳነገረና፡ ኣብ ከባቢኡ ጥውይውይ ምባል ከብቅዕ ይግበኦ። ሓንቲ ከብድኻ እትበልዕ ኣብነት ክንጠቅስ። ኢሳይያስ ናብ ዝተፈላለዩ ከተማታት ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ዝገሸሉ፡ ንኢትዮጵያን፡ ብክልተ ኢዱ ንሓንሳብ ኣፍልቡ እንዳወቐዐ፡ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ኣብ ኣፉ እንዳሰዓመ ፍቕሩ ገሊጽሎም። ንኤርትራውያን ግና ብዘይካ ተሓቢእካ ኮለል፡ ነተን ኣብ ዘየብለን ጸሓይ ዝመስል ቅጫ ቀጭየንን ኣቑጽልቲ ሒዘንን ዕልል ዝብላሉ ለወሃት ኣዴታትና፡ ብሓንቲ ኢዱ እውን ፍቕሩ ገሊጹለን ኣይፈልጥን። እዚ ኩነታት ዋላ ደጋጊምካ ተሓቖንካዮ፡  ኢሳይያስ ምስ ህዝብና ከምዘየለ እምበር፡ ጻዕዮ ዘምጸኦ ካልእ ሓቂ የለን።

ጥሪ 15, 2019

ዶ/ር ደብረጽየንን ፕረዚደንት ኢሳያስን

 

ዶ/ር ደብረጽየን ገብረሚካኤል ምስ መራሒ ኤርትራ ፕረዚደንት ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዝገበርዎ ክልተኣዊ ልዝብ ‘ጉዳይ ክልቲኦም ኣሓት ህዝቢታት ሰላሞምን ረብሓታቶምን ብቀጻሊ ናይ ምርግጋጽን ዘለው ሽግራት ብከመይ ከምዝፍትሑ ዝነጸርሉ’ ከምዝኾነ ወ/ሮ ልያ ካሳ ገሊጸን።

እዚ ከም’ዚ’ሉ ከሎ፣ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስትር ኣየርላንድ ኣብ ትግራይ ወግዓዊ መገሻ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ፈጺሞም ኣለው።

‘ኣየርላንድ ነቲ ሎሚ ኣብ መላእ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተረኸበ ሰላምን ምዕባለን ንክረጋገጽ ካብ ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ጀሚሩ ኣብ ጎኒ ህወሓትን ህዝቢ ትግራይን ዝቆመ’ዩ’ ኢለን ሓላፊት ቢሮ ርክብ ህዝቢን መንግስትን ክልል ትግራይ ወ/ሮ ሊያ ካሳ።

Source=https://tigrigna.voanews.com/a/doctor-debresion-gebremichael-and-president-isayas-afewerkin/4742730.html

ኢትዮጵያ

መንግስቲ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ምዕራብ ኦሮሚያ ብነፈርቲ ዝተደገፈ መጥቓዕቲ ንኣርባዕተ መዓልታት ከምዝቐፀለን ሰባት ብዕጡቕ ሓይሊ መንግስቲ ይሞቱ ከምዘለውን ነበርቲ ገሊፆም።ብኻልእ ወገን ኣብ ዞባታት ቀሌም ወለጋን ምዕራብ ወለጋን ብርክት ዝበሉ ናይ መንግስትን ውልቅን ባንክታት ብዕጡቓት ሓይልታት ከምዝተዘረፉን ሰባት እውን ከምዝተጨውዩን ተፈሊጡ።


ኣዲሱ ሰርቤሳ ዝተባህለ ነባሪ ወረዳ ቤጊ ንዕጡቓት ግንባር ሓርነት ኦሮሞ/ኦነግ/ ኢና ንደሊ ብዝብል ሰባት ብዕጡቓ መንግስቲ ይቕተሉ ኣለው ኢሎም።ትማሊ ሓደ ሎማ ድማ ካልእ ሰብ ከምዝተቐትለን ኣብ ኣቤ ሻንጎ ድማ ኣርባዕተ መንበሪ ኣባይቲ ብዕጡቓት መንግስቲ ከምዝተቓፀሉን ገሊፆም።

ወቢ ነሞምሳ ዝተባህለ ነባሪ ብወገኑ ካብ 3 ጥሪ ክሳብ ትማሊ ሓሙሽተ ጥሪ 5, 2011 ዓ.ም ኣብ መዓልቲ ክልተ ግዜ ኣብ ዙሪያ እታ ከተማ ነፈርቲ ብዝፈፀምኦ ደብዳብ ትካላት መሰረት ልምዓት መንግስቲ ከምዝዓነው ገሊፆም።

“ቀዳም ስዓት ሸውዓት ኣብ ከተማ ቄለም ደብዳብ ነፈርቲ ተፈፂሙ።ካልኣይ ቤት ትምህርቲ ተደብዲቡ።ትካላት ኔትወርክ ስለዝተወቕዑ ኔትወርክ ይቆራረፅ ኣሎ።ትማሊ ኣብ ልዕሊ እታ ከተማ ሰለስተ ደብዳብ ነፈርቲ ተፈፂሙ’ሎ።እቲ ሕብረተሰብ ኣብ ስግኣት ወዲቑ’ሎ።”

በቲ መጥቓዕቲ ህይወት ሰብ ንምጥፍኡ ዝፈልጡዎ ከምዘይብሎም ብምሕባር ናይ ሓረስቶት ፍሪያት ቡንን ካልኦት ንብረታትን ከምዝዓነወ ዝገለፁ ኣቶ ወቢ ነበርቲ ቄለም ንብረቶም እናራሕርሑ ናብ ከተማታት ጊዳሚን ቤግን ኣብ ምህዳም ከምዝርከቡ ገሊፆም።

ሎሚ እውን ኣብ ቀሌም ወለጋን ከባቢኡ ደብዳብ ነፈርቲ ከምዝተፈፀመ ተፈሊጡ’ሎ።

ብዛዕባ እዚ መብርሂ ንምሕታት ንሰበስልጣን መንግስቲ ዞባ ቄለም ወለጋን ክልል ኦሮሚያን ዝተገብረ ፃዕሪ ኣይሰለጠን።

ብተመሳሳሊ ኣብ ዞባታት ቄለም ወለጋን ምዕራብ ወለጋን ናይ መንግስትን ውልቅን ባንክታት ብዕጡቓት ሓይልታት ከምዝተዘረፉን ሰባት ከምዝተጨውዩን ነበርቲ ገሊፆም።

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ቀዳም ቅድሚ ስዓት ዕጡቓት ሓይልታት ኣብ ዞባ ቄለም ወለጋ ከተማታት ገባ ሮቢ፣ጫንቃ፣ቅቤን መቻርን ባንክታት ከምዝተዘረፉ ኣቶ ቡሉሱማ ዱፌራ ዝተባህሉ ናይ ዓይኒ ምስክር ሓቢሮም።

“ገንዘብ ንምውፃእ ናብ ባንኪ ከይደ ነይረ።ሪጋ በዚሑ ነይሩ።መብዛሒቲኦም ነበርቲ ናይቲ ከባቢ ዝኾኑ ኣስታት 19 ዕጡቓት መፂኦም።ክልቲኦም ባንክታት ጎኒ ንጎኒ ስለዝነበሩ ብኩንታል መሊኦም ብመኪና ፅዒኖም እናደረፉ ወሲዶምዎ።”

እቶም ዕጡቓት ኣብ ከተማ ገባ ሮቢ ናይ ዝርከብ ንግዲ ባንክን ትካል ሕብረት ስራሕ ኦሮሚያን ኣካየድቲ ስራሕን ተሓዝቲ ገንዘብን ብድምር ንኣርባዕተ ሰባት ዓፊኖም ከምዝወሰዱዎም ኣቶ ብሉሱማ ተዛሪቦም።

ሓላፊ ፀጥታ ቄለም ወለጋ ብዛዕባ እቲ ጉዳይ ተሓቲቶም ባንክታት ምዝራፎም ከምዝፈልጡ ብምግላፅ ካብቲ ከባቢ ሪሒቖም ስለዝርከቡ ዝርዝር ሓበሬታ ከምዘይብሎም ንቪኦኤ ገሊፆም።

ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ንግዲ ባንኪ ኣካያዲ ስራሕ ምዕራብ ዲስቲሪክት ኣቶ ግርማ ጪብሳ ንቢቢሲ ኣብዝሃብዎ ቃል ሓሙሽተ ጨንፈራት ባንኪ ብዕጡቓት ከምዝተረፉን ካልኦት ሓሙሽተ ጨንፈራት ምዕናዎምን ገሊፆም።ካብ ዝተጨወዩ ኣርባዕተ ሰራሕተኛታት ባንኪ ክልተ ከምዝተፈትሑ እውን ሓቢሮም።

ብተመሳሳሊ ኣብ ዞባ ምዕራብ ወለጋ እውን መንነቶም ዘይተፈልጡ ዕጡቓት ሓይልታት ኣብ ሽዱሽተ ወረዳታት ንዝርከቡ 10 ባንክታትን ሓደ ናይ ልቓሕን ውሕለላን ትካል ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ከምዝዘረፉ ገሊፆም።ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ወረዳታት ዝርከቡ ኣስታት 37 መንግስታዊ ትካላት ብሓዊ ኣባሪዖም ክብሉ ዋና ኣመሓዳሪ ናይቲ ዞባ ኣቶ ገመቺስ ተመስገን ንቪኦኤ ገሊፆም።

ኣብ ላሎሳቢ ወረዳ ልዕሊ 20 ኣባያተ ፅሕፈት መንግስቲ ከምዝተቓፀሉ እውን ኣማሓዳሪ ወረዳ ኣቶ ጂሪኛ መላኩ ንቪኦኤ ሓቢሮም።

ኣብ ቤት ፅሕፈት ናይ ኦሮሞ ዴሞክራቲክ ፓርቲ ሓላፊ ህዝባዊ ርክባት ኣቶ ታየ ደንደኣ ትማሊ ንርእይቶ ኣብዝሃብዎ ር እይቶ ምኽንያት ኣብቲ ክልል ይኽሰት ናይ ዘሎ ስእነት ሰላምን ዘይምርግጋእ ኦነግ እዩ ኢሎም።

ኦነግ ኣብዚ ሰሙን ኣብ ዘውፅኦ መግለፂ ኣብ ክልቲኦም ወለጋ ኣብዝተኻየደ ወራር ባንክታት ኢዱ ከምዘይብሉ ገሊፁ’ሎ።ወሃቢ ቃል ኦነግ ኣቶ ቶሌራ ደባ ንቪኦኤ ከምዚ ኢሎም።

“ኣብ ምዕራብ ኦሮሚያ ዝንቀሳቐስ ናይ ኦነግ ዕጡቕ ጉጅለ ንባንክታት ከምዝዘረፈ ዝግለፀ ዘሎ ሽም ኦነግ ንምፃልም እዩ።ዕጡቓት ኦነግ ንባንኪ ይዘርፉ እዮም ኢልና ኣይንኣምንን።እዚ ንናይ ኦነግ ሽም ንምፅላም ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውዲት እዩ።”

መንግስቲ ብነፈርቲ ዝሕገዝ ውግእ ከፊቱ’ሎ ዝበሉ ኣቶ ቶሌራ ይካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ደው ኢሉ ዘይምርድዳእ ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ክፍታሕ ኦነግ ድልዊ እዩ ኢሎም።

Source=https://tigrigna.voanews.com/a/መንግስቲ-ኣብ-ምዕራብ-ኦሮምያ-ዘካይዶ-ብነፈርቲ-ዝተሓገዘ-መጥቓዕቲ-ይቕጽል-ምህላው-ነበርቲ-ገሊጾም/4742641.html

ጥሪ 14, 2019


ናብ ሎሚ ሰኑይ ኣብ ዘውግሐ ለይቲ ኣብ ኣስመራ ኣብ ውሽጢ መደበር ብዘጋጠመ ሓደጋ ባርዕ ሓዊ ኣብ ንብረት ከቢድ ዕንወት ኣውሪዱ።እቲ ሓደጋ ከባቢ ሰዓት 2:00 ናይ ለይቲ ከምዝጀመረን ካብ ሰዓት 2:30 ክሳብ ሎሚ ንግሆ ሰዓት 8:00 ሓሙሽተ መካይን መጥፋእቲ ሓዊ ኣዋፊሩ ብዝገበሮ ጻዕሪ ነቲ ሓደጋ ባርዕ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ክቆጻጸርዎ ከምዝኸኣሉ ቤ/ጽ ኣሃዱ ምክልኻል ባርዕ ሓዊ ዞባ ማእከል ሓቢሩ።

 

በቲ ሓደጋ ኣብ ሂወት ሰብ ዝወረደ ጉድኣት ከምዘየሎ ተፈሊጡሎ።

Source=https://tigrigna.voanews.com/a/ኣብ-ኣስመራ-ኣብ-ውሽጢ-መደበር-ዘጋጠመ-ሓደጋ-ባርዕ-ሓዊ-ጉድኣት-ኣውሪዱ/4742304.html

 
 
 
Anti-government protesters rally in Khartoum, Sudan, Sunday, Jan. 13, 2019
 
 
 

Hundreds of protesters marched in and around Sudan's capital Khartoum on Sunday, the fourth week of unrest that began over skyrocketing prices and a failing economy but which now calls for the ouster of autocratic President Omar al-Bashir.

Images circulated by activists online showed marches taking place in Khartoum and its northern twin cities of Omdurman and Bahary, despite security forces firing tear gas at the crowds. One group, hundreds strong, appeared to have reached Bahary's main train station.

Security forces encircled the area and fired in the air to disperse crowds around the station, the main rally point for a gathering called by protest groups, professional associations and political opposition. Shops in the area have been almost entirely shuttered, eyewitnesses said, and crowds continued to gather.

 
 
 
 
Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir greets supporters at a rally in Khartoum on Wednesday January 9
Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir greets supporters at a rally in Khartoum on Wednesday January 9 Credit: Mahmoud Hjaj/AP

 

Protesters burnt tires to obscure the view of policemen chasing them down, in a cat-and-mouse game that lasted until after dark. Witnesses said security forces were breaking into local homes and businesses in pursuit of demonstrators taking refuge there.

"The people want the fall of the regime," chanted a crowd in the area, as seen in one video, echoing a popular slogan of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings that briefly defied despotism in the region, but never made it to Sudan.

 

 

 

Demonstrations also took place in other cities across the country, particularly in Gadarif, Faw and Amri, as well in the western region of Darfur, activists said, with eyewitnesses adding that police had broken up a 1,000-person strong demonstration in the northern Darfur town of el-Fasher.

The eyewitnesses spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

 

Anti-government protesters in Khartoum on January 13

Anti-government protesters in Khartoum on January 13 Credit: Stringer/ AFP

They said that security forces had surrounded the Haj al-Safi hospital in Khartoum, while a doctors' union warned them against attacking or firing tear gas near or inside hospitals as had been reported last week by Amnesty International.

Sudan's economy has stagnated for most of al-Bashir's rule, but its recent lows have been dramatic, prompting the protests. He has also failed to unite or keep the peace in the religiously and ethnically diverse nation, losing three quarters of Sudan's oil wealth when the mainly animist and Christian south seceded in 2011 following a referendum.

Bashir is also wanted by the International Criminal Court for genocide in Darfur.

Authorities have fired tear gas and live rounds repeatedly since protests broke out last month
Authorities have fired tear gas and live rounds repeatedly since protests broke out last month Credit: Anadolu

An Islamist who has been in power since he led a military coup in 1989, he has said those seeking to oust him can only do so through elections, and he is running for another term in office next year. He has insisted that the protests are part of a foreign plot to undermine Sudan's "Islamic experiment" and blamed the country's worsening economic crisis on international sanctions.

 

Already among the longest serving leaders in the region, al-Bashir hopes to win another term in office. In a bid to placate popular anger over his economic policies, he has promised higher wages, continuing state subsidies on basic goods and more benefits for pensioners.

His promises have been dismissed by critics as untenable.

Also Sunday, the government raised its official death toll from the weeks of protest by five to 24, still undercutting numbers released by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, who say at least 40 have been killed.

Sudan's General Prosecutor said nine of those killed were in Gadaref, a province southeast of Khartoum close to the Ethiopian and Eritrean borders. The rest were killed in Omdurman and regions north and northeast of the capital. 

Source=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/01/13/protesters-police-clash-sudan-fourth-week-anti-government-demonstrations/

 

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Radio 88 Demsti Harnnet Sweden11.01.2019

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