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‘One day, I hope, I will go’: How Trump’s ban hit an Eritrean refugee camp in Ethiopia

Natalia Paszkiewicz's picture

I saw the impact of Trump’s travel ban from an Eritrean refugee camp in Ethiopia where some people have been waiting for resettlement for years.

Migration policies may seem abstract, and when combined with representing migrants and refugees as merely numbers, they blur the human dimension of displacement.

 When I saw him a few weeks after Trump’s executive order on refugees was introduced, he looked as if he had been crying for days

One of Donald Trump’s first executive order as the 45th president of the United States of America issued on 27 January 2017 limits the annual number of refugees to be resettled in the United States to 50,000 a year, as opposed to Barack Obama’s pledge last September to increase the US’s annual resettlement targets to 110,000.

I worked in an Eritrean refugee camp in Ethiopia where I met people who were directly affected by this decision – people who have been waiting for resettlement for three years and who were due to leave for the US in February 2017.

In the last few days of January, they were told they would have to wait longer, as the programme got suspended for 120 days. And nobody really knows for how much longer.

Steady escape

In October 2016, a United Nations inquiry into human rights abuses in Eritrea reported that crimes against humanity have been committed in the country since 1991. The number of people fleeing Eritrea, which according to Amnesty International is of the most repressive, secretive and inaccessible countries in the world, has been steady, but with a recent sharp increase in child and youth refugees escaping into neighbouring Ethiopia.

On average, around 3,000 refugees cross from Eritrea to Ethiopia every month; in February 2017, according to the Adminstration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA), 3,367 Eritreans arrived in Ethiopia. More than 1,000 people arrive each month in Hitsats, the newest camp established by the Ethiopian government nearly four years ago in the Tigray region bordering Eritrea.

The camp hosts approximately 11,000 refugees, and four in five of them are under the age of 35.

I worked in Hitsats for six months, and I witnessed the refugees’ trajectories of waiting for resettlement  (ie the selection and transfer of refugees from a state in which they have sought protection to a third state which has agreed to admit them) as refugees with permanent residence status. The countries that accept most refugees on resettlement programmes include the US, Canada and Australia.

The very long waiting game

Waiting is a fundamental aspect of every refugee’s life. Men and women, some with children, queue outside UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in the camp, clinging to their ration cards and other paperwork while sheltering from the morning sun. The emotions swing from a sense of hope to resignation and despair.

Resettlement is a privilege rather than a right – It is available to less than 1 percent of the most vulnerable refugees worldwide

First, it’s waiting for an interview. Then it’s waiting for the interview’s result. The determination process involves many factors, including the resettlement country’s capacity as well as nationality preferences.

So far, there are no known resettlements in Hitsats because young, able-bodied men – the overwhelming demographics of the camp – do not generally fall within the priority category for resettlement of “Survivors of Violence and Torture” even though everyone that I spoke to was imprisoned in Eritrea.

Eritreans eat a meal they received at the Milan train station on 11 June 2015, among 100,000 asylum seekers who crossed the Mediterranean to Europe so far that year (AFP)

Merely leaving Eritrea without the regime’s authorisation carries the punishment of a prison sentence of up to five years, so every unsuccessful attempt – and I met people who tried to escape the country three to five times – leads to detention in conditions that amount to degrading and inhuman treatment, such as underground cells and shipping containers in temperatures as high as 50 degree Celsius.

Resettlement lies within the core mandates of UNHCR, specifically, providing persons under its competence with international protection, humanitarian protection, as well as permanent (also called durable) solutions. However, resettlement is a privilege rather than a right: it is available to less than 1 percent of the most vulnerable refugees worldwide.

The boat that sank in the Mediterranean in mid-January had 70 refugees from Hitsats camp on board

This leaves millions of refugees at risk of remaining in a protracted situation of exile, without an opportunity to rebuild their lives.

In Ethiopia, there was a target of 5,965 refugees to be referred for resettlement in 2015. Of this targeted number of referrals, only 2,120 cases had been resettled by August 2015. In 2016, access to resettlement for refugees in Ethiopia was limited to a target of 6,465, which constituted the largest resettlement plan in Africa.

Those refugees who are lucky enough to be accepted for resettlement – in Ethiopia, this rate is as low as 0.09 percent of the overall registered refugee population – may wait even several years to leave a refugee camp as a result of the lengthy vetting process that involves the Departments of State, Defense and Homeland Security screening together with other US intelligence, security and law enforcement agencies, including the National Counterterrorism Center and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, as well as Interpol.

The conditions if you stay

Refugees who are not selected for resettlement face harsh conditions in the camp, such as endemic malaria, and very few livelihood and integration opportunities in Ethiopia. There are restrictions on those seeking to leave the camp, and limitations on their rights and freedoms, including lack of work permit.

Unable to envisage their future in Ethiopia, on average 1,000 Eritreans leave Hitsats every month – that is equal to the number of those who arrive

UNHCR acknowledges that extended residence in a refugee camp can have a serious negative impact on people who live there. Unable to envisage their future in Ethiopia, on average 1,000 Eritreans leave Hitsats every month – that is equal to the number of those who arrive. Those young men just cannot wait anymore. They are leaving Ethiopia irregularly, making dangerous journeys through Sudan and Libya, hoping to finally reach Europe by boat.

The boat that sank in the Mediterranean in mid-January had 70 refugees from Hitsats on board. There was mourning marked by deafening silence in the camp that is usually full of music as it hosts a remarkable number of talented young musicians.

Since the resettlement programme was established in 1980 by the UNHCR, more than three million refugees have been resettled in the US.

The executive order announced by Trump on 27 January 2017 suspended the programme for 120 days and cut the number of refugee admissions by about 37 percent compared to the post-1975 average number of annual refugees admitted – from 79,329 per year to just 50,000. This may mean that there will never be successful resettlements from Hitsats refugee camp to the US.

Stuck in the pipeline

Less than a month after assuming his role as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees at the beginning of this year, Filippo Grandi visited Ethiopia. He spoke to refugees in Hitsats camp, warning them against risking their lives by embarking on dangerous journeys to Europe: “We will do our best to create opportunities here and to improve resettlement placements and other legal ways of migration so that refugees will not expose themselves to danger.”

On 30 January, Grandi wrote that he was “deeply worried by the uncertainty facing thousands of refugees around the world who are in the process of being resettled to the United States”. Given that the US provides about 40 percent of the refugee agency’s funding, the commissioner had to tread carefully.

I spoke to one of the young refugees in Hitsats who was meant to leave for the US in February after years of being stuck in the resettlement pipeline. Over the period of six months when I saw him regularly, he seemed to gradually deteriorate. When I saw him a few weeks after Trump’s executive order on refugees was introduced, he looked as if he had been crying for days. I asked if he had any news regarding his departure. He replied, “One day, I hope, I will go.”

The new redrafted executive order was issued by Trump in March 2017, clarifying that the ban “shall not apply to refugees who, before the effective date of this order, have been formally scheduled for transit by the Department of State”. I hope that my friend from Hitsats will now be able to leave.

– Dr Natalia Paszkiewicz is an anthropologist with a particular interest in migration and refugee studies. She has been working with refugees for over ten years in the UK, Malta, Ethiopia and Djibouti. 



ብ24-26 መጋቢት 2017 ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝተኻየደ ዋዕላ ሰልፊ ሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዞባ ኢውሮጳ፡ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ሓቀኛ ጽላል ናይቶም ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉ ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ኣብ ምፍጣር ተበግሶ ንክወስድ መጸዋዕታ ኣቕሪቡ። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ኣብ ምክብባር፡ ናይ ሓባር ተጠቃምነትን ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳያት ኢድ ዘይምትእትታውን ዘትከለ ዝምድና ንክፈጥር ጸዊዑ። ኣብ ርእሲ እዚ ኣቲ ዋዕላ መራሕቲ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን እንደጋና ኣብ ውግእ ንዘይምእታው ሓላፍነት ንክወስዱ ምዒዱ።

2News Item 30.03

እዚ ብፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ዝተወደበ ዋዕላ ዞባ ኤውሮጳ ኣብ ሰለስተ መጽናዕታዊ ጽሑፋት እዩ ተመያይጡ። እቲ መመያየጢ ጽሑፋት፡ 1) ደሞክራሲ፡ ሕጋዊ ምሕደራን ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓን ኣብ ሰደህኤ፡ 2) መትከላትን ፖሊሲታትን ሰልፊ ኣብ ዝምድና ምስ ኤርትራዊ ደምበ ተቓውሞን ጐረባብቲ ሃገራትን፡ 3) ሰልፊ ንምሕዳስ እንታይ ንደሊ ኣንታይከ ክንገብር ንኽእል ዝብሉ እዮም። ነዚ ኣቐዲሙ ናብ ተሳተፍቲ ተዘርጊሑ ዝጸንሐ ጽሑፋት ኣብቲ ዞባዊ ዋዕላ ብኣካል ተረኺቦም ዘቕረቡን ዝርዝር መግለጽን መብርህን ዝሃቡን ኣባላት መሪሕነት ሰደህኤ፡ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ፡ ኣቶ ወልደየሱስ ዓማር ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣህጉራዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ኣቶ ረዘነ ተስፋጼን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ገንዘባዊ ጉዳያትን ኣቶ መድሃኔ ህብትዝጊ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያትን እዮም። እቲ ጽሑፋት ብዝርዝር ቀሪቡ ኣብ ዝተዘተየሉ ብተሳተፍቲ እውን ሃብቲሙ። እዚ ዝሃብተመ ጽሑፋት ናብ ኩሎም ኣባላት ሰልፊ ክዝርጋሕ ትጽቢት ኣሎ።ተሳተፍቲ ዋዕላ ኣብ ልዕሊ መሪሕነቶም ዘለዎ እምነት ምሉእ ብምሉእ ኣረጋጊጾም፡ ኩሉ ኣባል ሰልፊ ናይዚ ካብ ሃገሩ ወጻኢ ኮይኑ ዝቃለስ ዘሎ ሰልፊ  ደሞክራሲያዊ መትከላት ከኽብርን ብሕግታቱ ክቕየድን’ሞ እቲ እንቃለሰሉ ዘለና ለውጢ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ ክረጋገጽ ጸዊዖም።

ኣብዚ ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ ካብ ሕጂ ክሳብ’ቲ ኣብ 2019 ዝግበር 3ይ ጉባአን ድሕሪኡን ብዝምልከት ዝተኻየደ ምይይጥ ህጹጽ ኣገዳስነት ተሳትፎ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ብልዑል ተገዳስነት ተዘትይሉ።ጐኒንጐኒ’ዚ ተሳተፍቲ ዋዕላ ተወፋይነት ኣባላት ኣብ ጉዳይ ሰልፎም እውን ኣሕዲሰምዎ። በዚ መሰረት ምዑታት ተሳተፍቲ እቲ ዋዕላ ብዝወሰድዎ ተበግሶ ሽዑንሹ   ልዕሊ 5.000-ኤውሮ (ሓሙሽተ ሺሕ ኤውሮ) ንሰልፎም ለጊሶም። ብዘይካ’ዚ ነዚ ወፈያ በቶም ዝወከልዎም ጨንፈራት ኣቢሎም ብዕጽፍታት ከዛይድዎ  ቃል ኣትዮም።

3News Item 30.03

 እዚ ዋዕላ ሰደህኤ ዞባ ኤውሮጳ ኣብቲ ሳልሳይ መዓልቱ 26 መጋብቲ 2017 ብፍሉይ ተራኺቡ ናብ መሪሕነት ናይ ተግባር ለበዋታት ኣቕሪቡ ናይ ሓባር መግለጺ ብምውጻእ ተዛዚሙ።

Swiss Secretariat for Migration and EU Diplomats Pressure Eritrea to Return Asylum Seekers

Chief Swiss Official on a Delicate Eritrea Mission

Software Translation from German  | March 29, 2017

The Deputy of the State Secretariat for Migration and Diplomats from EU countries is putting pressure on Eritrea for the return of asylum seekers. So far only a few have voluntarily returned home.

At the beginning of the year, ranghohe diplomats from Switzerland, Germany, Norway and Sweden traveled to Asmara for talks with the Eritrean government. The four states, which are among the most important target countries of Eritrean refugees, hope that they will achieve more together. Last week, a joint delegation was again held at the Horn of Africa. They met Presidential Advisor Yemane Gebreab and Foreign Minister Osman Saleh. For Switzerland, the head of the Department of Sub-Saharan Africa of the Foreign Department and Vincenzo Mascioli, Vice Director of the State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), took part; This is confirmed by a speaker on request.

Simonetta Sommaruga (SP), the former personal assistant to the Minister of Justice, has been in charge since the beginning of the year of international cooperation, which is responsible for the return of rejected asylum seekers. The Federal Administrative Court recently supported the federal government in a basic decision, which in 2016 intensified the practice for Eritrea. This did little, however, since recirculations are only possible voluntarily. According to the SEM, eleven Eritreans returned to their homeland last year. By way of comparison: in 2015 alone, asylum applied for 10’000 people in Switzerland.

First positive signals, deep expectations

The migration was one of the four topics of the talks that Mascioli and the delegation in Asmara led with government representatives. The issue of the return was also addressed, says SEM spokesman Lukas Rieder. Eritrea does not allow any refugees to be forced to return from any European state. Norway tried unsuccessfully to negotiate an agreement. This is not an issue at the moment. But there are at least small positive signals. The parties agreed that the discussions on migration and human rights should be deepened. In some cases, the Eritrean authorities have answered identity requests to rejected asylum seekers, as the SEM confirms. Identification is often difficult as refugees from countries such as Sudan indicate a false origin,

According to Urs von Arb, the predecessor of SEM’s vice-director, Mascioli, in 2015, after an Eritrean mission, he concluded that the country is not North Korea. Civilian politicians have long demanded that Berne negotiate with Asmara about a return agreement, while leftists are skeptical. Whether or not there is movement depends mainly on the Eritrean regime. Observers warn against high expectations. The influence of Western states is limited, even with an expansion of development aid. China, for example, has granted the isolated country interest-free loans.

As a result, asylum seekers from Eritreans fell slightly earlier this year compared to 2016. These are still the largest refugee group in Switzerland. The most important causes of massive migration are the lack of prospects and the national service. The delegation of the four like-minded states also asked Asmara to explain its operation.


Elf Veterans Reunion 2017 1ንሕና ኣብ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ዝነበርና ተጋደልቲ፡ ተመኩሮታትና ዳግመ ክንዋሳኣሉን፡ ንመጻኢ ትውልዲ ከነውርሶን ግቡእናን ግድነትን ኢዩ። ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ብህይወት ስለዝተረፍና ኢና፡ ነዚ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ርኽኽባት ክንሳተፎ ንኽእል ዘለና። እቶም ኣብ ፈቖዶ ስንጭሮን ጎቦን ጎላጉልን ዝወደቑ ብጾትና ግን ነዚ ዕድል`ዚ ክረኽብዎ ኣይክኣሉን። ስለዝኾነ፡ ሓንቲ መዓልቲ ኣብ ዓመት፡ ግዜናን ገንዘብናን እናኣወፍና ታሪኾም፡ ክነግርን ክንስንድን፡ ብውሕዱ ሕድሪ መስዋቶም ምፍጻም`ዩ።


ታሪኽ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕን ክቡርን ስለዝኾነ፡  ክስነድን ክውረሰን ድማ ሓላፍነትን`ዩ። ታሪኽ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ፡ ታሪኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ`ዩ። ቀንዲ ዋንኡ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበር  ውድባት ወይ ውልቀ-ሰባት ኣይኮኑን። ካብዚ ጽኑዕ እምንቶ ብምብጋስ  ድማ ታሪኻዊ ተሞክሮ ተ.ሓ. ኤ ዝተበታተነ፡ ብቀሊሉ ዝደምሰስ፡ ዘዳናግር፡ መርትዖ ዘናዲ ፡ ኮይኑ ሃሳስ መደፋነቂ ተዘክሮታት ኮይኑ ከይትርፍ፡ እቲ ብሳላኣ ዝተሞኮረን፡ ምእንቲ ዕላማኣ ዘትከልን ዝኸርተተ----- ኮታ ታሪኻን ታሪኹን ኣብ ናይ ኤርትራ መጸሓፍቲ፡ ብብሩህን ጉዙፍን ክልለ። 



ንመብዛሕትና  ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ፡ ምስ ቅድምን ድሓርን  ዘሕለፍናየን ዕድመታትና  እንክናጻጸር፡ እተን ኣብ ሜዳ ዘሕለፍናየን ዓመታት- ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባና፡ ኣራኣእያናን ይኹን ግንዛቤታትና፡  ማእከላዊ ስሕበት ሒዘን ይርከባ። ናይ ህይወትና መወከሲ ዓመታት እየን`ውን ክንብለን ንኽእል። ስለዝኾነ፡ ዳግመ -ርኽክብ ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ነቶም ኣብ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ዓመት መጸ ኣብ ዳግመ-ርኽክብ እናተረኽቡ፡ ናይ ሜዳ ብጻይነቶም ዘሐድሱ፡ ዝትርኹ፡ ዝሕብሩ፡ ተመኩሮታቶም ዘቕርቡን ዘበርክቱን መንፈሳዊ ዕግበት ከምዝህቦም ኣብ`ዘን ዝሓለፋ ኣርባዕተ ናይ ዳግመ-ርኽክብ ፍጻሜታት ተማሃርናዮን ተረዳእናዮን ኣለና።

ኣብ`ዚ ጉዳይ`ዚ ብዕዘት ክንርእዮ ዘለና ጉዳይ ኣሎ።ታሪኽ ምስናድን ምዕቃብን ይጽናሓለይ ዘይብሃሎ ሓላፍነት`ዩ።ምኽንያቱ ንጹር`ዩ፡-

  1. ዕድሜና እናደፍአ፡ ተዘክሮታትና እናሃሰሰን ይኸይድ ምህላዉ፣
  2. ዛጊት፡ ዝኸሰርናዮ ክሳራታት ከቢድ ብምዃኑ፣
  3. ስነዳ ታሪኽና፡ በቶም ኣብ`ቲ ውዕሎ`ቲ ዝነበርናጻዕሪታት ክግበረሉ ግድን ብምዃኑ


ኣብ 2017ዓ.ም. ኣብ ደንቨር ኮሎራዶ ክቃናዕ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ፡ ሓሙሻይ ዳግመ-ርኽክብ፡ ሓላፍነቱ ነቶም ኣብ ኮሎራዶ ዝርከቡ ገዳይም ተጋደልትን ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያን ጥራሕ ክድርበ ኣይግባእን። ናይ ኩሎም ኣብ`ዚ ጉዳይ`ዚ ዝግደሱ ሓርበኛታት ኤርትራውያን ብኣካል ምርካብን ገንዘባዊ ሓገዝ ምግባርን`ውን የድሊ። ኣብ`ዚ ዓመት`ዚ፡ ዋሺንግቶን ስተይት (ሲያትል)፡ ካሊፎርኒያ፡ ነቫዳ፡ ተክሳስን ኣሪዞናን`ውን ክዕጠቓሉን ክሻባሸበሉን ይርከባ ኣለዋ።



ዳግመ-ርክብ ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ተ.ሓ.ኤ.  ሰነ 30፡ ሓምለ 1 ን 2ን 2017፡ ኩሎም ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ክዕጠቕሉን ክውፈይሉን ዘለዎም ስለዝኾነ፡  ብኽብሪ ንጽውዕ።


ክብርን ሞጎስን ንኹሎም ስውኣትናን ሓርበኛታትናን።

The Europe-Zone conference of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPPD), held in Frankfurt between 24 and 26 March 2017, urged the party leadership to take new initiatives that can help realize the creating of an effective umbrella of the forces struggling for democratic change in Eritrea. The conference also  called for working towards improving EPDP's relations with neighbhouring countries based on mutual respect and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, and advised the ruling authorities both in Eritrea and Ethiopia to be responsible enough to avoid any return to armed hostilities.

Conference 1Organized and led by the EPDP Executive Committee,  the Europe-Zone conference discussed three papers entitled: 1. Democracy, rule of law and institutional work within the EPDP; 2. Principles and Policies of the Party with neighbouring countries and the Eritrean opposition camp; and 3. Party Renewal: what we want to do and can do.

Availed at the conference to make presentations and give clarification to queries on the pre-distributed conference papers were Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom, EPDP Chairman; Mr.  Woldeyesus Ammar, head of Foreign Relations; Mr. Rezene Tesfazion, head of Finance Office, and Mr. Medhanie Habtezghi, head of Youth Office.

Contents of the three papers were thoroughly discussed and enriched in the three-day conference. Finalized documents are expected to be shared with party members in all the five continents.

Conference participants gave unanimous vote of confidence to party leadership and urged all elements within this party in diaspora to respect without fail democratic principles and abide by party rules and regulations so that the common objective of brining positive change in Eritrea could be realized without further delay.

The urgency of effectively mobilizing the Eritrean youth and women to play their central roles in the current struggle was emphasized as part of the discussion in the conference on party renewal from now till the third party congress in mid-2019 and beyond.

The conference apparently renewed the existing steadfastness of party members. Some energized conference participants took the initiative of making extra contributions to the party by collecting over  5,000 at the spot, and promised to double and treble that amount through the possible contributions from the branch members they represented at the conference.

Conference 2The EPDP Europe Conference on the third day, Sunday 26 March, met at a different venue and listed its recommendations for action, and closed discussions by issuing a final statement for the public.

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብዝገበሮ መጸዋዕታ፡ ካብ 24-26 መጋቢት 2017 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራንክፈርት ኣብ ዞባ ኣውሮጳ ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ኣባላት መሪሕነታት ዞባ፡ መሪሕነት ጨናፍርን መሰረታትን ሰልፊ ዝተኻፈልዎ ዕዉት ዋዕላ ተኻይዱ።


ዋዕላ፡ ዝተዛረበሎም ዛዕባታት እዞም ዝስዕቡ ኰይኖም ብፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ተጸኒዖም ዝቐረቡ ኢዮም ነይሮም።

1. ዲሞክራሲ፡ ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓን ኣብ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፤ (8 ገጻት)

2. መትከላትን ፖሊሲታትን ዝምድናታት ሰዲህኤ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራትን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን፤ (4 ገጻት)

3. ኣብ ተሓድሶ ሰልፊ እንታይ ክንገብር ንደልን ንኽእልን።(6 ገጻት)


ዋዕላ፡ ብቐዳምነት ብመሪሕነት ዝቐረበሉ ዝተጸንዐን ጽጹይን ወረቓቕቲ ኰነ፡  ንምእራሙን ንምህታሙን ብተኻፈልቲ ዝተገብረ ኣበርክቶ ናእዳኡ ይገልጽ።

ኣብ ውሽጢ ሰዲህኤ ዝግሃዱ ቅልውላዋት ደረጃኦም ብዘየገድስ፡  መፍትሒኦም ኣብ ክሊ ሕጋውን ትካላውን ኣሰራርሓ ሰዲህኤ ጥራሕ ክኸውን ከም ዝግባእ ብምግንዛብ፡ ኣባላቱ፡ ንቅዋምን ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓን ሰልፊ ከምእዘዙን ከከላኸልሉን መጸዋዕታኡ የቕርብ። ሕግን ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓን ኣብ ዘይብሉ ኵነታት ሰላም፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ዲሞክራስን ክነግሱ ማለት ዘይሕሰብ ምዃኑ ድማ የዘኻኽር።


ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ፡ እዋናዊ ጠለብ ምዃኑ ብምግንዛብ፡ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ብዕቱብነት ክተሓሓዞን ናይ ቀረባን ናይ ርሑቕን መደባት ሰሪዑ ክዋስኣሉን ዋዕላ ኣተሓሳሲቡ። ንጕዳይ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ከኣ፡ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ክብ ዝበለ ኣድህቦ ክገብረሉ ተማሕጺኑ።



ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ንዝህልወና ዝምድና ድማ፡ ኣብ መትካላት ናይ ሰላም፡ ሕድሕድ ምክብባር፡ ጣልቃ ዘይምእታው፡ ኣህጕራዊ ውዕላትን ብይናትን ምኽባርን ንረብሓ ናይ ህዝብታት ዘቐድምን ክኸውን ከምዝግባእ ዋዕላ ደጊሙ ኣስሚርሉ። ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ዝከላኸል፡ ንናጻ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጣበቕ፡ ንሓድነት ህዝብን መሬትን ኤርትራ ዝሕለቕን መስመሩ ክሕሉን ከይሰልከየ ክሳብ ዓወት ክቃለሰሉን ምዃኑ ዋዕላ ኣረጋጊጹ። መሪሕነት ሰልፊ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ምትግባር ዝተጸንዐን ተዓጻጻፍን ፖሊሲታት ክኽተልን ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሓሓሊፉ ዝርአ ዘሎ ረጽምታት ናብ ዓማሚ ውግእ ከይሰጋገር መራሕቲ ክልቲኦም መንግስታት ሓላፍነቶም ክስከሙን ድማ ኣዘኻኺሩ።


ሰዲህኤ፡ ምስ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዝህልዎ ዝምድና፡ ንውድቀት ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን ንምርግጋጽ ሰላምን ምርግጋእን ቀዳምነት ዝህብ ክኸውን ከምዝግባእ ዋዕላ እምነቱ ገሊጹ። ኣብ’ዚ እምነት’ዚ እተሰረተ፡ ንናይ ሎምን ናይ ጽባሕን መደባት ዘይሓዋውስን ቀጻሊ ዘተን ርክባትን ክግበር ድማ ጸዊዑ። ናይ ሕድሕድ ምትእምማን ብምስፋን፡ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ጐድኒ ፍትሓዊ ቃልስና ከምዝዓስል ንምግባር፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ረብሓ ዝተመርኰሰ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ምጅማር ዘለዎ ዓቢ ኣገዳስነት ብምግንዛብ መሪሕነት ሰዲህኤ ነዚ ዘሎናዮ ኣሻቓሊ ሃለዋት ዝቕይር  ግብራዊ ተበግሶታትክወስድ፣ ንምዕዋቱ ድማ ክብ ዝበለ ጻዕርታት ክገብርዋዕላ ትጽቢታቱን እምነቱን ምዃኑ ገሊጹ። 


ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ እቲ ዋዕላ ርእይቶታት ብምሃብ ዘሀብተሞን ዘመሓየሾን ወረቓቕቲ፡ ናብ መሰረታት ሰልፊ በብደረጃታቱ ክወርድ ተላብዩ። ብተወሳኺ ኣብ እዋን ሽግርን ቅልውላውን፡ ዞባ ኤውሮጳ ንውድብ ዘድሕን ስጉምታት ከወስድ ከም ዝጸንሐ ታሪኹ ዝዝክሮ ከይኑ፡ ሕጂ ኣብ'ዚ ፈታኒ እዋን እውን ንድሕነት ሰልፍን  ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ንምሕያልን፡ ካብ’ቲ ኣብ ዋዕላ ዝተኻፈለ ኣባል ልዕሊ 5000 ዩሮ ተወፍዩ። እዚ ንሰልፍን ንጥፈታቱን ንምሕያል እተወስደ ሰናይ ተበግሶ፡ ኣብ ዞባ ኣውሮጳ ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ጨናፍር ሰልፊ እውን ዓዓቕሞም መታን ከበርክቱ፤ ዋዕላ፡ ብኽልተ ኣባላት ዝቖመት ናይ ጐስጓስ ሽማግለ መዚዙ ንስራሕ ኣዋፊርዋ ኣሎ።


ቃልሲ ኣንጻር ምልኪ ይዓንብብ!!

ሃገርና ሓርነት ትከደን!!

ዝኽርን ዘልኣለማዊ ክብርን ንሰማእታትና!!


ዋዕላ ሰዲህኤ-ዞባ ኣውሮጳ

26 መጋቢት 2017

Arb maninnet 1

ارتريا دولة مستقلة ذات سيادة يحدها من الشرق البحر الأحمر ومن الغرب والشمال السودان ومن الجنوب تحدها اثيوبيا وجيبوتي. لكن سيادية ارتريا تختلف عن سيادية الدول الأخرى، ذلك أن السيادة الارترية لم تكن كغيرها هدايا وزعت علي المستعمرات بواسطة الدول العظمى كنتيجة من نتائج الحرب العالمية الثانية وما ساد حينها من رغبة تلك الدول في التخفف من أعباء التركة الاستعمارية الثقيلة، لذلك تكاد ارتريا تكون الدولة الوحيدة المستثناة من مصير شقيقاتها التي نالت استقلالها أو وضعت موحدةً تحت وصاية الأمم المتحدة لفترة وجيزة، مما أدى بارتريا أن تسلك طريقاً مختلفاً لنيل حقها السيادي ألا وهو حرب التحرير الشعبية طويلة الأمد. وعليه تأتي الهوية والسيادة الارترية علي رأس كل الأولويات الأخرى مع حق كل ارتري في الحفاظ علي مميزاته الخصوصية التي لا يشترك فيها مع بقية مواطنيه ابتداءاً من القرية والقبيلة وصولاً الي الهوية الارترية الجامعة. وهذا ما يدفع الارتري أينما ذهب لأن يجيب علي سؤال الهوية بأنه ارتري الجنسية، وكفى بذلك فخراً وسؤددا، وبما أن الهوية ثروة وصمود وعنوان لاستمرارية وجودنا لا يخفى علينا أن هناك من يسعى الي إضعاف أو تمزيق هذه الهوية حتى تضعف وحدتنا وتتفتت قوتنا ويضمحل إحساسنا السيادي.


الهوية والمواطنة الارترية مثلها مثل بقية هوية الدول الافريقية تستند الي أساس قانوني متين من الاتفاقيات الدولية، وبالتالي ليس باستطاعة من هبَّ ودبَّ أن يقوِّض ذلك الأساس القانوني المتين للهوية الارترية بالتعاون مع قوى خارج الحدود وتستظل بهوية أخرى لمجرد أنه تبرم وضاق ذرعاً ببلاده. الارتروية هي هويتنا المشتركة، وهي مع ذلك لا تسلب حرياتنا وحقوقنا الانسانية الخاصة مثل حرية التعبير والتنظيم. إن تنفيس بالون أو منطاد الهوية الذي يحملنا معاً ومحاولة استخدام وسائل هدامة مهدد كبير من مهددات وحدتنا الوطنية ولا شك سوف يؤدي الي سلسلة من التبعات التي لا قبل لأحدنا بها.


الهوية الارترية يجب أن توضع في مقدمة الأولويات الجديرة بالحفظ والصون، لكن ذلك لا يعني عدم وجود هويات فرعية تشتمل بشملة الوطنية الكبرى. وما دمنا قد اعترفنا بأن ارتريا بلد تعددي الطبيعة فلابد أن نعلم أن هناك هويات دون الهوية الوطنية الشاملة لابد أن يكون لها مكانها في ترتيب الأولويات، فهناك مثلاً هويات فرعية حساسة كالهوية الدينية، العرقية لا تحرسها إلا المساواة، هناك أيضاً الهوية والخصوصية التي تمنحها اللغة، الثقافة، السكن ...الخ. لكن من الحق والواجب علينا أن نتعامل مع هذه الخصوصيات بما لا يضر بمكانة ومصلحة الهوية الأكبر.


في إطار الهوية الارترية الجامعة نعرف كيف ندير خصوصياتنا الدينية، العرقية، اللغوية، الثقافية، علي أن لا تكون هذه الخصوصيات مجرد روافد لأنهر خارج الخارطة الارترية بل تتقيد وترتبط بالهوية الوطنية، وإلا ذبلت هويتنا الارترية وبهت لونها الساطع. وإذا التزم الحد الأدنى للهوية بالحد الأعلى فمن حق الأول علي الأخير أن يمنحه الضمانات الدستورية التي تؤمن له حقوقه الخاصة كي ينمو ويزدهر داخل هويته الوطنية الكبرى.

عند الحديث عن الهوية نتحدث في المقام الأول عن الهوية الوطنية، لا المشاعر والأحاسيس الفردية، التنظيمية، القبلية، اللغوية والمناطقية. وكلما تعالت أصوات تلك المشاعر والأحاسيس الضيقة كلما ضمـُــرَ الولاء الوطني.


عندما ننظر الي ارتريا بهذا المنظور نجد شعب منخفضاتها الغربية يشاطر مثيله في السودان قواسم دينية، عرقية، لغوية، ثقافية مشتركة. لكن ذلك التماثل لا يقوى علي تغيير ثوابت الهوية الارترية بمجرد اجتياز الحدود الجغرافية الارترية، وإذا حدث ذلك فإنه يعني أن جدار الهوية الارترية التي جاءت بالعرق والدم بدأ يتعرض للشرخ. وذات الوضع في منخفضات ارتريا ينطبق علي معظم مواطني مرتفعاتها المحادَّة لاثيوبيا ولكن بما أن التماثل بين هذين الشعبين قد عولج ببقاء أحدهما تحت الهوية والسيادة الاثيوبية والآخر تحت الهوية والسيادة الارترية لا يعكر صفو العلاقة بينهما صراع هويات ولا تفلتات أفراد أو مجموعات. ومهما حاول بعض ضيقي الأفق والصدر من أمثال الأجعازي الي تجراي تجرنيي شحذ مطارقهم لهدم هذه الهويات الوطنية العريقة فلن يستطيعوا الإتيان بمحاولات هدم جديدة لم يستطعها الأوائل الذين سبق لهم أن عزفوا علي هذه الأنغام السمجة لكنهم لم يغيروا شيئاً له علاقة بالهويات الوطنية العريقة.


أما بمجر أن ضاقت عليك سبل النضال المشروعة وانحدرت الي هاوية اليأس جعلت ترقع أدلة وأسانيد لا يقبلها الواقع ولا الافتراض وتتجاوز حدودك السيادية المعترف بها دولياً لتصنع من القطع الفسيفسائية المرقعة دويلة جديدة فهذا لم يعد يطيقه أحد لا محلياً ولا دولياً.


في عصر العولمة يسود منطق الاندماج والتدامج لا منطق الانقسام والتشرذم، لذا علي الأجعازيين وأمثالهم أن لا يصرفوا جهودهم في الزرع في صحراء قاحلة لم يعد يلتفت اليها أحد وأن لا يستخدموا في زراعتهم أدوات فلاحة من خارج التاريخ.                          

عقدت قيادة حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري/ منطقة أوربا اجتماعها في السابع عشر من مارس 2017م، هذا وضمن أجندته ناقش الاجتماع الوضع المتردِّي الذي تعيشه ارتريا تحت حكم الدكتاتورية.


تناول الاجتماع تقارير الفروع وما تضمنته من تقييم وتوصيات ومقترحات حول مجمل عمل الحزب بصفة عامة وعمل المنطقة والفروع بصفة أخص. تشتمل تلك التقارير موضوعات مثل منتدى اوربا العام الذي يتناول عملية تحديث الحزب، إضافةً الي سير عمل الحزب ومنجزاته في جميع المجالات.


ولتعزيز عمل الحزب بالمنطقة تم إنشاء لجان فرعية في جميع أنحاء المنطقة وهي تعمل بجد وإخلاص ومن المتوقع أن تنجز هذه اللجان عملها في الموعد المحدد.


في الختام ناشد الاجتماع الشعب الارتري وقواه السياسية العمل الجاد والمشترك في سبيل الخروج من المعاناة الشاملة التي تعيشها البلاد.

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