Monday, 10 July 2017 06:54

Eritrea’s forgotten wars

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Eritrea’s forgotten wars

by Martin Plaut

Eritrea is well known for the 30 year war of independence it fought against Ethiopia. It is also remembered for the tragic two-year border war of 1998 - 2000, once more with Ethiopia. But these are only the tip of the iceberg.

For a young country (only formally independent in 1993) Eritrea has been involved in an extraordinary number of conflicts. Here I will focus on some of the lesser know, before outlining those that are better understood.

Martin


Eritrea's forgotten wars

What is notable about both of these wars is that they were undertaken in alliance with the newly installed Ethiopian government.

It is often overlooked that after the fall of Asmara and Addis Ababa in 1991 to the rebel movements of Eritrea and Tigray - they worked closely together. Relations between newly independent Eritrea and the new government in Ethiopia were very good indeed.

The border war of 1998 negated this relationship, but this should not obscure the fact that Eritreans and Ethiopians (or, more accurately, Tigrayans and Oromo) had fought alongside each other to oust the Mengistu regime. The alliance held in the first few years after 1991. Indeed, an Eritrean battalion remained in Addis Ababa until at least 1995, guaranteeing the security of the government of President/Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

1. The war in Sudan. This conflict is admirably summarised in the Royal African Society's publication, African Arguments. Two articles by Ahmed Hassan, which can be found  here and here, show how Eritrea and Ethiopia worked with Sudanese opposition movements to try to outs the Sudanese government.  As Ahmed Hassan argues, it was an alliance Eritrea and Ethiopia forged with the Sudan Alliance Forces (SAF) that did the fighting. They were backed by Ugandan troops and American money, in the form of CIA subventions.

The allies were attempting to outs the National Islamic Front (NIF) that had come to power in Khartoum in June 1989. Eritrea broke relations with Sudan in December 1994, and Sudanese rebels of the SPLA/M moved to Asmara officially in 1995 and were based in the building that had served as the Sudanese Embassy just few months previously. Tension between Eritrea and Sudan stemmed primarily from traded accusations that both Sudan and Eritrea were supporting opposition groups of the other country, and Islamist expansionism in Khartoum.

As Ahmed Hassan argues: "Most importantly, Sudan was viewed at that time by Eritrea, Ethiopia, and the U.S. as a destabilizing factor within the region posing serious threats with its adoption of a political Islamic agenda and the subsequent support to Islamic militants from Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia. That period also marked honeymoon of the relations between the U.S. and the 'new breed’ of African leaders represented by Isseyas Afewerki, Meles Zenawi and Yoweri Museveni." Hence the American support.

The war came close to succeeding - at one time threatening Khartoum's power supply from the Nile. But in the end the Sudanese opposition fragmented. Internal conflicts and a lack of success on the battlefield led to deep divisions. As Ahmed Hassan suggests: "By early 1998, SAF reached its limit as an effective movement due to the limited capacity and narrow agenda of its leadership. Serious internal conflicts between the military and the civilian components of the movement started to surface."

Then - out of the blue (apparently) - the May 1998 border war erupted between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Both nations moved to mend fences with the Khartoum government and their support for Sudanese rebel movements melted away. For Eritrea the war with Sudan was over: the border war with Ethiopia had just begun.

2. The war in Congo. Again, this was a joint Eritrean-Ethiopian operation, although it was Eritrea that did most of the fighting. It is a strange story, with many twists and turns.

This operation had its origins in 1994 and the Rwandan genocide. When the Hutu genocidaires established bases in the Congo to try to fight their way back into Rwanda, the newly installed Rwandan government of Paul Kagame decided to act. They looked around for a Congolese player whom they might use and came across Laurent Kabila. Until then Kabila had been a small-time hotel owner who dabbled in Congolese politics, and had once met the Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara.

The Rwandans and Kabila's Congolese set out to overthrow the Mobutu government on the other side of the continent. This is how the BBC described these events: "

In October 1996, Kabila's "Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire" launched an offensive against the Zairean Government. With the help of ethnic Tutsis and the Rwandan army, Kabila's alliance took control of over half the country - larger in size than western Europe - within seven months. Laurent Kabila declared himself President of the Democratic Republic of Congo on 17 May 1997."

What is seldom reported is that Eritrean forces - a battalion strong - accompanied the Rwandans and Kabila's rebel army. Ugandan and Burundian forces were also involved. This alliance mirrored the alliance in Sudan.

As the journalist Patrick French observed: "Rwanda’s designs on eastern Congo were further helped by the Clinton administration’s interest in promoting a group of men it called the New African Leaders, including the heads of state of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, and Rwanda. As Clinton officials saw it, these New Leaders were sympathetic and businesslike, drawn together by such desirable goals as overthrowing Mobutu, by antagonism toward the Islamist government of Sudan, which shares a border with northeast Congo, and by talk of rethinking Africa’s hitherto sacrosanct borders, as a means of creating more viable states."

The Eritrean forces fought valiantly and many paid with their lives, arriving in Kinshasa exhausted and ill. They had to be evacuated home. But they also had been of considerable economic benefit to Eritrea. Where they took control of areas of the Congo they set about extracting what benefits they could from its rich mineral reserves. There are stories of gold and other minerals being shipped out, to help boost the Eritrean economy.

Laurent Kabila owed his presidency - at least in part - to the Eritrean-Ethiopian mission, which explains why he attempted to intervene in June 1998 to halt the border war that broke out between his two former allies.

Eritrea's better known conflicts

1.    Conflict with Yemen over the Hanish islands. This was brief - lasting from 15–17 December 1995, with Eritrean small boats capturing the island of Greater Hanish. Eritrea eventually agreed to have the conflict settled by arbitration, during which it lost most of the disputed territory, yet abided by the ruling.

2.    Support for al-Shabaab in Somalia. This followed the re-location of Somalia's Islamic Courts to Eritrea in 2007 after the invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia. Eritrea subsequently sent advisers and military equipment to the Islamist group, al-Shabaab, which arose out of the Islamic Courts. As the UN Monitors put it in their 2011 report to the Security Council: "Asmara’s continuing relationship with Al-Shabaab, for example, appears designed to legitimize and embolden the group rather than to curb its extremist orientation or encourage its participation in a political process. Moreover, Eritrean involvement in Somalia reflects a broader pattern of intelligence and special operations activity, including training, financial and logistical support to armed opposition groups in Djibouti, Ethiopia, the Sudan and possibly Uganda in violation of Security Council resolution 1907 (2009)." Eritrea's operations in Somalia continued for several years, but now appears to have ended.

3.    Border clashes with Djibouti. This has spluttered on and off since 2008, leaving the two countries entrenched along their mutual border. In June 2017 Qatar pulled its peacekeeping troops out of the area, leading to fresh tension - which the African Union is attempting to resolve.

Civil war in Yemen. Eritrea has become involved in the Yemeni civil war that has pitted Houthi rebels against government forces supported by Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE. President Isaias has allowed the Saudis and UAE to establish bases in Eritrea, at the port of Assab. Eritrean troop are also reported to be fighting in Yemen.

Source=

Addis Ababa, 9 July 2017- The Chairperson of the AUC announced on 3 July 2017, during the 29th Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union that an AU High Level delegation led by the Commissioner for Peace and Security, Ambassador Smail Chergui will travel to Asmara, Eritrea to discuss with the authorities of Eritrea the developments in the region, and also exchange views on the AU’s initiative to develop a Horn of Africa Strategy.                   

At the request of the Eritrean authorities and due to a conflicting calendar, new dates will be agreed upon through consultations with the Eritrean government.

The Chairperson of the AU Commission reiterates his determination to spare no effort in promoting dialogue, peace and security in the Horn of Africa.

Source=http://www.peaceau.org/en/article/au-high-level-delegation-visit-to-asmara-eritrea-postponed

 

On Saturday, 8 July 2017, Menghesteab Asmerom, Chairman of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) held a well-attended public meeting in Seattle, Washington State, at which the currently fragmented situation of the Eritrean opposition camp was hotly and widely debated.

 

At opening the meeting, Mr. Zemehret Seare, member of the EPDP Seattle branch and the party's Foreign Office Committee Coordinator in North America warmly welcomed  meeting participants and made an interesting presentation supported by power-point display on latest major EPDP activities in the diplomatic sphere. 

 EPDP Chairman Holds Public Meeting in Seattle 2

 Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom then took the podium to make his wide-ranging remarks that focused on the 4 June 2017 proposal of his party calling upon sister organizations and movements for dialogue aiming to create a working formula for joint work. His talking points were the ones he used at public meetings in the Bay Area, in San Diego and in Chicago.

 

EPDP Chairman Holds Public Meeting in Seattle 3

 

Following his summary presentation of EPDP's proposal for joint work (for ease of reference, see full text below), the meeting participants voiced timely concerns regarding the delay to remove the evil regime in Asmara and hoped the current proposal for joint work in the spheres of information, public mobilization and diplomacy will see the light of the day.  

 

Harnnet.org visitors will soon obtain the video recording on the Seattle meeting. Readers are also encouraged to read the full text of the proposal printed below - good reading.***

 

EPDP Proposal for Joint Work  of the Eritrean Opposition Camp:

In the past 26 years of Eritrea's independent existence, our people have faced multiple harmful challenges threatening the very existence of the nation. It is indisputable that the primary culprit and source of Eritrea's tribulations has been the autocratic PFDJ regime, misnamed the 'People's Front for Democracy and Justice'. However, putting all the blame on the regime does not help in making a national soul-searching and addressing one's own shortcomings in a proper manner. It is time to admit that the failure of the Eritrean opposition camp to play an effective role contributed in the suffering and displacement of the Eritrean people; the opposition camp - the camp of change and justice seekers - so far did very little to shorten the days of absolute  dictatorship in the country.

Nevertheless, one of the positive aspects not to be sidelined is the fact that the opposition camp was able to continue making efforts, albeit limited, in confronting the multiple abuses of the repressive PFDJ regime. The efforts exerted to resolve existing problems and, in particular, the attempts made towards creating coalitions and mergers were equally positive. In our past attempts to create alliances and strengthen the opposition camp, we did reach common understanding on a number of fundamental principles that bind us all. As such, the four principles listed below appear in various documents of the Eritrean camp of change seekers. Those points of common understanding can be taken now as  the basic principles for the joint work proposal being initiated for further deliberations. They are:

  1. Protecting Eritrea's territorial sovereignty;
  2. Removing the autocratic  PFDJ regime with its organs of repression;
  3. Installing a democratic multiparty system of participatory governance;
  4. Submitting to rule of law and guaranteeing basic liberties and democratic rights.

As noted, although our past experiences had some positive aspects, yet we could not create an inclusive national body or umbrella. A new start will require our commitment to never let our existing organizations or alignments to hinder the creation of a working relationship for  more effective common action.

The urgency of the present situation obliges us to come out of our boxes. In simple terms, it is time to create a body/umbrella coalescing all forces currently in or outside existing alliances. Only to stress the evident truth, we are called upon to use learned lessons of the past and build a more effective body able to challenge the  abusive  regime in Eritrea.

The alignments we created and tried to work with were, till the present time, adversely affected by a spirit of controversy and rivalry.  This is because we created an unsustainable  situation  in which priorities were not put in order.  

For now, our most immediate task should be the removal of the autocratic regime. In past, instead of concentrating all efforts on this task, we put ourselves in a vicious circle by mixing up short-term objective with long-term objectives that cannot be attained now. And no wonder that, in a situation of controversy and with un-prioritized objectives, the  structures we worked out and the programmes we adopted could not be implemented. If we continue on that path, we will only guarantee long life for the autocratic regime and fail to address the problems of our people.

Therefore, the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) finds it timely to call upon all fraternal forces and fellow citizens opposed to the PFDJ regime to join us in trying to come out of the old vicious circle we are in and jointly start a new path that can lead to victory of the people's cause. Based on the understanding that unjustifiable controversies and  mixing up of priorities can lead us nowhere, the EPDP is now presenting this proposal for joint work that should include all concerned, and pledges to do its utmost to promote the agreed upon tasks. 

Needless to say, the primary agenda for the proposed common body or umbrella is the removal of the autocratic regime. All forces coalescing for this agenda shall be expected to do what they can to carry on the new joint body. The measure and weight of each member in the common umbrella shall be its degree of contribution in implementing the joint  tasks.

The existing alliances and parties shall be the building blocks  of the common umbrella  and shall in no way hinder the proper functioning of joint tasks. Therefore, this is a call for starting a serious dialogue among all fraternal forces, a process that should lead to  timely  formation of an effective body  embracing all stakeholders in the struggle.

The common umbrella or body to be formed shall primarily aspire to achieve the following three major tasks:

1. A Joint Foreign Delegation

Our individual efforts in the diplomatic sphere have not been effective. All parties  (governments, organizations, parties) we individually approach have been advising us to meet them as one Eritrean delegation. There is no doubt that a joint/representative Eritrean delegation will make our diplomatic work more effective. Existing Eritrean organizations or parties shall not be obliged to end their ongoing relations in this sphere. But they are  expected to strengthen the work of the joint Eritrean opposition delegation. Although details can be worked out in due course of time, the delegation can consist of members from the Eritrean organizations as well as expert diplomats from outside those member organizations. The joint delegation will be able to represent the Eritrean opposition camp at international conferences and speak/write on its behalf in addition to seeking all-round assistance (political, moral and material) for the umbrella. While working under the umbrella leadership, the foreign delegation can be empowered to take various initiatives as it sees them appropriate.

2. A Common Media Centre

Having a centralized information organ representing the opposition camp is an urgent necessity in light of the fact that our fragmented media outlets are not accomplishing the intended objective. The central information organ, which shall not hinder the member organization from continuing to run their own media outlets, can be staffed by members and media experts from outside the working common umbrella.

 3.  an Organ for Mass Mobilization

This organ shall endeavour to mobilize the people around the opposition camp by reviving the central task of political organizations in educating and organizing participants in the struggle for change. We must acknowledge the fact that mobilization efforts have been initiated at grassroots level in several places by Eritrean activists. However, these commendable initiatives could not be spared from the Eritrean malaise of controversy and negative rivalry. We in the opposition (camp of change and justice seekers) continually resort to unnecessary contention and squabbles instead of cooperating to promote the same national objective. It is appropriate to make self-criticism on this negative attitude, while at the same time bestowing high gratitude and admiration upon those compatriots who are taking initiatives at organizing justice seekers around local councils (baitos) at district and city levels. These efforts must be encouraged at all places around the globe. Eventually, people organized at grassroots level could join their efforts with political and civic organizations and help in drawing clear action plans in removing the repressive regime. The central organ for mass mobilization can be composed by representatives of political organizations and work under the common umbrella. However, it can also closely work in cooperation with the local popular councils/baitos all over the world.

The proposed national umbrella can start with the above listed three objectives but gradually expand its work activities, as needed. Only to reiterate, the EPDP hereby commits itself to start immediate dialogue and work with any Eritrean body accepting this proposal towards forming a joint body/umbrella for joint action.  No Alternative to Joint Action to Remove the Autocratic Regime!!

ኣብ ኤርትራ ንሓደስቲ ምዕባሌታት ዝምልከት ብመንግስቲ ዝድረስ ኣገደስቲ ፖሊስታት ምስ እንምልከት፡ ኤርትራ ሃገር ዘይኮነት ናይ ሓደ ሰብ ድኳን`ያ ክትብላ ብኹሉ መለክዒታት ርትዓዊ እዩ። ኣብ ዲሞክራስያውያን ስርዓታት መራሕቲ ወከልቲ ህዝቢ ብምዃኖም፡ ዝወስድዎ ውሳኔ ይኹን ሓድሽ ፖሊሲ ንግዙፍ ክፋል ህዝባዊ ድልየት ዘንጸባርቕ ክኸውን ኣለዎ። መስፈሪ ፖሊሲታት ምልካውያን ስርዓታት ግን ብኣንጻሩ፡ ረብሓ ናይቶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዝርከቡ ውሑዳን ወይ ውን ቀጻልነት ናይቲ ስርዓት ምርግጋጽ እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ከኣ፡ ምቕራጽ ፖሊሲታት ኣብ ምልካውያን ስርዓታት፡ ውረድ-ደይብ ዘይብሉ ልሙጽ መስርሕ እዩ። ኣብ ወተሃደራዊ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ከምኡ ውን ሓደ ሰልፋዊ ስርዓታት፡ እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ትካል ኣብቲ ቐዳማይ፡ እቲ ሰልፊ ኸኣ ኣብቲ ካልኣይ ኣብቲ መስርሕ ክሳተፍ ስለዝኽእል እቲ ፖሊሲታት ብተዛማዲ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ተሳትፎ ክህልዎ ይኽእል። ኣብ ውልቃዊ ምልካዊ-ስርዓት (personalist dictatorship) ከም ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ግን፡ ሃገራዊ ፖሊሲ ሓደ ሰብ ዝደራሲኡ መጽሓፍ`ዩ።

ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራት ዝግበር ዝምድናታት ምስ እንዕዘብ፡ ኣብተን ረብሓ-ህዝቢ ማእከል ዝገብራ ዲሞክራስያውያን ሃገራት፡ ቀልጢፍካ ዝድምናታት ምብታኽን ወይ ውን ኣብ መንጎ ዝተገራጨዉቲ ወገናት ቀልጢፍካ ምስ ሓደ ምውጋን ልሙድ ነገር ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ቐረባ እዋን ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራት ዓረብ ድሕሪ ዘጋጠመ ዲምፕሎማስያዊ ምስሕሓብ፡ ገለ ሃገራት ነቶም ወገናት ነቲ ሽግር ብልዝብ ክፈትሕዎ ክላበዋ እንከለዋ፡ ካልኦት ሃገራት ግን ወገን ክወስዳን ንሓደ ክዂናን እየን ተራእየን። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ውን ህቦብላ ናይቲ ቅልውላው ኣጸቢቑ ከይዓረፈ እንከሎ፡ ምስ ስዑድያ ምውጋኑ`ዩ ገሊጹ። መንግስቲ ቐጠር ምስ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዝነበሮ ዘምድና ኣዝዩ ጥቡቕ እዩ ኔሩ። ተደጋጋሚ ዑደት ኢሳያስ ናብ ቐጠር ብስራሕ ይኹን ብሕክምና፡ ቐጠር መንጎኛ ናይቲ ምስ ጅቡቲ ዘጋጠመ ሽግር ክትከውን ምቕባልን ካልእን ገለ ካብቶም ምልክታት ጥቡቕ ዝምድናታት ክልቲአን ሃገራት እዩ ኔሩ። ቅድሚ 2015፡ ኤርትራ ምስ ኢራን ኣዝያ ጥቡቕ ዝምድናታት መስሪታ ብምንባራ ዝድምናታት ኤርትራን ስዑድያን ዝሕቱል እዩ ኔሩ። ስዑዲ ጥቡቕ ዝምድናታት ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ምስ ኢራን ኣይተዋሕጠላን ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኤርትራ ንተቓወምቲ ሑቲ ናይ የመን ትድግፍ ውን ኢላ ወቒሳ ኔራ እያ። ኤርትራ ሑቲ ምድጋፍ ደው ከተብሎ፡ ኢራን ነቶም እትድግፎም ናይ ሑቲ ተቓለስቲ ንምድጋፍ ንኤርትራ ከም ባይታ ከይትጥቀመላን ካብ ዝብል እምበኣር፡ ስዑዲ-ዓረብ ዝርርብ ምስ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ግድነት ኮና።

 ኢሳያስ ናብ ስዑዲ ከይዱ ምስ ንጉስ ሰልማን ክራኸብ  እንከሎ ብማዕከናት ዜና ተኸታቲልናዮ። ነዊሕ ከይጸንሐ ከኣ፡ እቲ ንሑቲ ይድገፍ ኣሎ ተባሂሉ ዝውቀስ ዝነበረ መንግስቲ  ኤርትራ፡  መሬቱ ናብ መደበር ናይቲ ብስዑድያ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ ኣንጻር ሑቲ ቀየሮ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣንጻር ሑቲ ሰራዊት ሰዲዱ ተባሂሉ ክሕመ ውን ሰሚዕና። ኢሳይያስ  ኢራንን ሑትን ኣፋንዩ ምስ ስዑድያን ኢማራትን ተላፈነ። ዝተፈላለዩ ጸብጻባት ከም ሕብርዎ፡ እዘን ሃገራት ኣብ ገማግም ባሕሪ ኤርትራ መደበራት ክሰርሓን፡ ነቲ ስርዓት ከኣ ብገንዘብ፡ ነዳድን ካልእ ናይ ህንጸትን ወፍርን መብጽዓታት ኣትየናሉ ይርከባ። ስዑድያን ኢማራትን፡ ዝለመሰ የእጋር ናይቲ ስርዓት ከሕውያ ዝኽእላ’ኳ እንተዘይኮና፡ ካብቲ ኣትይዎ ዘሎ መዓሙቕ ተነጽሎ ናብ ቁሩብ ንፋስ ዘለዎ ቦታ ክወጽእ ግን ምርኩስ ኮይነንኦ እየን ማለት ኣይኮነን። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ምስ ስዑዲ ወጊኑ፡ ንቐጠር ክጓኒ ምውሳኑ፡ እዘን ሃገራት ተኺለናሉ ዘለዋ ኢንፍጅን ማዕረ ክንደይ ንቐጻልነቱ (ንግዚኡ ይኹን) ኣገዳሲ ምዃኑ ዘመላኽት እዩ።

ሃገራት ማእከላይ ምብራቕ፡ ንዞባ ቀርኒ-ኣፍሪቃ ከም ምጡጥ ጂኦግራፊካዊ  ኣካለን እየን ዝእየኦ። ኣብቲ ዞባ ዘጋጥም ነገር ክጸልወን ስለ ዝኽእል፡ እቲ ዞባ ሰላም ሰፊንዎ ክርእያ ድልየተን እዩ። እቲ ቐንዲ ዓንዲ-ሕቆ ቑጠብአን ዝኾነ ነዳዲአን በዚ ዞባ እዩ ዝሓልፍ። ኣብቲ ዞባ ዝገብርኦ ምትእትታው ሓድሽ ነገር ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ነዳዲ ተረኺቡ ናብ ዕዳጋታት ዓለም ክሽየጥ ድሕሪ ምጅማሩ ኣገዳስነት ቀርኒ-ኣፍሪቓ ነዘን ሃገራት ክብደት ወሲኹ እዩ። በብወገነን እምበኣር፡ ብፍላይ እተን ዓበይቲ ሸየጥቲ ነዳዲ ዝኾና ሃገራት ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ከም ስዑዲ-ዓረብ፡ ነቶም ኣብ ቀርኒ-ኣፍሪቃ ዝርከቡ ሓይልታት ወይ ሃገራት ገንዘባዊ ድጋፍን ኣጽዋርን እንዳሃባ ጽልውአን ክዕርፋ ይፍትና ኔረንን ኣለዋን። እቲ ኣብ ስግር ናይዚ ዞባ ኣብ እትርከብ ሃገረ የመን ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ቅልውላው፡ነቲ ዛሕቲሉ ዝነበረ ርክብ ናይዘን ሃገራት ኣብቲ ዞባ ኣነጣጥፊዎ እዩ። ስዑድያ ኣብታ መዳውብታ ዝኾነት ቀይሕ-ባሕራዊት ሃገረ የመን ንታሪኻዊ መጻልእታ ዝመስል ሺዓ ዝእምነቱ ብኢራን ዝድገፍ መንግስቲ ክትከል፡ ብፍጹም እትጻወሮ ነገር ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ዘባህርር ሲናርዮ ከይገሃድ እምበኣር፡ ስዑድያ ኩሉ የእማን ክትፍንቅል ግድነት እዩ። ኤርትራ ተቋዳሲት ጸጋታት ስዑዲ-ዓረብን ኢማራትን ክትከውን ዝገበራ ጅኦግራፊካዊ ቅርበታ ናብ የመን እዩ። ሑቲ ተሳዒሮም ኣብ የመን ብሱና ዝምራሕ መሓዛ ስዑዲ-ዓረብ ዝኾነ መንግስቲ ድሕሪ ምምስራቱ ግን ኣገዳስነት ኤርትራ ከምዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ ኣይክኸውንን እዩ። ልክዕ እዘን ሃገራት ብቐይሕ ባሕሪ ዝመላለሳ ናይ ንግዲ መራኽበን ካብ ሸፋቱ ባሕሪ ንምሕላው ኣብቲ ከባቢ ወተሃደራዊ መደበር የድልየን እኳ እንተኾነ፡ እቲ መደበር ኣብ ሶማል ወይ ውን ጅቡቲ ክገብረኦ ይኽእላ እየን። ተገላባጢ መርገጺ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ’ውን ንኤርትራ ንኸይመርጽኣ ክገብር ይኽእል እዩ። ኩነታት ሶማል ተረጋጊኡ፡ ሽፍትነት-ባሕሪ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቁጽጽር ክኣቱ ወይ ውን እዘን ሃገራት መራኽበን ብኻልኦት ኣብቲ ዞባ ዘለዉ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ክሕለዋ ምግባር ውን ካልእ ኣማራጺ እዩ።

ረብሓ ውሑዳት ዝማእከሉ መንግስቲ ክሳብ ዝሃለወ፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ ንምንዋሕ፡ ንኤርትራ ሎሚ ብኢራን፡ ጽባሕ ብቐጠር ድሕሪኡ ስዑዲ፡ ብድሕሪኡ ውን ብኻልእ ዘርከበ ዘርብሕ ወገን እትሕረስ ግራት-ፈረቓ ክገብራ ባህርያዊ እዩ። ኣብቲ ዞባ ሰላምን ርግኣትን እንተዝሰፍን ግን፡ ነቲ ብተነጽሎ ዝሳቐ ዘሎ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ መገላበጢ ባይታ ኸሊኡ፡ ንፍታሓዊት ኤርትራ ዝግበር ቃልሲ ውን ኣቃላጣፊ ባሩድ ምኾኖ ኔሩ።

On Thursday, 6 July 2017, the European Parliament passed an important resolution on the EU’s relations with Eritrea.

It highlight – once again – the human rights abuses of the Eritrean government, including the detention of Abune Antonios and the journalist Dawit Isaak. But the resolution went further to make key demands on the EU. The resolution:

  1. Denounced the resumption of major EU aid to Eritrea and in particular the signing off of the NIP for Eritrea of EUR 200 million
  2. Demanded action to halt the 2% tax
  3. Urged an end to the forcible return of Eritreans – refoulment.
  4. Supported the work of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights
  5. Demanded that the Commission obtain guarantees from the Eritrean Government that it will implement democratic reforms and ensure respect for human rights

…and much more.

Full text below. Martin

Source: European Parliament

ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ብ8 ሓምለ 2017 ኣብ ከተማ ስያትል፡ ዋሺንግተን፡ ክፉት ህዝባዊ ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ። ኣኼባ ብዝኽሪ ሰማእታት ኢዩ ተጀሚሩ።

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ነቲ ኣኼባ ዝኸፈተ፡ ሓው ዘምህረት ስዓረ፡ ካብ ጨንፈር ሰዲህኤ፥ ጨንፈር ስያትል፡፡ ንዕዱማት ኣጋይሽ ናይ ምስጋናን እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩምን መልእኽቲ ድሕሪ ምቕራብ፡ ብፓወር ፖይንት እተሰነየ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ንጥፈታትት ሰልፊ ዝሕብር ካብ ብእንግሊዘኛ እትሕትም መጽሔት ሊበርቲ መግለጺ ሂቡ።

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ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ከም ቀንዲ ዛዕባ ኣኼባ ገይሩ ዝተዛረበሉ ኣርእስቲ፡ ብሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ዝቐረበ፡ ንሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ዝጽውዕ እማመ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ከም መእተዊ ንመግለጺኡ ከኣ፡ ነቲ ሃገር/ደውላ (state) ዝብል ኣምር ብምግላጽ ኢዩ ጀሚሩ።

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ሃገርን መንግስትን (state and government0 ክልተ ዝተፈላላዩ ኣምራት ምዃኖም ድሕሪ ምብራህ፡ ንመንግስቲ ምቅዋም ማለት ንሃገር ምቅዋም ከምዘይኰነ ኣረዲኡ። ኣስዒቡ ሃገር ብ4 ኣካላት ዝቖመ ምዃኑ፡ ንሳቶም ድማ፦

1. መንግስቲ

2. ህዝቢ

3. ዶባቱ ዝተነጸረ መሬት (territory)

4. ኣህጕራዊ ተፈላጥነት ኢዮም ኢሉ።

  

1. መንግስቲ፦

ንመንግስቲ ኣመልኪቱ፡ ሓው መንግስትኣብ፡ እቶም ሰለስተ ኣካላቱ ማለት ሓጋጊ፡ ፈጻምን ፈራድን ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍጹም ምቍጽጻር ናይ መራሕ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ከም ዝውደቑ ዝርዝር መብርሂ ሂቡ።

 

2. ህዝቢ፦

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብስእነት ሓርነት፡ ስእነት ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ፡ ስእነት ማይ፡ መግብን መንበሪ ኣባይቲ፡ ስእነት ስራሕ . . .ወዘተ ዝሳቐ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ምዃኑ ሰፊሕ መግለጺ ኣቕሪቡ። ቀጺሉ እታ መስረታዊት ኣሃዱ ናይ ሕብረተሰብ ዝዀነት ስድራቤት ተበታቲና ምህላዋ፤ ስደት፡ መለለዪን መጸውዕን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኰይኑ ምህላው ድሕሪ ምግላጽ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ንስደት ከም ምንጪ ናይ ወጻኢ ባጤራ ንኽጥቀመሉን ብስእነተ ስራሕ ክፍጠር ንዝኽእል ህዝባዊ ናዕብታታ ንምዕጋትን ኰነ ኢሉ ዘተባብዖ ዘሎ ፖሊሲ ምዃኑ ኣስሚርሉ።

 

3. መሬት፦

ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ብሰንኪ ጻሕታሪ ግርጭታት ዝዀነ ፖሊሲታቱ፡ ሰፊሕ ክፋል ካብ መሬት ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሕቲ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ክወድቕ ምግባሩ። ነዚ መሬት’ዚ ብሓይሊ ይኹን ብሰላም ክመልስ ዘይምብቃዑ፡ ንልዑላውነት ሃገር ንሓደጋ ዘቃልዐ ስርዓት ምዃኑ ኣረዲኡ። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ እውን ማያት፡ መሬትን ሰማያትን ኤርትራ ንናይ ወጻኢ ሓይልታት ኣሕሊፉ ሂቡ ምህላውን እዚ ኣብ መጻኢ ክፈጥሮ ዝኽእል ጸገማትን እውን ኣሚቱ።

 

4. ኣህጕራዊ ተፈላጥነት፦

ብቓልስን ድምጽን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተረጋገጸ ኣህጕራዊ ተፈላጥነት ኤርትራ ጌና ኣብ ቦታኡ ዘሎ እኳ እንተዀነ፡ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ብዝኽተሎ ዘሎ ግጉይ ፖሊሲታት፡ ንሓደጋ ክቃላዕ ከምዝኽእል ድማ ኣዘኻኺሩ።

 

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ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ብሓደ ሸነኽ ኤርትራ ከምሃገር ናብ ፍሽለት ገጻ ተምርሕ ከምዘላ፤ ብኻልእ ሽነኽ ከኣ፡ ነታ ሃገር ካብ ፍሽለት ከድሕን ዝኽእል ዝተጠርነፈ ተቓዋሚ ሓይሊ ዘይምህላው፡ ንሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ዘሻቕል ጕዳይ ምዃኑ ሓቢሩ።

 

ካብ’ዚ ተበጊሱ፡ ኣድላይነት ናይ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ህጹጽን ዕዙዝን ጕዳይ ምዃኑ ኣስሚርሉ። ቀጺሉ፡ ዝሓላፈ ተመኵሮታት ናይ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ፡ ብሰንኪ ቀዳምነታት ዘይምስራዕን ብሰንኪ ናይ ህልኽን ኣሉታዊ ናይ ምውድዳር መንፈስን ክሰምር ወይ ክዕወት ከምዘይከኣለ ኣብሪሁ።

 

ነዚ ክውን ንምግባር ድማ፡ ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣብ’ዘን ዝስዕባ መትከላት ዝተሰረተ፡ ሓባራዊ ዲፕሎማስያዊ፡ ዜናውን ህዝባውን ዕዮ ንምክያድ፡  ምስ ኵለን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኣብ ናይ እንካን ሃባን መስርሕ ክኣቱን ድልዊ ምህላዉ ኣረዲኡ።

1. ምዕቃብ ልኡላዊ ግዝኣት ኤርትራ፤

2. ምውዳቕ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ምልጋስ መሓውራት ጭቆናኡን፤

3. ድሕሪ ውድቐት ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ኣብዝሓ ሰልፋዊ ስርዓት ዝሰረቱ ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምቛም፤

4. ግዝኣተ ሕግን ዲሞክራስያዊ መሰላትን መላእ ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ምቕባል፤ ዝብላ ኢየን።

 

SeattlepicBerhe080717 6

 

ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ካብ ኣኼበኛታት ንዝቐረብሉ ኣገደስቲ ሕቶታት መሊሱ። ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ድማ፡ ነቲ ብሰዲህኤ ተወሲዱ ዘሎ ተበግሶ ንሓባራዊ ዕዮ ደገፎም ገሊጾም፡ ንዝሓለፈ ተመኵሮታት ደምበ ተቓውሞ ድማ ነቒፎም።

 

ምሉእ ትሕዝቶ ናይ’ቲ ኣኼባ ብድምጺ ተቐሪጹ ስለዘሎ፡ ኣከታቲልና ከነስዕበልኩም ስለዝዀና ኣብ ሓርነት ኦርግ ተኸታተሉና።

Wieder Demonstrationen gegen Eritrea 08.07.2017

GIESSEN - (ebp). "So lange die Diktatur nicht beendet ist, werden wir jedes Jahr demonstrieren" zeigt sich Klaus-Dieter Grothe kämpferisch. Wie auch in den vergangenen Jahren hatte der Grünen-Stadtverordnete eine Kundgebung angemeldet, um gegen das Eritrea-Festival in den Hessenhallen zu demonstrieren - und mehr als 100 Gleichgesinnte schlossen sich ihm an.

 

Darunter auch Abraham Kiros, der nicht verstehen kann, wieso das Festival überhaupt genehmigt wird: "Wir haben in Deutschland die Freiheit bekommen, aber der Diktator verfolgt uns bis hierher". Das sieht auch Mussa Ibrahim so. Es sei eine "Unverschämtheit, dass das Festival ausgerechnet in Gießen stattfindet". Denn viele Menschen, die vor dem diktatorischen Regime geflohen seien, hätten auch in der Erstaufnahmeeinrichtung Zuflucht gefunden. In den Hessenhallen ist das umstrittene Festival derweil im vollen Gange. Es läuft Musik, Waffeln werden gebacken, mittendrin spielen ein paar Mädchen Volleyball. Auch eine Hüpfburg steht parat. Auf den ersten Blick wirkt es wie ein großes Familienfest - wären da nicht die vielen eritreischen Nationalflaggen und Plakate, die sich mit der Geschichte des Landes beschäftigen. Kritische Stimmen sucht man hier vergeblich. "Ein Vierteljahrhundert voller Stabilität und Entwicklung" steht auf Englisch auf einem Banner.

"Es gibt viele Dinge, die in Eritrea gut laufen", sagt Dirk Vogelsang von der Deutsch-Eritreischen Gesellschaft im Gespräch mit dem Anzeiger und verweist auf Zahlen, wonach 80 Prozent der Eritreer Zugang zu sauberem Trinkwasser haben. Man wolle die Probleme nicht verschweigen, könne jedoch nicht verstehen, "wieso an Eritrea Maßstäbe angelegt werden, wie an kein anderes afrikanisches Land". Während drinnen gefeiert wird, wird draußen weiter demonstriert. "Ihr tanzt auf den Leichen eurer Brüder und Schwestern", prangt auf einem Plakat. Andere Demonstranten halten blutige Bilder in die Höhe, auf denen Folgen der Misshandlungen durch die Regierung zu sehen sein sollen.

"In den Hessenhallen treffen sich Vertreter und Unterstützer einer der schlimmsten Diktaturen der Welt" klagt Klaus-Dieter Grothe, während die Demonstranten im Hintergrund "enough is enough" skandieren - zu Deutsch: genug ist genug. "In Eritrea existiert kein Rechtssystem. Menschen werden verhaftet und keiner weiß, wo sie landen" so der Grünen-Politiker.

http://www.giessener-anzeiger.de/index.htm

ብ5 ሓምለ 2017 ኣብ ከተማ ሮም ሃገረ ኢጣልያ ድሕሪ ምክያድ ፈስቲቫል ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣባላት ዲፕሎማሲ  ስርዓት ህግደፍ ሓደጋ ከም ዝወረደ ይማዕ ኣብ ዝሃለወሉ፡ ኤርትራዊ ደም (ኤሪ-ብላድ) ዝበሃል ኣካል ክንፊ መንእሰይ ህግደፍ ሓዊስካ ናይቲ ስርዓት መሳርሒ ዝኾኑ ኣካላት ዘዳልውዎ  ኣብ 14- 16 ሓምለ 2017 ኣብ ነዘርላንድ  ናዕበኛ ፈስቲቫል ክካየድ መደብ ኣሎ።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብ7 ሓምለ 2017 ናብ ሚኒስተር ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ነዘርላንድ በርት ኮየንደርስ  ህጹጽ መልእኽቲ ሰዲዱ። ኣብዚ መልእኽቱ መንግስቲ ነዘርላንድ ነቲ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ፈስቲቫል ክእግዶን፡ ከም ኣማኻሪ ፕረሲደንት ኤርትራ ንዝኣመሰሉ ናይቲ ጌና ቀጻሊ ዘሎ ገበን ኣንጻር ሰብኣውነት ሃንደስቲ ምዃኖም ዝኽሰሱ ኣካላት መእተዊ ቪዛ ክኸልኦምን ሓቲቱ። ብመሰረት ናይ ኢጣልያ ናይ ዜና ማዕከን፡ ብተግባር ህግደፍ ዝተቖጥዑ ኤርትራውያን ንኣንበሳድር ኤርትራን የማነ ገብረኣብ (ማንኪ) ምዃኑ ዝግመት ካልኣዩን ብ5 ሓምለ 2017 ወቒዐምዎም። እዞም ሓለፍቲ ህግደፍ በቶም ብተግባራት ህግደፍ ዝሓረቑ ዝተወቕዑ ኣብቲ ኣብ ኢጣልያ ዝተኻየደ ናይ ህግደፍ ፈስቲቫል ድሕሪ ምስታፎም እዮም። በቲ ሓበሬታ መሰረት ክልቲኦም ዝተወቕዑ ሓለፍቲ ህግደፍ ተሃስዮም ኣብ ሆስፒታል ከም ዝኣተዉን ነዚ ዝምልከት ሓባሬታ ቀጻሊ ምህላዉን ተፈሊጡ።

እቲ ናይ ሰደህኤ መዘክር ነቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 14 ማዝያ 2017 ብከንቲባ ከተማ ቨልድሆቨን ኔዘርላንድ ምእንቲ ጸጥታን ርግኣትን ከተማኡ ዝተወስደ ናይ ህግደፍ ፈስቲቫል ከይካአድ ናይ ምእጋድ ተግባር ጠቒሱ፡ መንግስቲ ኔዝርላንድ  እዚ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ መነዓዓቢ ፈስቲቫል ንከይካየድ ተመሳሳሊ ስጉምቲ ንክወስድ ጸዊዑ።

ናይዚ ወጻዒ ስርዓት ፈስቲቫላት፡ ክንፊ መንእሰይ ህግደፍ ዝበሃል ኣንጻር ኤርትራውያን ደገፍቲ ደሞክራስን ኣዕርኽቶምን  ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣንጻር ከም ሸይላ ኪታሩዝ ላዕለወቲ ሓላፊት ጉዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰሉ ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ሰብ መዚ እውን ዝስለፍ እዩ። ኣካል ክንፊ መንእሰይ ህግደፍ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ደም ዝበሃል ጉጅለ በጋሚዶ ከኣ ኩሉ ግዜ ፈስቲቫል ናይቲ ስርዓት ክዳሎ እንከሎ ነቲ ፈስቲቫል ዝቃወሙ ወገናት ብምፍርራሕን ምርዓድን ንረብሓቲ ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ዝሰርሕ እዩ።

መዘክር ሰዲህኤ ንኣገዳስነት ናይቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብመንግስቲ ኔዘርላንድ ኣንጻር መዳኸርቲ ህግደፍ  ዝተወስደ ስጉምቲ ከም ኣገዳሲ ኣብነት ጠቒስዎ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ እቲ ስጉምቲ ብሃገራት ኤውሮጳ ክሰዓብ ዝግበኦ ጽቡቕ ኣብነትን ንወጻዕቲ ዘሰንብድን ምንዃኑ ኣመልኪቱ። ብዘይካዚ እቲ ስጉምቲ ነቲ ፓርላማ ኔዘርለንድ ኣብ ጉዳይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ክሕዞ ዝጸንሐ ኣውንታዊ መርገጻትን ኣብያተ ፍርዲ እታ ሃገር ኣብ ልዕሊ ልኡኻት ኢምባሲ ኤርትራ ኣብታ ሃገር ክህበኦ ንዝጸንሓ ብይናትን ዘተባብዕ ምዃኑ ኣብቲ መዘክር ተመልኪቱ። ብመንጽር እዚ መንግስቲ ኔዘርላንድ ኣንጻርቲ ካብ 14 ክሳብ 16 ሓምለ 2017 ክካየድ ተሓሲቡ ዘሎ ፈስቲቫል ግቡእ ስጉምቲ ክወስድ ትስፉው ምዃኑ’ውን ኣስፊሩ።

At a time when reports from Italy confirm the occurrence of a serious incident involving Eritrean regime diplomats in Rome on 5 July following a regime festival, other agents of the Eritrean regime, including the Eri-Blood gangs of the so-called Young-PFDJ, are planning to hold another provocative festival in the Netherlands between 14  and16 July 2017.

 

In an urgent message addressed to Dutch Foreign Minister Bert Koenders on 7 July,  the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) asked the Dutch Government to ban the planned festival and deny entry visas to Eritrean regime officials, like presidential advisor Yemane Ghebreab ('Monkey'), who are suspected perpetrators of the still ongoing crimes against humanity. According to Italian news media, angry Eritreans seriously assaulted the Eritrean ambassador to Rome and his colleague, probably Yemane 'Monkey', in the night of 5 July following their participation at a regime festival in Italy. Both officials reportedly sustained serious injuries and are in a Rome hospital. Details on the incident are still incoming.

 

The EPDP memorandum referred to the right action of the Mayor of Veldhoven, Holland, on the 14th of April 2017 in banning Eritrean regime festival in his city on grounds of public order and security, and asked the Dutch Government to take a similar action on the provocative festival planned for this month.

 

The Eritrean regime festivals are organized by the regime agents like the so-called Y-PFDJ (youth wing of the ruling tyranny in Eritrea) which is in effect an instrument of intimidation not only against pro-democracy Eritreans and their supporters but also against high UN officials like Sheila Keetharuth, the Human Rights Rapporteur for Eritrea.  'Eri-Blood' gangs are violence-prone groups within the Y-PFDJ and are always at hand in the regime-organized festivals to threaten and intimidate anyone opposed to the prevailing tyranny in Eritrea.

 

The EPDP memorandum underlined the importance of past Dutch actions against Eritrean regime agents in the Netherlands and believed that those actions were good examples to be emulated by other European governments as discouragements to oppressor regimes. The message also commended the political positions held by major Dutch parties in the Parliament as well as the repeated rulings of Dutch courts against the antagonistic activities of the Eritrean embassy and its agents and hoped the Dutch Government will again this time take the appropriate action to stop the planned regime festival for 14-16 July 207.

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