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Thursday, 22 June 2017 09:35

ወዲ ዓሻስ ክልተሻብ ይውቃዕ

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ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ተሓኤ ብሰንኪ ውግእ ሕድሕድን ውሽጣዊ ጸገማታን ሜዳ ኤርትራ ለቒቓ ናብ ሱዳን ምስ ኣተወት፡ “ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ” ዝብል ስም ሒዛ እያ ቀጺላ። ኣብቲ እዋን  ተሓኤ ብዓባያ ኣብ ሰለስተ ጉጅለታት ተመቕለት። ነቲ ብጉባኤ ዝተመርጸ መሪሕነት ብጉባኤ ክወርድን ኣብ ህዝቢ ቀሪቡ ክሕተትን ስልጣኑ ከረክብን  ሕጋዊ ብምንባሩ ብምእማና ካብተን ዝተረፋ ክልተ ጉጅለታት ጸብለል ኢላ ዝወጸት ነበረት። ህዝቢ እውን ነዚ ሓፈሻዊ መስመር ወይ ከኣ ብዓረበኛ “ተያር ኣልዓም” ብዝብል ስም ይጽወዓ ነይሩ።

ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ዋላ ካብ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ትውጻእ እምበር፡ ምስቲ ኣብ ሜዳ ዝተረፈ ሓይሊ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ክትደጋገፍ ድልውቲ ነይራ። ነዚ ብተግባር ከተሰንዮ ከኣ ካብቲ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ሒዛቶ ዝነበረት ኣጽዋር ተሓኤ እቲ  ከበድቲ ብረት ንህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ንኽወሃብ ወሰነት። ቀጺላ ኣውን ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ምእንቲ ሃገራዊ ነጽነት ንምቅላስ ምስ ህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ሓቢራ ክትሰርሕ ናታ ስትራተጂካዊ ቦታ ንኽትሕዝ ሓቲታ  ተቐባልነት ግን ኣይረኸበትን።

ኣብ 1991 ህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ንመላእ ኤርትራ ተቖጻጺሩ መሬት ኤርትራ  ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ነጻ ኣውጸኣ። ሓይሊ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እናዓኾኸን እናዓበየን መጺኡ ህዝቢ እውን ክስዕቦ ምስ ጀመረ፡ ነዚ ብምርኣይ  ህዝባዊ ግንባር ብ1992 ኣብ ልዕሊ ሰራዊት ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ንካልኣይ ግዜ  ሰፊሕ ወተሃደራዊ ስጉምቲ ወሰደት። 

ድሕር’ዚ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ኤርትራ ነጻ ምውጻኣ ደገፋ ኣብ ልዕሊ ምግላጻ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ንኤርትራ ዝተቖጻጸረ ኣውንታዊ  ፖለቲካዊ መርገጻ ኣነጸረት። እቲ ፖለቲካዊ መርገጻ ከኣ “እቲ ዝተበገስናሉ ዕላማ  ነጻነት ኤርትራ ሽቶኡ ስለዝወቕዐ፡ ደጊም ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣብቂዑ ቀጻሊ ንሓርነት ምቅላስ እዩ” ዝብል ሓላፍነታዊ ውሳነ ወሰነት። ነዚ እውን ፖለቲካዊ ዋጋ ከፊላትሉ እያ። ምኽንያቱ በቶም ካልኦት ሓይልታት ነቲ ዕላማ ከም ምኽሓድ ስለዝተወስደ።

ብድሕሪ እዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰንኪ እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ዝተባርዐ ህዝቢ ዘይተጸበዮ ውግእ፡ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ጠንጢኖም ምስ ዝወጹ እሞ ውድብ ዝመስረቱ ሓይልታት ህዝባዊ ግምባር ነበር ንሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ሓቢርካ ንምቅላስ ብዝብል ምስ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ርክብ ተጀመረ። ኣብ 2008 ከኣ ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ናብ ሰልፊ ማዕበለት’ሞ ስለፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝብል ስም ሒዛ ወጸት። በዚ መሰረት ከኣ ምስ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ ርክባት ኣብ 2010 ኮንፈረንስ ተኻይዱ ናይ ክልቲኡ ሰልፍታት መሪሕነታት ከምዘለዎ መሰጋገሪ መሪሕነት ክኸውን ተወሰነ። ኣብ 2011 ከኣ ቀዳማይ ሰልፋዊ ጉባኤ ተኻይዱ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ናብ ዝብል ሰፊሕ ሰልፊ ተሰግረ።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ምቛሙ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ሰልፍታት ዝነበረ ኣባል፡ “ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ ዝያዳ የዕውት” ዝብል ተረድኦ ሒዙ ተበጊሱ። እዚ ተባዕ ስጉምቲ ዝሓለፈ ውግእ ሕድሕድን ምንጽጻግን ዘሕደሮ ስንብራት ናይ ምሕዋይ ከቢድ ግና ድማ ኣድላይ ሓላፍነት ሒዙ እዩ ነቒሉ። ብዘይካዚ ኤርትራ ናይ ጀብሃ ወይ ናይ ሻዕብያ ጥራይ ዘይኮነትስ፡ ናይ ኩልና እያ ብዝብል ናይ ክልቲኤን ገዳይም ውድባት ታሪኽ እወንታኡ ይኹን ኣሉታኡ ናይ ኩልና ምዃኑ ምቕባልን ምኽባርን ግድን እዩ ዝብል ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ነይሩ። እተን ክልተ ባንደራታት ሓንቲ ታሪኻዊት መለልዪት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፥ እታ ሓንቲ ከኣ  መለለዪት ናይ ሎሚ  ሃገረ ኤርትራ ብምዃነን ክልቲአን ክሳብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሕገመንግስታዊ ውሳኔ ዝህበሉ ብሓባር ከም ምልክት ክንጥቀመለን ተሰማምዐ።

እቲ ናይ ስምረት ጉዕዞ ብብዙሕ መስርሓት ተጓዒዙ ኣብ ናይ ፍጹም ምጽንባር ተበጽሐ። ነቲ መስርሕ  ብዙሓት ክድግፍዎ ከለዉ፡ ዝነጽግዎን ዘይናቱ መልክዕን ስምን ዝህብዎን’ውን ነይሮም። ሕሉፍሓሊፎም ነቲ ተባዕ መስርሕን ውጽኢቱን ከም ካልኣይ ገጽ ናይ ህግዲፍ ኣምሲሎም ዝገልጽዎ’ውን ነይሮም እዮም። ሓለይቲ ታሪኽ ተሓኤ ወይ ህግሓኤ መሲሎም ዝቐርቡ’ውን ውሑዳት ኣይነበሩን።  ግብራዊ ውጽኢቱ ከምይ ነይሩ፡ ኣሎን ክኸውን እዩን ብዘየገድስ ብመትከላዊ ዓይኒ እቲ በተን ክልተ ሰልፍታት ዝተውስደ ስጉምቲ ቅቡል እዩ። ንመጻኢ እውን ኩሉ ዋጋ እናተኸፍሎ ክቕጽል ዝግበኦ እዩ እብል።

Thursday, 22 June 2017 07:47

The Rehabilitation of Africa’s Most Isolated Dictatorship

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by Martin Plaut

Eritrea is coming in from the cold. Could that spark a shooting war with Ethiopia?

By Tom Gardner

The Rehabilitation of Africa’s Most Isolated Dictatorship

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Two recent and seemingly incongruous events may one day be seen as symbolic turning points for Eritrea, an authoritarian, one-party state often referred to as Africa’s hermit kingdom. The first was a bloody clash on Eritrea’s border with Ethiopia in June 2016, which left hundreds of people dead and brought back memories of the devastating 1998-2000 war between the two archenemies. The second was an academic conference in the Eritrean capital of Asmara in July, the first of its kind in 15 years. Visiting academics were shocked by the relative freedom for debate — on everything from women’s rights to foreign policy — in the notoriously repressive state.

“It was as much a political event as an academic event,” said Harry Verhoeven, an assistant professor at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service in Qatar who attended the conference. “It was remarkable — by regional standards and certainly by Eritrean standards.”

 These apparently contradictory episodes were in fact both subplots of the same story: Eritrea’s gradual emergence from more than a decade of international isolation and the uncertain attempts to come to terms with that shift by its rival neighbor, Ethiopia. The conference indicated that the Eritrean government is coming tentatively in from the cold; the border war showed that Ethiopia is worried that a rehabilitated Eritrea could threaten its regional dominance. Together, the two events demonstrated that the 17-year-old status quo of “no peace, no war” is coming undone.

In April, Ethiopia announced that it is working on a new policy toward its Red Sea neighbor. The details are still emerging, but one thing is clear: The government recognizes that its strategy of containment, imposed on Eritrea after the end of the border war in 2000 and ratcheted up with a U.N. arms embargo in 2009, has failed. For the first time in years, there is serious talk of a change of course in Addis Ababa.

The U.N. sanctions regime is dependent on support from the international community, which is gradually eroding. The sanctions were always controversial for singling out Eritrea as a uniquely bad actor in a region of bad actors. Now there is growing consensus at the United Nations that the main justification for the sanctions no longer applies: There is no evidence that Eritrea is still supporting al-Shabab militants in Somalia, and though it continues to support armed opposition groups in the region — notably in Ethiopia — its neighbors do as well.

Ethiopia may be able to stave off a softening — or lifting — of the sanctions until the end of 2018, when its term as a nonpermanent member of the U.N. Security Council is slated to end. Tensions between Eritrea and Djibouti, which have spiked in the past week following Qatar’s decision to remove its peacekeepers from the troubled border between the two countries, may well strengthen Ethiopia’s case in the short term. But in the long run it will struggle to persuade other members to continue the status quo without the backing of the United States, which now that President Barack Obama — and in particular his national security advisor, Susan Rice, who was seen as implacably hostile to the Eritrean regime — has departed may be less inclined to keep Asmara in the penalty box.

“They didn’t have an inch of space when she was there,” Bronwyn Bruton, the deputy director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council in Washington, D.C., said of Rice. Now that Donald Trump is in office, “all the African strongmen are rejoicing,” she added.

Wider winds are blowing in Eritrea’s favor, too. The war in Yemen, which is less than 70 miles away across the Red Sea, has sparked a rush on Eritrean coastal real estate by Gulf states looking to base their troops there. For example, the United Arab Emirates has been leasing the port of Assab since 2015 and is reportedly building a military base there. Meanwhile, some 400 Eritrean troops are reportedly fighting as part of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen, in return for which Asmara has received fuel and finance.

“The Gulf countries have repositioned Eritrea in the geopolitical context of the Horn in quite a remarkable way,” said Kjetil Tronvoll, a senior partner at the International Law and Policy Institute in Norway.

Meanwhile, the migration crisis has spurred renewed engagement by the European Union, which is desperate to stem the flow of refugees and migrants across the Mediterranean. Eritrea was Africa’s largest single source of refugees to Europe from 2014 to 2016, a distinction that won President Isaias Afwerki, who has been in power since 1993, an additional source of income. In 2015, the EU approved a 200 million euro aid package for Eritrea, though it has yet to disburse all the funds. This came on top of promises of training for the judiciary and security services designed to combat trafficking.

Individual European countries and humanitarian agencies are also stepping up engagement. Germany has resumed technical assistance programs while Britain’s Department for International Development is planning to open an office in Asmara. U.S. State Department officials, who long avoided the country, have started visiting again. “

The wall that the Ethiopians had carefully erected has frankly crumbled

The wall that the Ethiopians had carefully erected has frankly crumbled,” said Martin Plaut, the author of Understanding Eritrea. “Everybody seems to be queuing up to love them.”

Most unnervingly from the Ethiopian perspective is Eritrea’s strengthening relationship with Egypt, Ethiopia’s historic rival and now the closest thing Eritrea has to a regional ally. Addis Ababa accuses Cairo of working with Eritrea to support armed groups that have attempted to sabotage the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the continent’s largest hydroelectric project, which Egypt regards as an existential threat because of its dependence on the Nile River’s downstream waters.

High-level exchanges between Asmara and Cairo have intensified in recent months. Afwerki traveled to Egypt in November to meet President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, and Eritrea’s foreign minister held talks with his Egyptian counterpart in May. Multiple Egyptian delegations have descended on Asmara, fueling rumors of a potential Egyptian air base in Eritrea. Such a provocation is highly unlikely, analysts say, but not impossible: Egypt has not ruled out the possibility of airstrikes against the dam.

Meanwhile, Eritrea has made its own efforts to rid itself of pariah status. It has begun courting foreign investors, especially in the mining sector. Three new mines are expected to be operational by 2018, joining the majority-Canadian-owned Bisha gold, copper, and zinc mine, which opened in 2011 and generated nearly $2 billion in revenues in its first four years of operation. (The mine has been dogged by allegations of forced labor and dangerous working conditions.) The government also created a free trade zone in the port of Massawa in an effort to attract more investors.

This comes on top of small but symbolically significant measures by the government to improve its terrible reputation on human rights. According to the Atlantic Council, some 50 foreign journalists were permitted to enter and report on the country between May 2015 and May 2016, and the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights was recently permitted to tour a prison.

Much of this is worrying to Ethiopia, which dislikes the prospect of Eritrea projecting its influence over the Red Sea littoral — a deep-seated anxiety tied to its own landlocked status. Addis Ababa also worries that Afwerki will use his growing financial resources to step up support for armed opposition in Ethiopia at a time when the country is already under a state of emergency following months of unrest. Above all, Ethiopia fears encirclement by hostile regimes.

But so far it has struggled to craft a coherent response to Eritrea’s rapidly changing circumstances. “Ethiopia was completely blindsided by what happened in Yemen,” said Cedric Barnes, the director of research and communications at the Rift Valley Institute. “They seem to have lost their way diplomatically.”

Unlike Eritrea, Ethiopia has only distant relations with the Gulf states, and its efforts to dissuade the UAE and Saudi Arabia from engaging with Asmara have apparently been unsuccessful. As a result, it has resorted to displays of military strength, including bombing the Bisha mine in 2015. In private, government officials in Asmara claim that scores of similar provocations have occurred in recent years.

Analysts are unsure what a new Ethiopian policy toward Eritrea might entail. Some suggest it will amount to little more than a rearticulation of its existing approach, setting firm red lines and spelling out exactly what sort of military action their breach might warrant. Others wonder if the government is considering secret bilateral talks, perhaps including the offer of withdrawal from the border town of Badme, which Ethiopian troops have occupied illegally for the past 15 years. But war — to bring about regime change in Asmara — is not out of the question either, though military overstretch and fear of full-blown state collapse north of the border make this unlikely.

The problem is that domestic politics in Ethiopia makes bold thinking difficult. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front is deeply divided, and the prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, lacks the authority to make a bold move toward resetting relations with Eritrea. Whatever happens, hawks in the military and intelligence agencies will need to be brought onside, which will mean avoiding anything that looks like a humiliating climb down from the country’s aggressive stance.

Eritrea may have earned the title of Africa’s North Korea, but it has no patron like China that can force it to the table. Afwerki still benefits from the status quo, which justifies keeping the country on a permanent war footing. Reports that Eritrean troops have occupied disputed territory following the withdrawal of Qatari peacekeepers from the Djibouti border last week serve as reminder that Eritrea can still play the part of regional spoiler. And though it’s now less isolated, Asmara remains much weaker than Addis Ababa. In the end, movement must come from the Ethiopian side. “It’s a high-risk, high-reward situation,” Verhoeven said. “But I’m cautiously optimistic.”

 

Wednesday, 21 June 2017 22:15

ኣቦ መንበር ሰደህኤ ኣብ በይ-አርያ ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ

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ኣቦ መንበር ሰደህኤ ኣብ በይ-አርያ ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ

ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንዝነውሐ ናይ ስራሕ ዑደት ኣብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካን ካናዳን ንምክያድ ካብ ተዳልዩሉ ዘሎ ከተማታት፣ ናይ መጀመርያ ኣኼብኡ ኣብ በይ-አርያ፣ ከተማ ኦክላንድ ብ17 ሰነ 2017 ዕዉት ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ።

Wednesday, 21 June 2017 11:03

ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 17/06/2017 إذاعة صوت الحرية

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ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 17/06/2017 إذاعة صوت الحرية
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Wednesday, 21 June 2017 10:55

ኣብ ክንዲ ንወዳደር ንተሓባበር

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ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ሓደ ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ዝጽውዕ እማመ ዘርጊሑ ከም ዝነበረ ዝዝከር እዩ። እዚ እማመ እዚ ብትሕዝትኡ ኩሉ ክሰማማዓሉ ዝኽእል”ኳ እንተኾነ ዝጻረርዎ ውን ይህልዉ። እዚ እማመ እዚ ከስርሓና ይኽእል እዩ ካብ ዝብል እምነት ዝተበገሰ እምበር ናይ ዕብለላ መንፈስ ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ሰልፊ ካብዚ እማመ እዚ ዝሓሸ እንተቐረበ በቲ ዝሓሸ እማመ ክም ዝሰማማዕ እውን ኣብቲ መንፈስን ቀለምን ናይቲ እማመ ሰፊሩ ይርከብ።

እዚ ብሓባር ንምስራሕ ዝጽውዕ እማመ ኣርሒቕካ ብምሕሳብን ምርሕሓቕ ወጊዱ ምቅርራብ ዝተኸተለን እምበር ስለ ጭርሖ ዝተበገሰ ከምዘይኮነ ኩሉ ደላይ ለውጥን ፍትሕን ከስተብህለሉ ይግባእ። ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ኣካል ዲሞክራስያዊ መስርሕ እዩ። ስለዚ ብተግባር ኣሳኒኻ ክትጭርሓሉ ዝግባእ እምበር ዝቆናጸብ ኣይኮነን።

ልክዕ እዩ ኣብ ውድባት ኤርትራ ዝጸንሐ ሽግር ንፍልልያት ምምእካልን ምምሕዳርን ዘይምብቃዕ እምበር ዘገራጩ ዕላማ የለን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ቀንዲ ዕላማ ናይ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ነዚ ምልካዊ ስርዓትን ኣተሓሳስባን ኣልጊስካ እቲ ሱር ነቀል ዝበሃል ናይ ስርዓት ለውጢ ምምጻእ ዝቃለስ እዩ። እቲ ሱር ነቀል ዝበሃል ለውጢ ነዚ መላኺ ስርዓት ኣልጊስካ ብዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ተኪእካ ፖለቲካዊ ለውጢ ምምጻእ ማለት እዩ። ኣብዚ ክንግንዘቦ ዝገብኣና ጉዳይ ብኽንድዚ ዝኣክል ብዝሒ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ካብቲ ናይ ቀደም ህልኽ ንኽውጽእ እንተዘይክኢሉ ነቲ ፖለቲካዊ ለውጢ እንብሎ ብኣፍ እምበር ብተግባር ክንገጥሞ ከምዘይከኣል እነሆ እቲ ግዜ ይሕብር ኣሎ።

ቂምን ጽልእን ሒዝና ንቕድሚት ክንስጉም ኣይንኽእልን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ነቲ እንደልዮ ለውጢ ዘደናጒን ዝዕንቅፍን እዩ ክኸውን። ኣብዚ እቲ ፍልልያትና ክነመሓድሮ እንተዘይበቒዕና ኣብቲ ናይ ትማሊ ሓሸውየ ተሸኺልና ንሃገርን ህዝብን ክነድሕን ከምዘይንኽእል ክንርዳእ የድሊ። እቲ መንገዲ ዓወት ሒዝና ክንምርሽን እቲ ዓወት እውን ናይ ኩልና እምበር ንናይ ሓደ ፍሉይ ብሄር ወይ ሃይማኖት ወይ ኣውራጃ ከምዘይከውን ንምግባር ሓባራዊ ዘሰማማዓናን ንኤርትራዊ ማዕርነት ዘውሕስን ሃገር ዘበልጽግን፥ ህዝቢ ተጠርኒፉ ጉዳይ ሃገሩ ዘከታትልን ንሓበራዊ ፍታሕ ዝርኢ ክኸውን ኣለዎ።

ነዚ ንምብቃዕ እቲ ናይ ሎሚ ዕማም ምስቲ ናይ ጽባሕ ክተሓዋወስ ኣይግባእን። እዚ ማለት እቲ ናይ ትማሊ ንሎሚ ዝዕንቅጽ እንተኾይኑ ኣብኡ ኣይንጸመድ። ነዚ ናይ ሎሚ ምጥማት ገዲፍና ንናይ ጽባሕ ንቋመት እንተዀንና ኣብ ግዜኡ ዘይሓለወ ውድድር እምበር ኣብ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ክንጽመድ ኣየኽእለናን እዩ። እቲ ናይ ሎሚ ዕማምና ንምልኪ ምልጋስ ቀዳምነት ዝህብ ዕማም እዩ። እቲ ካልኣይ ዕማም ከኣ እቲ ሓላፍነት ናይ ህዝቢ ወይ ከኣ ልኡላውነት ህዝቢ እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዝስዕብ ዕማም ናይ በይንና ዘይኮነ ናይ ህዝቢ እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ። ነዚ ኣሚና ሎሚ ናይ ሓባር ስራሓት ምስ እነካይድ እቲ “መን እዩ” ክዕብልል፥ ወይ እውን ኣየናይ መጻኢ መትከልን ፖሊስን እዩ ዝዕወት ከባእሰናን ከፈላልየናን ኣይክእልን እዩ። እንተደኣ ጉዳይ ሓላፍነትን ምምራሕን ኮይኑ ከኣ ናይ ህዝቢ ውሳነ ምዃኑ ኣሚንና ንቀበል።

እዚ ንምልኪ ምልጋስን ድሒሩ ዝስዕብ ዕማምን ክንደዋውሶ እንተዀና ግን ንመንገዲ ዓወት ብጭራኣ ዝሓዝናያ እያ ክትከውን። ምኽንያቱ ኣብዚ እቲ መንፈስ ናይ ውድድር፥ ናይ ምንጽጻግ፥ ምዕብላል፡ ምጥርጣርን ዘይምትእምማን ዝነግሰሉ እዩ ክኸውን። ስለዚ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ካብ ዘፈላልዮ ነገራት ዘቀራርቦ ነገራት ይበዝሕ፥ እዚ ዘቀራርቦ ነገራት ከኣ ብመንፈስ ንኡስ ምስሕሓባት ክዕገት ኣይግባእን። ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዘመሳሰልን ዘይመሳሰልን መደብ ዕዮ ከም ዘለዎ ርዱእ እዩ። እቲ መርገጻት ዝመሳሰል ይኹን  ዘይመሳሰል እተን ውድባት ግና ኩለን ሃገራውያን እየን። እዘን ብዝሓዘኦ ፖሊሲታት ዝመሳሰላን ዘይመሳሰላን ውድባት ወይ ሰልፍታት ጽባሕ ንግሆ ኣብ ቅድሚ እቲ ህዝቢ እየን ፍርደን ዝረኽባ። እዚ ማለት በቲ ብውሳነ ህዝቢ ዝሕንጸጽ ቅዋም ኣቢሉ እዩ ዝፍታሕ። ይኹን እምበር ሓቢረን  ሽግረንን ሽግር ሃገርን ህዝብን ክፈትሓ ዝኽልክለን የለን።

ሎሚ ብሓባር ምስራሕ ጥራሕ እዩ ነዚ ምልኪ ዘልግስ። ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ናይ ብሄር፡ ሃይማኖትን ዕልማናውን ዝብል ስለስተ ስርርዓት ከምዘሎ ንኹልና ብሩህ እዩ። ይኹን ምበር ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ስዒሩ ወይ ኣግሊሉ ዓወት ወይ ለውጢ ከምጽእ ከምዘይክእል ርዱእ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ በቲ ናቱ ዕላማን፥  ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮን ንምዕዋት ዝብል መንፈስ እንተልዩ እዚ ሓላፍነት ናይ ህዝቢ ደኣ እምበር ናይ ወድባት ኣይኮነን ። በዚ መሰረት ከኣ እዩ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ስርዓት ምስ ኣውደቕና ጥራሕ ኢና እቲ እንደልዮ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮታት ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ከነቕርቦ እንከለና እዩ ክዕወትን ዘይክዕወትን ዝኽእል ዝብል እምነት ኣለዎ።

ከም እምነት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ እዚ ናይ ብሄር ወይ ናይ ሃይማኖት ውደባ ኣብቲ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ስርዓት እዩ ናይ መወዳእታ መልክዑ ዝሕዝ። ይኹን እምበር ዝኾነ ውድብ ነቲ ካልእ ውድብ በዝን በትን ተጐዓዝ ኢሉ ፍቓድ ዝህብ ወይ ዝኽልክል ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻሩ እገለ ውድብ ንመሰል ብሄር ይኹን ሃይማኖት ኣይኣምንን እዩ እንዳበለ ንፖለቲካዊ ሃልኪ ክጥቀመሉ ዝደሊ ሓይሊ ግን ኣይሰኣንን እዩ። ብዝኾነ እዚ እማመ እዚ ኣብ ቅድሚ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ቀሪቡ ኣሎ። ንኹልና ዝጥርንፍን ዘሰማምዕን ካብዚ ዝሓሸ እንተተረኺቡ ወይ ዝጐደለ ኣለዎ እንተተባሂሉ እውን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሃገርን ህዝብን ዘድሕን ደኣ ይኹን እምበር ንኽቕበል ድልው እዩ። ስለዚ ኩልና ናይ ቃልሲ ምሕዝነትን ብሓባር ናይ ምስራሕን መንፈስ ክንድልብ የድልየና።

Monday, 19 June 2017 23:50

ጐድናዊ መድረኽ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ጀነቫ ንፍትሒ ኣብ ኤርትራ መማረጺ መድረኽ ይድህስስ

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ጐድናዊ መድረኽ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ጀነቫ ንፍትሒ ኣብ ኤርትራ መማረጺ መድረኽ ይድህስስ

ኣኼባ ባይቶ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣብ ናይ 14 ሰነ 2017 ስሩዕ ኣጀንዳኡ ቅድሚ ምጅማሩ ሒደት ሰዓታት፡ ኤርትራዊ ማሕበረሰ ሕግን ኣሓት ማሕበራት ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ብዘይካቲ ዓለም ለኻዊ ገበናዊ ቤት ፍርድን ዞባዊ መስርሕን ካልእ መማረጺ ንምድህሳስ ጐናዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም። ዕላማ እቲ ምድህሳስ መማረጺ መድረኽ ኣብ ኤርትራ ካብ 1991 ክሳብ 2016 ብዝፈጸምዎ ገበን ዝኽሰሱ ሰባት ተሓተቲ ዝኾንሉ ኩነታት ንምፍጣር እዩ።

 

ኣብቲ ሓያሎ ዝተሳተፍዎ ብዶ/ር ዳንኤል ረዘነ መኮነን ካብ ኤርትራዊ ማሕበረሰብ ሕጊ ዝተኣልየ መድረኽ፡ ሱዙኩ ሉንጉ ናይ ሕጊ ክኢላ ካብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣቶ ኣዳም ክንፉ ካብ ግዳይ ኤርትራዊ ቤተሰብን ወ/ሮ ሪታ ማዙቺ ኣብ ናይሮቢ ካብ ዝመደበሩ ሲቪላዊ መድረኽ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ከም ተዛረብቲ ተሳቲፎም።

 

ዶ/ር ዳንኤል መኮነን ኣብ ዝሃቦ መእተዊ ቃል ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ብመርማሪ ኮሚሽ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኤርትራ ዝተበጽሓ ውሳነታትን መፍትሒ ሓሳባትን ብመንግዲ ዓለም ለኻውን ዞባውን መድረኻት ኣብ ግብሪ ምውዓሉ ነዊሕ ግዜ ከም ዝወስድ ጠቒሱ። በዚ መሰረት ብኤርትራውያንን ግዱሳት ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ካልእ ፍትሒ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝረጋገጸሉ መንገዲ ምንዳይ እዋናዊ ዕማም ምዃኑ ኣነጺሩ።

 

ዶ/ር ዳንኤል እቲ  መማረጺ መድረኻት፡ ነቶም  ገበን ኣንጻር ሰብኣውነት ዝፈጸሙ ጥርጡራት ሰባት ብደረጃ ዞባ ወይ ሃገር ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ኣብ ቤት ፍርዲ ምቕራቦም ከም ዘጠቓልል ጠቒሱ። ወ/ሮ ሱዝኮ ብወገነን ንኣድላይነት ብኣካል ምቕራብ ገበነኛታት ብዝምልከት ኣብ ዝገለጸኦ ኣብ ዘየለውሉ ምጽራይ ከም ዝከኣል ሓቢረን። እቲ ምጽራይ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ እውን ክካየድ ዝኽእል’ኳ እንተኾነ ኤርትራውያን እኹል መርተዖ ክሕዙ ይግባእ ኢለን።

 

መንእሰይ ኣዳም ክንፉ ብወገኑ ብዛዕባ ብ2002 ምስዋር ኣቡኡን ብዙሓት ነበርቲ ሰንዓፈን ብዝርዝር ሓቢሩ፡ ቤተሰብ እቶም ግዳያት ብሰንኪ ተግባራት ስርዓት ኤርትራ ከም ዝተሳቐዩ ከኣ ኣብሪሁ። ወ/ሮ ሪታ ማዞቺ’ውን ናይ ሲቪላዊ መድረኽ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዕላማ ብዝርዝር ጠቒሰን ናይቲ መድረኽ ጽልዋ ኣብተን ዝንቀሳቐሰለን ሃገራት ብዝምልከት ዓሚቝ መግለጺ ሂበን።

 

ኣብቲ ምይይጥ ተሳተፍቲ ነቲ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ ግደ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት ግቡእ ግምት ሂቦም፡ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ኣብ ምትግባር እቲ ብመርማሪ ኮሚሽ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዝተወሰነ እንታይ ክገብር ከም ዝኽል ብቆላሕታ ርእየምዎ።

 

ቅድሚኡ ሓደ መዓልቲ ብ13 ሰነ 2017 ጨቋኒ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ብተስፋሚካኤል ገራህቱ ብዝተመርሐ ልኡኽ ነቲ ብኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዝቐርቦ ዘሎ ብደሆ ዝምልከት ባዕላዊ መከላኸሊ ኣቕሪቡ

Monday, 19 June 2017 16:56

ንኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ብዛዕባ እማመ መግለጺ ተዋሂቡ

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ንኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ብዛዕባ እማመ መግለጺ ተዋሂቡ

ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ ኣቶ ንጉሰ ጸጋይን ኣቶ ሃይለ ገብሩን ብ18 ሰነ 2017 ብዛዕባ’ቲ መሪሕነት ሰዲህኤ ብ4 ሰነ 2017 ብወግዒ ዝዘርገሖ “እመመ ሰዲህኤ ንሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ” መብርሂ ሂቦም። ኣብዚ ብፓልቶክ ዝተኻየደን ነዊሕ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደን ኣኼባ፡ እዚ እማመ ኣብ ከመይ ዝኣመሰለ ኩነታት ይቐርብ ከም ዘሎ ንምብራህ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ደንበ ተቓውሞን ብዝርዝር ጠቒሶም። ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ ከኣ እዚ እማመ ናብዚ ደረጃዚ በጺሑ ንክዝርጋሕ ዝመጸሉ መስርሕ ብዝምልከት እውን ገሊጾም።

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ ናይ ደውታ ደረጃ ምህላዉ ብምርዳእ ብውድባትን ዝተፈላለዩ ግዱሳት ኣካላትን ብዘይካ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ካልእ መተካእታ ከምዘየለ ክገልጹ ምጽነሖም እዚ እማመ ንክወጽእ ከም ዘተባበዐ ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ተንጸባሪቑ። ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ እዞም መብርሂ ዝሃቡ ኣሕዋት፡ እዚ እማመ ብቐንዱ ንርኢቶ ሰዲህኤ ዘንጸባርቕን ውድባት ዘማዕብልዎ ክፉት ኮይኑ ናይ ቅድመ ኩነት ባህሪ ከም ዘየብሉ ኣነጺሮም። ካልእ ኣብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ እቲ እዚ እማመ ኣተኲርሉ ዘሎ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ናይ ጭቆና መሳርሒኡን ንክዕወት ግደ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበራት ዕዙዝ ምዃኑ ስለ ዝርዳእ በብኩርናዑ ይካየዱ ንዘለዉ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላት ከም ዘተባብዕ ኣብሪሆም።

ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ዝተሳተፉ ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣብቲ እማመ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ ነጥብታት እምብዛ ከምዘይሕደሶም’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ ዝተፈላለዩ ክበርህሎም ዝደልይዎም ሓሳባት ኣቕሪቦም። እዚ እማመ’ዚ ካብቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ጸዋዒታት ብምንታይ ይፍለ፡ እዚ እማመዚ ምስ መን ኢና ከነተግብሮ፡ እዚ እማመ ምስቲ ተጀሚሩ ኣብ መስርሕ ዘሎ ንኡስ ጽላላት ብኸመይ እዩ ክመሓደር ዝኽእል፡ …… ወዘተ ዝብሉ ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም።

ኣቕረብቲ ኣብዚ ሕቶታት ተመስሪቶም ኣብ ዝሃብዎ መብርሂ፡ ኣብዚ እማመዚ ቀሪቦም ዘለዉ ሓሳባትን መጸዋዕታ ዝቐርበሎም ዘሎ ወገናትን ሓደስቲ ኣይኮኑን። ምስኣቶም ክንሰርሕ ዝጸናሕና እዮም። እቲ ሓድሽ ዝኸውን ምስዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ኩነታት ንፍልልያትና ብምውጋድ ዘይኮነስ ብምምሕዳር ብሓባር ዘስረሓና ካብ ተመኩሮና ዝተመሃርናዮ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣጥሪና ኣለና ዝብል እምነት ምዃኑ ጠቒሶም።  እዚ መጸዋዕታ ከምቲ ኣብቲ እማመ ብንጹር ሰፊሩ ዘሎ ኩሎም ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት፡ ፍልልያቶም ዓቂቦም ኣብቲ ውሱን ዘሰማምዖም ነጥብታት ብሓባር ንክሰርሑ ዝቐነዐ ምዃኑ በቲ ክንሓልፎ ዝጸናሕና ተመኩሮ ኣሰንዮም  ኣብሪሆም። ከምቲ ኣብቲ እማመ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ እዚ ሓሳብ ነቲ ኣብ ባይታ ዘሎ ጽላላት ይኹን ግንባራት ዝትክእ ዘይኮነ፡ ንሳቶም ዝሓወሰን ዝያዳ ዝሰፈሓን ጽላል ኣብ ምፍጣር ዘተኮረ ምዃኑ ከኣ ተዘርዚሩ።

እዚ እማመ ካብ ዝወጽእ ንነጀውም በቶም ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ዝወሃብ ዘሎ ግብረመልሲ ዘተባብዕ ምዃኑ ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ተንጸባሪቑ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ምእማም ምጅማር እምበር መወዳእታ ስለዘይኮነ፡ ሎሚ ትማሊ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ በቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ግዜ ንዕንቀፎ ዝነበርና ከይሰጋእና፡ ኣብ ፍረ ንክበጽሕ ኩሉ ዝምልከቶ ክጽዕተሉ ከም ዝግባእ ኣትሪሮም ተላብዮም።

Monday, 19 June 2017 16:34

ስዉኣት ኣብ ልብና ሕዙእ ቦታ ኣለዎም

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ስዉኣት ኣብ ልብና ሕዙእ ቦታ ኣለዎም

ወትሩ 20 ሰነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምእንትኡ ኢሎም በጃ ዝሓለፉ ስውኣት ዝዝክረላ ዕለት እያ። እዛ ዕለት እዚኣ በዚ ሕጂ ንኤርትራ ዝገዝኣ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ዝተወሰነት ኮይና 1 ታሕሳስ ዝኽሪ ህልቂት ዖና እውን ከም መዓልቲ ስዉኣት እንዝክራ እያ። ስዉኣት ከምቲ ንገዛእ ርእሶም ከም ሽምዓ መኺኾም ብርሃን ብዙሓት ክኾኑ ዝተወፈይዎ በብመዓልቱ እንተዝዝከሩ እውን ኣይመበዝሖምን። ዕላዊ መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ ፍሉይ ወግዓዊ ዕለት ክህልዎም ከኣ ቅቡል እዩ። ስዉኣት ዝዝከርሉ ምኽንያት ፍሉጥ እዩ። ንሳቶም ክሓልፉ እንከለዉ ንህልዋት ዝገደፍዎ ሕድሮም ምእንቲ ከይርሳዕ።

ስዉኣት ናይ ወለዶምን ቀረባ ቤተሰቦምን ጥራይ ዘይኮኑ፡ ናይ ኩሉ’ቲ ሳልኦም ኣብ ነጻ ኤርትራ ኣትሪሩ ክረግጽን ዓው ኢሉ ክዛረብን በጃ ዝሓለፍሉ ህዝቢ እዮም። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾኑ እዮም ከኣ ኣብ ልቢ ኩሉ ደላይ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ፍትሕን ወርትግ ፍሉይ ቦታ ዝህልዎም። ህልዊ ኩነታት ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ብመንጽር ሕድሮምከ ከመይ ኣሎ? ተተግቢሩዶ ተጠሉሙ? ዝብሉ ሕቶታት ከኣ ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚ ክሕሰበሎም ዝግበኦም እዮም። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምዚ ሎሚ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ከይተገላገለ’ውን፡ ኣባይ ሕጊ ንምጽዓድ “ዝባን ስዉኣት” ኢሉ ክግዝዝ እንከሎ ፈለከት ዝብል ኣይነበረን። እዚ ሓደ ካብ መርኣያታት ንስዉኣቱ ዝህቦ ክብሪ ነይሩን ኣሎን።

እቲ ኣብዚ ዕለት ነዞም ስዉኣት ምዝካር ንቡር ኮይኑ፡ ንዝኽሮም መምስቲ ዘለናሉ ኩነታት ኣሳኒና ክንርእዮ ከኣ ግድነት እዩ። ሕድሮም ምኽባር፡ ደጋጊምካ ወርቃዊ ጭረሖ ብምቅላሕን ዘተክዝ ደርፊ ብምስማዕን ኣይኮነን ዝግለጽ። ሕድሮም ሽምዓ ብምብራህ፡ ኣግራብ ብምትካልን፡ ግኡዝ መዘከርታ ብምድኳንን ጥራይ እውን ኣይኮነን ዝረጋገጽ። ኩሎም እዚኣቶም መመላእታት እዮም። እቲ ቀንዲ ንሳቶም ክዝከርሉ ዝግባእ ሕድሮም ኣብ ሓፈሻዊ ህይወትን መነባብሮን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክንጸባረቕ እንከሎ እዩ። ዘየቕስኖም እንዳሰራሕካ “ስዉኣትና ቅሰኑ” ምባል ግና ዘቕስኖም ዘይኮነስ ብመስዋእትነቶም ዘሽካዕልልን መመሊሱ ዘቑስሎምን እዩ። እሞ ሎሚ ሕድሪ ስዉኣትና ብመንጽር’ቲ መሰረታዊ ሕመረቱ፡ ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ይርከብ። ኣብ ዘቕስኖምዶ ኣብ ዘሻቕሎም ከኣ እቲ ኩነታት’ኳ ባዕሉ ዝዛረብ እንተኾነ ምርኣዩ ኣገደሲ እዩ።

እቲ ንሳቶም ክቡር ዋጋ ዝኸፈልሉ፡ ሰላም፡ ፍትሒ፡ ቅሳነት፡ ምኽባር ኩሉ ዓይነት መሰላት፡ ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራ የለን። ተማሂሮም ንወለዶም ተኪኦም ሃገር ክመርሑን ከልምዑን ዝግበኦም ደቂ ስዉኣት፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብመስዋእቲ ወለዶም ዝሕበኑ፡ ብኣኡ እንዳማረሩ፡ ኣብ ናብራ ስደት ከርፋሕ ህይወት ኣብ ዘሕልፍሉ ወይ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ናብ ስደት ኣብ  ምድረበዳን ባሕርን  ዝሃልቅሉ ኩነታት ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ንኤርትራ ዝገዝኣ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ኣብቲ ስዉኣት ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ኣብ ሕንብርቲ ኤርትራ ዝተዘክርሉ ኣጋጣሚ  20 ሰነ  1991 “ደጊም ብዉድባት ሓሸውየ የለን” ኢሉ ኤርትራ ብድሌትን ውሳነን ናይቲ ደቁ ዝኸፈለ ህዝቢ ዘይኮነስ ብትዕቢት ውሱን ጉጅለ ከም እትምራሕ ነጋሪት ምልኪ ምድሳቑ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ናይ ምጥላሙ ምልክት ነይሩ። እነሆ ከኣ ብኣኡ ቀጺሉ። ስዉኣት ከኣ ኣብ ክንዲ ዝቐስኑ መመሊሶም ይቖስሉ ኣለዉ።

ስዉኣት ኤርትራ ናይቲ ዝተሰውእሉ ውድብ ወይ’ውን መንግስቲ ዘይኮኑ ናይ ህዝቢ እዮም። ናብ መስዋእቲ ዝወፈሩ ካብ ህዝቢ እዮም፡ ዝተሰዉኡ’ውን ምእንቲ ህዝቢ እዮም። ምዝካሮምን ሕድሮም ምኽባርን እውን፡ ግደ እቲ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ኣካል’ኳ ዘይስገር እንተኾነ ናይ ህዝቢ ሓላፍነት እዩ። ህዝቢ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ “መንገድኻ መንገዲ ደሓን ኣይኮነን” ክብሎ እንከሎ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ኣየኽበርካን ይብሎ ኣሎ ማለት እዩ። ነዚ ክቕጽሎ ከኣ ዘይጥለም ሕድሪ ኣለዎ።

ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቶም ረቂቕ ሕድሮምን ለበዋኦምን እምበር ብኣካል ዘየለዉ ስዉኣት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መላእ ህዝብን ካብ ብሱል ጥረ ሰንኪሎም ዝተረፉ ሓርበኛታትን ዝኽተሎ ኣገባብ ክሳብ ክንደይ ጨካን ምዃኑ ብዙሕ ዝተጻሕፈሉን ዝተዘርበሉን እዩ። ብ11 ሓምለ 1994 ኣብ ልዕሊ ስንኩላን ማይ ሓባር ዝተወስደ ጨካን ስጉምቲ ከኣ ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ። ካብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ጀሚሩ፡ ብሰንኪ እዚ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንዋጋ ስዉኣት ክብሪ ምንፋጉን ቃሎም ምዕባሩን፡ ዝተደናጋሩን  ኣብ ክብሪ ሰማእትነት ኤርትራውያን ዝጠራጠሩን ወገናት ክቀላቐሉ ንዕዘብ ኣለና። ንመስዋእቶምን ዝተሰውእሉ ዕላማን ዝፈታተን ኣተሓሳስባ። ነቲ ዕላማ ሽፍትነት ነቲ ሰማእትነት ድማ ተራ ሞት ኣምሲሎም ከቕርብዎ ዝፍትኑ። እዚ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ዝኽሪ ስዉኣት ወጊድ ክበሃል ዝግበኦ ዝንባለ እዩ።

እምበኣር ህልዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና፡ እንተ ብምንጻጉ ወይ ብምኽባሩ ምስ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ምትእስሳር ዘለዎ እዩ። ግቡእ መልክዕ ናይ ምትሓዙ ዋኒን ከኣ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝግደፍ ዘይኮነ፡ ዋኒን ኩልና ደለይቲ ለውጥን በሃግቲ ፍትሕን እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ነቲ ኣዳዕዲዑ ሕድሮም ዝጠለመ ወጻዒ ኣካል ገዲፍና ሕድሪ ስዉኣትና ንዘይምዝንጋዕ ቃልና ነሕድስ።

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Sunday, 18 June 2017 19:27

AU calls for calm amid Djibouti-Eritrea border tensions

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African Union says it will send a 'fact-finding mission' to the countries as tensions between the neighbours mount.

17 Jun 2017 17:57 GMT

 

The African Union (AU) has urged Djibouti and Eritrea to show "restraint" as tensions over a disputed border territory intensified and threatened to revive a long-standing and at times violent dispute.

Djibouti on Friday accused Eritrean soldiersof occupying territory in the contested Doumeira region following the departure of Qatari peacekeepers from the location earlier this week.

Doumeira is situated northeast of Djibouti and east of Eritrea near the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, a strategic waterway at the foot of the Red Sea through which nearly four million barrels of oil are shipped daily to Europe, the United States and Asia.

Moussa Faki Mahamat, AU commission chairperson, said on Saturday that the union would send a "fact-finding mission to the Djibouti-Eritrea border".

The AU is "ready to assist Djibouti and Eritrea to normalise their relations and promote good neighbourliness within the framework of relevant AU instruments," he said.

Qatar announced that it was pulling its contingent out on June 14, days after the two East African countries sided with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and their allies in a major diplomatic standoff with Doha.

Qatar's foreign ministry did not give a reason for the move.

Djibouti's Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssef said on Friday that his country's army was "on alert" and accused Eritrea of "moving its forces" into the Doumeira region where Qatari peacekeepers had been stationed since 2010 as a buffer between the two nations' armies.

READ MORE: Djibouti accuses Eritrea of occupying disputed area

In a statement issued on Saturday, Eritrea did not address the allegations directly, saying it would not respond to "news - factual and speculative - churned out in the last few days".

"The government of Eritrea will make its views known when it obtains full information of the entire episode," said the statement issued by the information ministry in Asmara.

Djibouti, a close Western ally, has repeatedly clashed with Eritrea over the disputed territory, raising fears that the spat could engulf the entire region.

Clashes broke out between the Horn of Africa countries in June 2008, which triggered several days of fighting that killed a dozen Djiboutian troops.

Eritrea had initially denied making any incursions, accusing Djibouti of launching unprovoked attacks.

The UN Security Council then requested both sides withdraw from the area before the neighbours accepted a Qatari request to mediate and deploy peacekeepers.

Source=http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/06/au-calls-calm-djibouti-eritrea-border-tensions-170617171523933.html

Sunday, 18 June 2017 19:26

Eritrea: Lessons from previous ‘engagements’ with the regime

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by Martin Plaut

It appears that there are new efforts to 'engage' or 're-engage' with the Eritrean regime led by President Isaias Afwerki. Yet the international organisations attempting to do this appear to have learnt few lessons from the failure of previous attempts to mend fences with the Eritrean authorities.

As I indicate below, the lessons the United Nations learned when they sent troops to patrol the Ethiopia - Eritrea border, and the EU's later experience of attempting to provide aid, are particularly relevant.

Tough lessons learnt by the United Nations 

Soon after the border war that erupted between Ethiopia and Eritrea ended in mid 2000, the United Nations attempted to put a force of peacekeepers along the disputed frontier.

The United Nations Mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia or UNMEE was established under the control of a Botswanan (Joseph Legwaila) and his British deputy, Ian Martin, while the troops were controlled by a Dutch officer, Major-General Patrick Camaert. Together they made up a powerful team, determined to try to use their 4,200 troops and 220 military observers to prevent a further eruption of conflict.

UNMEEhttps://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/unmee.jpg?w=150 150w, https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/unmee.jpg?w=300 300w" sizes="(max-) 100vw, 405px" data-large-file="https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/unmee.jpg?w=560?w=405" data-image-descriptiondata-medium-file="https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/unmee.jpg?w=560?w=300" data-image-title="UNMEE" data-image-meta='{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}' data-comments-opened="1" data-orig-size="405,275" data-orig-file="https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/unmee.jpg?w=560" data-permalink="https://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2017/06/17/eritrea-lessons-from-previous-engagements-with-the-regime/unmee/" data-attachment-id="11474">

Andebrhan Welde Giorgis, who was assigned by President Isaias to oversee the Commission for Co-ordination with UNMEE has now written about the frustrating time he faced while in the post.

Ethiopia was determined not to recognise the border demarcated between the two nations by an international boundary commission, and refused to remove its troops from the Temporary Security Zone all along the border. While this was a blow to UNMEE's work, Eritrea was also at fault.

As Andebrhan makes clear, President Isaias ordered that the UN's Status of Forces Agreement (a standard agreement regulating UN troops on foreign soil) should not be signed. Nor should the UNMEE forces be given freedom of movement to carry out their task.

"Having negotiated the final version and agreed on a date certain for the signing ceremony," writes Andebrhan, "the president told me that we would not sign the agreement. He gave me no reason when I asked him 'why not.'" This was just the start of an increasingly difficult relationship between the UN and the Eritrean government.

Attempts by the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, to resolve the issues made no progress. While Ethiopia prevaricated over the border demarcation, President Isaias went out of his way to make life difficult for the UN peacekeepers. UNMEE peacekeepers found it increasingly hard to operate inside Eritrea, with mounting restrictions on what they could do and where they could travel to carry out their task of monitoring the border.

On 29 September 2006 the Security Council, running out of patience with Eritrea, passed a resolution (1710) demanding that "Eritrea reverse, without further delay or preconditions, all restrictions on UNMEE's movement and operations."

The UN might as well have saved their collective breath. Eritrea (and Ethiopia) refused to budge and in the end the operation was terminated. On 30 July 2008 UNMEE was officially disbanded by the UN.

The European Union's humiliation

The UN is not the only international body to have suffered at the hands of the Eritrean government.

Attempts to deal honestly with the Eritrean government and its agencies have ended in failure.  When a European Union diplomat attempted to raise the issue of the misuse of aid in 2006, he was expelled.

Nor was this the first failure. In 2001 when the European Union protested about the ruthless crackdown on students, journalists and senior politicians, their representative was also expelled from the country. The EU and European diplomats at first protested vigorously.

At first Europe demanded that Eritrea improve its human rights record before normal relations could be resumed. But President Afwerki did nothing of the sort, assuming that he could outlast the EU’s anger. He was right: it was the Europeans who buckled. As time passed the EU reassessed its relations with Asmara. Although there had been no sign of movement on human rights it was decided to try to have a “new beginning” with Eritrea.

In May 2007 the president was invited to visit Brussels and was warmly welcomed by the then EU development commissioner, Louis Michel.

By August 2009 Michel was sufficiently encouraged that progress could be made that he visited Asmara, after receiving assurances from an Eritrean diplomat that Dawit Isaak, a Swedish-Eritrean journalist imprisoned in 2001, would be released into his care. Having booked a ticket for Isaak to return with him to Europe, Michel flew to Asmara.

But once he arrived it became apparent that the president had no intention of allowing the journalist to go free. Michel was not even permitted to visit the prisoner and returned home humiliated.

Despite these setbacks, the EU remained wedded to attempting to improve its relationship with Eritrea.

In 2009, European and American diplomats discussed whether to strengthen military sanctions against the country. A US diplomatic cable, released via WikiLeaks, revealed that EU representatives called for engagement with Eritrea rather than isolation.

The Italians described Eritrea as governed by a “brutal dictator” and noted that it had “not gotten results from its efforts at engagement”, while at the same time cautioning against “creating another Afghanistan” by imposing sanctions. The French said that while engagement was “useless”, they would continue on this track as there was no other option.

Europe's refusal to learn from the past

Despite these repeated setbacks, the EU is determined to engage in fresh attempts to mend fences. This is not driven by a desire to improve the position of Eritrean people, but rather (as EU officials privately admit) by a desire to reduce the exodus of refugees who leave the country, only to end up crossing the Mediterranean and arriving on European soil.

Funds worth E200 million have been allocated for aid projects.  The latest assessment by the EU representative in Eritrea is distinctly upbeat.

We have made good progress in the last couple of years: the implementation of the last programs of the 10th European Development Fund is ongoing; we signed last year the National Indicative Program under the 11th EDF and we have finalized a first package of projects and programs under this framework, amounting to almost 90 M€, for approval of EU member states; we hope that implementation of this program can start in the last quarter of this year.

How this work will be assessed and what kind of independent scrutiny of the aid will be undertaken is far from clear. Eritrea has routinely rejected any attempt to operate independently of government: the only civil society organisations that exist are controlled, operated and monitored by the regime and the ruling party - the PFDJ.

Learning from past failure

What is clear is that both the EU and the UN have repeatedly been pushed around by the Eritrean government. President Isaias is an autocrat who does not share power with his own people. He is certainly not going to allow any autonomy for outside organisations (no matter how well-meaning) to work in Eritrea.

There is little reason to believe that present-day attempts to 'reach out to' the Eritrean government by beginning a 'fresh engagement' will end any differently from previous initiatives.

As the old saying goes: "Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me."

These initiatives come despite there being no evidence of any improvement in human rights in the country.

As Sheila Keetharuth, the UN's Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea explained to the UN Human Rights Council on 14 June, the situation in the country has not improved in any way. "Presenting her report to the Council, Ms. Keetharuth said that Eritrea had not made any effort to address the human rights concerns highlighted by the Commission of Inquiry, and had not shown willingness to tackle the impunity of the perpetrators of past and ongoing human rights violations.  Conditions in detention remained harsh, leading to irreparable damage to the health of prisoners, in some instances even causing death."

Nor has the situation of National Service changed. Despite promises from senior government officials that this would be reduced to 18 months, this has not taken place. Conscription is still enforced indefinitely - sometimes for over 20 years.

It is hard to see how the UN or EU engaging with the Eritrean regime will improve the lot of the country's people.

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