اللجنة التحضيرية للمؤتمر الثاني لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري تبدأ أعمالها
Written by قسم الاعلام باللجنة التحضيرية
قامت اللجنة التحضيرية للمؤتمر الثاني لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري التي أناطت بها قيادة الحزب مهمة التحضير للمؤتمر الحزبي الثاني، قامت بوضع خطتها لمباشرة أعمالها.
تتكون اللجنة من 9 أعضاء ولها لائحة داخلية تنظم أعمالها، وفي اجتماعها الدوري المعقود في العشرين من ديسمبر 2014م قدم رئيسها/ السيد/ تسفا ميكائيل يوهنس تنويراً شاملاً للأعضاء. حيث أوضح أن اللجنة قد عقدت خلال هذه الفترة 4 اجتماعات متتالية وكونت ثلاثة أقسام هي:
1- قسم إعداد أوراق المؤتمر
2- قسم الشؤون التمويلية واللوجستية
3- لجنة الاعلام وتحديد طرق التمثيل في المؤتمر
هذا ونسبة لكبر حجم العمل المطلوب إنجازه وفي فترة أقصاها خريف هذا العام فقد استعانت اللجنة بمن لهم مختلف القدرات والكفاءات في الحزب لمساعدة التحضيرية في أقسامها المختلفة وقد أبدى كل من اتصلوا بهم استعدادهم للتعاون مع اللجنة. وسوف يكثف القسم المختص باللجنة من عمله واجتماعاته حتى تنزل وثائق المؤتمر الي قواعد الحزب في أقرب فرصة ممكنة لتتمكن بدورها من الاطلاع عليها بصورة كافية وعميقة.
قسم الاعلام باللجنة التحضيرية
21 / 12 / 2014م
By the EMDHR- South Africa
- Eritrea remained the only country in the world without a constitution. The 1997 constitution was rejected by the regime and has refused to implement it since;
- Eritrean remained the only country in the world without a national assembly;
- Eritrea remained without an independent media;
- Eritrea remained without an independent judiciary;
- Eritrea continued to be ruled by a tyrannical one-man totalitarian regime;
- Thousands of innocent Eritrean citizens continue to languish in prison without due process of law;
- Eritreans continued to be arbitrarily arrested by security agents of the regime and the extensive round ups by the army;
- Thousands were detained for trying to flee the country along all the borders of the country;
- The inhumane and degrading treatment of prisoners worsened. For instance, there have been many young Eritreans who experienced paralysis at the Adi Abeito detention facility as a result of torture and denial of medical treatment;
- The dictator openly rejected the notion and practice of democracy in Eritrea;
- The pfdj declared by the tyrant the only alternative to lead the nation but in actual fact the pfdj is a defunct and dead organisation (a shadow of its old self)- unless the delusional despot is “living in the moon” (his own words always get back to haunt him);
- Militarisation of the education systems continued, high school students forced to go to Sawa and “college” students technically and effectively designated as military reservists;
- Mass conscription of Eritrean men as old as 70 intensified in 2014;
- Mass exodus of Eritrean youth continued, 3000-4000 a month left the country this year. e.g.. 37 000 of them claimed asylum in European countries;
- Hundreds of Eritrean migrants died in the Mediterranean Sea in 2014, a boat carrying 244 Eritrean disappeared and is believed to have capsized at the end of June, killing almost all of its passengers. Another boat carrying 177 people, mostly Eritreans capsized drowning its ill-fated passengers;
- The refugee crisis continues to exacerbate in refugee camps and detentions in Sudan, Ethiopia, Israel, Yemen, Libya, and Egypt. This is a humanitarian emergency of huge proportion and the refugees are in desperate need of assistance;
- Power black outs worsened in Asmara and many other cities, and towns;
- Poverty and hunger continue to plague the Eritrean population inside the country. The Eritrean people are denied the right to receive international emergency assistance by the regime;
- Forced labour in the mining industry exploited by the mining companies;
- The collapse of the health care system affecting those in need resulting in the increase of the death rates;
- Social collapse accelerated, villages and towns are being emptied by continuous military recruitment and migration, leaving the infirm elderly left without care and support. It is reported many old people are living under unspeakable conditions in their twilight, denied of the honour they deserve;
- Mistreatment and malnutrition of the army worsens. Due to the size of the army the army is suffering from lack of food and no salaries paid. The regime keeps making promises it doesn’t keep. As a result the youth in the army are abandoning it for exile which is forcing the regime to recruit elderly people;
- Sexual abuses, rape and harassment continued to be perpetrated by army officers in Sawa and army units;
- Internal resistance is growing. For instance, opposition to the regime’s Sawa policy was openly defied by high school students and their parents who refused to go to Sawa, the dumping site of the youth’ childhood, knowledge, prime age, and their future;
- The countryside population is resisting the recruitment of the elderly and calls for them to go to military training;
- Institutions are near the verge of total collapse and as a result the regime has tried to desperately “restructure” by reshuffling the same idea and the same psychopathic henchmen;
- Isaias declared on 24 May 2014 that he would begin “drafting a constitution” but nothing ever was said about it since then and if it did come out it would have one line article which says- [“Do what we tell you to do”];
- Four catholic church bishops made a brave call for transformation titled “Where is your brother” which inspired many Eritreans inside the country and in the diaspora. As a result the regime is underhandedly trying retaliate by arresting catholic priests and other hostile acts towards the church;
- The national economy has been reduced to a subsistence one, with lack of supplies in basic food and other essential commodities increasing. Lack of hard currency is also hitting the country due to the diversion of remittances to the smugglers run ‘industry’ outside the country and mismanagement of the economy by the irrational regime. This is expected to further deteriorate as a result of dwindling number of supporters (drying up the flow of hard currency) among Diaspora Eritreans which could shake the existence of the regime itself;
- In 2014 the United Nations Human Rights Council established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the human rights abuses and crimes against humanity committed by the regime against defenceless citizens. The Council also appointed three commissioners to lead those investigations. The Council had already extended the mandate of the human rights Special Rapporteur, Ms. Sheila Keetharuth by another year and is also part of the Commission;
- A law suit was filed in 2014 in Canada against Nevsun Resources (a mining company operating the Bisha Mine) by three brave Eritreans supported by human rights activists;
- Eritrea remains under the UN Security Council Resolution which has made it difficult for the regime to collect the illegal 2% extortion;
- Despite crippling fragmentation among the the camp of “justice seekers” in the Diaspora, brave Eritreans have not stopped challenging the tyrannical regime which is put on the defensive and retreating. In 2014 there were lots of positive activities and events to embolden the Movement. The young generation has almost completely abandoned and rejected the regime and only one step remains- Decisive Action!
- All told, 2014 was grimmer and the Eritrean people and the country were worse off- unfortunately;
- Will 2015 be different? We will see…..but we hope to report the exact reverse at the end of 2015…..’fists clinched’!
We salute those who are trying what they can to change this grim picture of our Eritrea!
We wish the Eritrean Nation a Better and Happy New Year!!
EMDHR
22 December 2014
South Africa
The Sarcasm, Denial and Lies of the Eritrean authorities: a personal account on the National service, the closure of the University of Asmara and the Scholarship program in South Africa
Written by Zekarias GinbotBy Zekarias Ginbot
December 20, 2014
Part I
A lot have been said about the atrocities committed by the Eritrean regime and articles with similar content have been published before in this kind of platforms. However, the content of this article might be different in a sense that it is my personal account or reflection of the situation in Eritrea since independence. I am not a politician to give a political analysis about the situation, but like any Eritrean who has suffered under PFDJ (People's Front for Democracy and Justice) leadership for years now, I felt I have to share my experience and my frustration with people who are still naïve or knowingly ignoring the facts. I heard and read a lot when it comes to issues related to my country since I left but did not take the initiative to write about what I felt. I admit that I was also one of those people who believed in patience and making sacrifice for a better future Eritrea. Many Eritreans still have these kinds of thoughts. But the Eritrean authorities continued to misinterpret patience as if the Eritrean people do not know what is possible and what could be achieved under the circumstances. PFDJ continued to hold the people as hostages for the last 25 years using different pretexts.
In 1989, when the Eritrean struggle against Ethiopian occupation gained the upper hand in the war front lines, a group of us, high school students at the time, came around an elderly man whom we thought did not support Eritrean independence and bullied and made fun of him, telling him that the country was to be freed soon. He explained to us that he was not against independence but was skeptical of the leadership and ideology of ‘Shaebia (the name the liberation fighters were identified with)’ for post war Eritrea. Today, when I see the current situation of our country, I consider that elderly man a prophet, may his soul rest in peace. No one disputes the sacrifice paid for independence and no Eritrean regrets playing his or her part in the process. The dissatisfaction came later when PFDJ failed to fulfil the promise.
The Eritrean people celebrated independence and continued to make an immense sacrifice for a better future. But everything the ruling party, PFDJ, which is the only authority in the country, did in post-independence was sarcasm, lies and intimidation. Pre-independence, nationalism and patriotism was so high and people were not even able to see some of the evil tendencies of the PFDJ leadership. Parents who lost some or all of their sons and daughters in the war and children who were left alone wanted no sympathy from anyone. Every Eritrean was proud of what has been achieved after such a long and bitter war for independence. However, what followed after a couple of years post-independence was far from what was dreamed of. The leadership which lead the war for independence and in power today, immediately started to blame the people for being spoiled and for expecting more. Today, to the credit of PFDJ, Eritrean nationalism and patriotism has fallen to its lowest level.
The authoritarian policies and communist ideology of PFDJ started to be noticed when they started to introduce the student summer campaign and the national service programs (both in 1994). Both these programs would have been for the good of the nation if there was a good intention at heart and good management. But both programs were introduced without any public discussion, planning or concern for traditions and culture. High school students and their teachers across the country were required to report to designated stations after the completion of the academic year and perform land rehabilitation activities. But parents, especially in the country side, wanted their school children to help with farming during summer vacation, and those in the urban areas to work and get some income to contribute in covering the next-year’s school expenses. Others were not happy to let their young daughters go away due to traditional ramifications and the consequences later in their lives. The authorities refused to address these concerns or entertain alternative measures; or create an environment for public discussion. The program itself was mismanaged and did not leave any meaningful and measurable trace of improvement on the ground.
The national service project was also mismanaged and was not as effective as it should have been. It was started by a decree without proper planning, and as it is true for any government run program in Eritrea, it did not have a proper oversight. Military training requires mental health, preparedness and physical strength and not every young person is born fit. It requires basic facilities and qualified personnel to deal with all kinds of issues. There was no preparedness of any type except arranging the transport when the first batch of thousands of trainees arrived in a place called Sawa which was to become the center for military training for the years to follow. The manner in which the program was handled at the beginning was in the same manner as was the case during war for the liberation of the country. But that was a different setting; why do we need to make it so difficult when we can afford to provide modern training?
I admit lots of changes have been made since then on the ground in Sawa but the mind-set of the people who manage the program did not change. The commanders can do anything they want. Many young lives were lost because their health issues were not attended by professional personnel. Health complaints were always seen by military commanders as excuses to evade national service. Many young people who could not perform well or commit minor crimes were inhumanly treated and some of them died in the process. I could give personal accounts of the events I witnessed during my short stay in the program. Many parents whose sons and daughters ran away to avoid national service were incarcerated and forced to pay a ransom of 50,000 Nakfa per evader, which is a huge money on the country’s standards. Even individual families who were terribly affected by the death of many of their family members (or one or both parents) in the war for the independence of the country were not spared. It is true that the punishment for refusing to participate in the national service was not consistently implemented over the whole country and it was not known whether it was a national policy or it was up to the discretion of the local government officials.
National service is not unique to Eritrea. It is practiced in many nations around the world but unlike in Eritrea, it has a time limit. In Eritrea it was supposed to play a vital role in nation building and contribute meaningfully to the economy of the country. But the program costed the country millions to build the infrastructure required for it and to run it year after year. Members of the national service were kept moving stone from one place to another and building temporary shelters wherever they move. However, the contribution of this generation in the Ethio-Eritrean border war should not be belittled. The bravery and sacrifice made by this generation was not any less than the heroic struggle made for independence of the country by the previous generations. They played a major role in saving the country from falling into the hands of PFDJ’s counter parts in Ethiopia. But national service has become non-ending, modern slavery. Thousands of young people have lost their precious time in the military being abused without any hope for the future. The young people who were enlisted in the national service in 1994 or in the years followed are now middle aged. Many of them are married and have children but they do not have salary to support their own families let alone their aging parents. They lost hope because they don’t see any way out or a way forward. The young and school-age people see this as their own destiny, too. They do not get any motivation to complete high school; after all they will end up in the military anyway. They also hear and see some young people who made it to overseas destinations send money and help their families left behind. Their situation is so desperate that they do not even pay attention to the number of people who are killed by Eritrean border guards while trying to cross the border or drowned in the Mediterranean waters or killed by smugglers.
It is outrageous to hear PFDJ leaders in Eritrea to blame other imaginary forces for involvement in fleeing of young people from the country. They also sometimes call them tourists and other times traitors. For God’s sake these are the young people who stood beside their older brothers and bravely defended the country from reoccupation by Ethiopia. If anyone is in doubt of these, go to the refugee reception centers in European countries or find recently resettled Eritreans and get your story right. The same is true in the refugee centers in Sudan, Ethiopia and elsewhere. After the bitter border war with Ethiopia and the tragedy that happened to Eritreans living in Ethiopia at the time, no one would imagine going to Ethiopia. But thousands of young people are fleeing into Ethiopia despite the shoot-to-kill policy of the Eritrean authorities, and obviously many die trying to cross the border. So, this should help those who are still naïve to understand the degree of desperation in Eritrea today. But no one can give a prescription to others who choose to ignore facts.
But why is this small group of PFDJ leadership not interested to listen to the grievances of the people and so obsessed with maintaining power? By the way, the Eritrean people did not demand a handover of power. What the people asked for was for a rule of law to be established, for the constitution to be implemented and for the military service to have a limit, just to mention some. They have jailed (without trial) comrades-in-arms who proposed alternative ways of dealing with issues. Is it possible that this small group of people is scared of what might happen if power slips away from them? They should have remembered that the Eritrean people have even forgiven the atrocities committed by Ethiopia. I remember the famous statement made by the late Ethiopian prime minister during his visit to Eritrea before relations went sour; “We should not scratch each other’s wounds”, but by then the Eritrean people have already forgiven the atrocities committed in Eritrea by Ethiopians. By the way, that same Ethiopian leader later forgot what he preached when he caused lots of suffering to the Eritreans who lived in Ethiopia when the border war started.
I am now in my middle age and I believe I represent the generation who joined the Eritrean war for independence in its final stages and became the major force (through national service) that fought later against Ethiopia in the border war. Back in 1984, I was among many youngsters who were rounded up and taken from the villages by Eritrean liberation forces to become a fighter but then sent back home as they concluded that I was too young to carry a gun. I then went to school and 14 years later, I did a one year national service as a school teacher. When the border war with Ethiopia started in 1998, I was in the final year of my undergraduate program at the University of Asmara. We, the students, volunteered to go to the war front lines to help. I, with a group of fellow students, was assigned to the Senafe area and played our part. A year later, I was again asked to do a national service that included the military training, the infamous, indefinite and now identified as modern day slavery by many. Despite the fact that I had already served for more than a year before, I had to go and after 10 months in the military, I somehow managed to come back to the University where I started a third year national service as a graduate assistant.
I stayed in the national service for a total of 3 years but those who were enlisted before me and in the years that followed are still under those extraordinary tough conditions. This is to mean that the facts I describe here are common to thousands of Eritreans of different ages. The time I spent in the national service first as a military trainee and then on breaking and collecting stones and woods was traumatizing. It was not only the hardship but also the fact that we did not see what we were doing as something important or we believed that it could have been done differently. All the shelters we built did not survive another year, it was just an environmental disaster. For me, the objective seems to make the Eritrean youth submissive and obedient through hardship, intimidation and military indoctrination. One of the methods used by the military leaders to achieve this is recording the identity of anyone who asks questions in meetings. Then this is followed by a private warning and then if these people commit minor offences, they are subjected to all the hardships. This might be the likely reason why we do not see many incidences of revolt in the Eritrean military despite the ill-treatment and abuse.
My first escape from the military was not far enough; it was coming back to the University and continue the national service without salary. To put it in exact context, I was getting paid 250 Nakfa a month in Asmara in the year 2000 when a single meal in a cheap restaurant was 50 Nakfa and a 3x3m2 room was about 300 Nakfa. This might have been a better option than in the military for those who had relatives in Asmara to stay with but not for me. I was going to the student cafeteria when they left to beg for a meal and then we meet in class later. This might not seem bad in a different context, but in Eritrea, a teacher was respected and had a different status in the society. My situation was not inspiring to the students either. At one stage, I decided to ask the University’s president, Dr Woldeab Yishak, to make some kind of arrangement so that I could carry out my duties at the university. I had to wait at the stairs for an hour to stop him as he told his secretary not to keep appointments. But his response was demoralizing. He told me that I could go back to the military if I chose to do so without even waiting for me to finish my question. Going back to the military was not a better option to consider and I had to make a private arrangement with the cafeteria staff to get a meal. I found the cafeteria staff better understanding than Dr Woldeab.
……..part II will follow.
Peace and Prosperity to the Eritrean people!!
EPDP Stockholm Branch Briefed on Current Eritrean Developments
Written by EPDP Information OfficeThe Stockholm and environs branch of the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) on Sunday 21 December 2014 held a meeting with Mr. Woldeyesus Ammar, head for foreign relations office of the party, and received a wide-ranging updating on current developments affecting Eritrea and its people.
The topics covered in the updating included the worsening condition inside the country manifested by the frightening displacement of the people; the “refugee fatigue” of countries like Denmark, Italy and the rest of the EU member states and their search for excuses to deny legal protection to Eritrean refugees; EPDP diplomatic efforts and their outcome so far, and the still fragmented situation of the opposition camp and prospects of creating a viable opposition to the dictatorial regime in Asmara.
The EPDP leadership member stated that the dictatorial regime will never be expected to change its old erroneous and harmful ways and that the political and human rights situation has no prospect of improving until a real change is effected on time. He said the ever increasing outflow of young refugees from the country is the worst occurrence that Eritrean patriots worth the name should stand together and find a solution before it gets too late.
He noted that the recent visits to Eritrea by a number of European delegations looking for ways of re-establishing “relations” with the criminal regime at the cost of the affected people are acts of desperation at the international level that must be firmly opposed by forces struggling for democracy and human rights anywhere in the world. He added that the latest expression of support to and solidarity with the Eritrean people by the Council of Non-Governmental Organizations in the 15-member states of the Southern African Development Community is an encouraging recent development that deserves the full attention of all Eritreans struggling for positive and timely change in the country.
Regarding the state of affairs in the opposition camp, Mr. W. Ammar said the concerned forces are aware of their past shortcomings and that they are currently considering to come out of their “old boxes” and engage in joint tasks that can give hope to the people inside the homeland.
Later in the day, the EPDP executive committee member was interviewed by Voice of the People television broadcast every week for the inhabitants of Stockholm and its environs. The interview covered party activities, including the recent mission to Southern Africa, the plight of Eritrean refugees and prospects for working alliances in the camp opposed to the dictatorial regime in Asmara.
EPDP Stockholm Branch Briefed on Current Eritrean Developments
Written by EPDP Information Office
The Stockholm and environs branch of the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) on Sunday 21 December 2014 held a meeting with Mr. Woldeyesus Ammar, head for foreign relations office of the party, and received a wide-ranging updating on current developments affecting Eritrea and its people.
The topics covered in the updating included the worsening condition inside the country manifested by the frightening displacement of the people; the “refugee fatigue” of countries like Denmark, Italy and the rest of the EU member states and their search for excuses to deny legal protection to Eritrean refugees; EPDP diplomatic efforts and their outcome so far, and the still fragmented situation of the opposition camp and prospects of creating a viable opposition to the dictatorial regime in Asmara.
The EPDP leadership member stated that the dictatorial regime will never be expected to change its old erroneous and harmful ways and that the political and human rights situation has no prospect of improving until a real change is effected on time. He said the ever increasing outflow of young refugees from the country is the worst occurrence that Eritrean patriots worth the name should stand together and find a solution before it gets too late.
He noted that the recent visits to Eritrea by a number of European delegations looking for ways of re-establishing “relations” with the criminal regime at the cost of the affected people are acts of desperation at the international level that must be firmly opposed by forces struggling for democracy and human rights anywhere in the world. He added that the latest expression of support to and solidarity with the Eritrean people by the Council of Non-Governmental Organizations in the 15-member states of the Southern African Development Community is an encouraging recent development that deserves the full attention of all Eritreans struggling for positive and timely change in the country.
Regarding the state of affairs in the opposition camp, Mr. W. Ammar said the concerned forces are aware of their past shortcomings and that they are currently considering to come out of their “old boxes” and engage in joint tasks that can give hope to the people inside the homeland.
Later in the day, the EPDP executive committee member was interviewed by Voice of the People television broadcast every week for the inhabitants of Stockholm and its environs. The interview covered party activities, including the recent mission to Southern Africa, the plight of Eritrean refugees and prospects for working alliances in the camp opposed to the dictatorial regime in Asmara.
ካብ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ) ብዝተዋህባ ሓላፍነት መሰረት፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ 2ይ ሰልፋዊ ጉባኤ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ፡ ንስርሓታ ዝሕግዝ መደባት ሓንጺጻ ንምትግባሩ ተበጊሳ ኣላ፡፡ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ 9 ዝኣባላታ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ ድሕሪ ምምዛዙን ትምርሓሉ ሕግታት ድሕሪ ምንጻሩን፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ብመሰረት ዝተዋህባ መምርሒ፡ ነብሳ ሰሪዓ/ወዲባ ስርሓታ ተሰላስል ኣላ፡፡ ብ20 ታሕሳስ 2014 ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኣ፡ ኣቦ-መንበር ኣሰናዲት ሽማግለ፡ ሓው ተስፋሚካኤል ዮሃንስ፡ ኣብ'ዘን ዝሓለፈ ኣዋርሕ ዝተዓመ ስራሓት ንሽማግለ ብዝርዝር ገሊጹ። ሓው ተስፋሚካኤል ዮሃንስ ኣብ መግለጺኡ፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣርባዕተ ተኸታተልቲ ኣኼባታት ከም ዘካየደትን ሰለስተ ክፍልታት ከም ዝመስረተትን ሓቢሩ።
እተን ቆይመን ዘለዋ ክፍልታት፡-
1. ክፍሊ ምድላው ንድፊ ሰነዳት ናብ ጉባአ
2. ክፍሊ ሎጂስቲክን ፋይናንስን፡
3. ክፍሊ ኣምራጺት ናይ ጕባኤ ተወከልትን ዜናን ....ኢየን።
ጉዳይ ምስንዳእ ናይቲ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ክረምቲ ክጋባእ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ፡ ነታ 9 ዝኣባላታ ኣሰናዳት ሽማገል ጥራይ ከም ዘይግደፍ ብምርዳእ፤ ብዙሓት ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣብ'ዘን ክፍልታት ኣትዮም ንኽሰርሑ መጸዋዕታ ከም ዝተገብረሎምን ድልውነቶም ከም ዘረጋገጹን ካብታ ሽማግለ ዝተረኽበ ሓበሬታ ኣረጋጊጹ። ኣባላት ሰልፊ ብዛዕባቲ ናብ ጉባአ ዝቐርብ ሰነዳት ኣቐዲሞም ዝመያየጥሉ እኹል ግዜ ምእንቲ ክረኽቡ፡ ነዚ ዝምልከት ክፍሊ ቀልጢፋ መታን ክትውድእ ተኸታታሊ ኣኼባታት ንምክያድ መደብ ሰሪዓ ከም ዘላ’ውን ተፈሊጡ ኣሎ።
ክፍሊ ዜና ኣ/ሽማግለ
21 ታሕሳስ 2014
ካብ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ) ብዝተዋህባ ሓላፍነት መሰረት፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ 2ይ ሰልፋዊ ጉባኤ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ፡ ንስርሓታ ዝሕግዝ መደባት ሓንጺጻ ንምትግባሩ ተበጊሳ ኣላ፡፡ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ 9 ዝኣባላታ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ ድሕሪ ምምዛዙን ትምርሓሉ ሕግታት ድሕሪ ምንጻሩን፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ብመሰረት ዝተዋህባ መምርሒ፡ ነብሳ ሰሪዓ/ወዲባ ስርሓታ ተሰላስል ኣላ፡፡ ብ20 ታሕሳስ 2014 ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኣ፡ ኣቦ-መንበር ኣሰናዲት ሽማግለ፡ ሓው ተስፋሚካኤል ዮሃንስ፡ ኣብ'ዘን ዝሓለፈ ኣዋርሕ ዝተዓመ ስራሓት ንሽማግለ ብዝርዝር ገሊጹ። ሓው ተስፋሚካኤል ዮሃንስ ኣብ መግለጺኡ፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣርባዕተ ተኸታተልቲ ኣኼባታት ከም ዘካየደትን ሰለስተ ክፍልታት ከም ዝመስረተትን ሓቢሩ።
እተን ቆይመን ዘለዋ ክፍልታት፡-
1. ክፍሊ ምድላው ንድፊ ሰነዳት ናብ ጉባአ
2. ክፍሊ ሎጂስቲክን ፋይናንስን፡
3. ክፍሊ ኣምራጺት ናይ ጕባኤ ተወከልትን ዜናን ....ኢየን።
ጉዳይ ምስንዳእ ናይቲ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ክረምቲ ክጋባእ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ፡ ነታ 9 ዝኣባላታ ኣሰናዳት ሽማገል ጥራይ ከም ዘይግደፍ ብምርዳእ፤ ብዙሓት ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣብ'ዘን ክፍልታት ኣትዮም ንኽሰርሑ መጸዋዕታ ከም ዝተገብረሎምን ድልውነቶም ከም ዘረጋገጹን ካብታ ሽማግለ ዝተረኽበ ሓበሬታ ኣረጋጊጹ። ኣባላት ሰልፊ ብዛዕባቲ ናብ ጉባአ ዝቐርብ ሰነዳት ኣቐዲሞም ዝመያየጥሉ እኹል ግዜ ምእንቲ ክረኽቡ፡ ነዚ ዝምልከት ክፍሊ ቀልጢፋ መታን ክትውድእ ተኸታታሊ ኣኼባታት ንምክያድ መደብ ሰሪዓ ከም ዘላ’ውን ተፈሊጡ ኣሎ።
ክፍሊ ዜና ኣ/ሽማግለ
21 ታሕሳስ 2014
Merry Chrstmas and a Happy New Year from EPDP Chairman
Written by EPDP Information Office
ንዕለት 20 ታሕሳስ 2014 ካብ ሓያሎ ከተማታት ሃገር ሽወደን ዝመጹ ሓያሎ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ልዕሊ 95% ሓደስትን መንእሰያትን ዝተሳተፍዎ በዓል ንምቅባል ሓዳስ ዓመት 2015 ብኣሕዋት ተቀማጦ ስካራቦር ዝተዳለወ ካብ ሰዓት 18,00 ክሳብ ሰዓት 3,30 ወጋሕታ ኣብ ከተማ ሊድሾፒን ሙዉቅን ሰላማዉን በዓል ኣካይዶም። እቲ ልዕሊ 500 መንእሰያት ሓደስትን ገዳይምን ዝተሳተፍዎ በዓል ኮይኑ ብክልቲኦም ቋንቋታት ሃገርና ትግርኛን ዓረብን ናይ እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩምን
እቲ ቀንዲ ዕላም ናይቲ በዓል ከምቲ ናይ ህግዲፍ ንሳዕሲዒትን መስተን ምንጪ ገንዘብ ዘይኮነስ ብብሩህ ህልዊ መሪር ኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ንቋራቆረሉን እንዝክረሉን ብሓድነት ኣቢልና ንመላኺ ስርዓት ኣልጊስና ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ብስርዓተ ሕጊ እትመሓደር ሃገር ንምምስራት ዕዮ ገዛና እንትግብረሉ ዝሕበር መደረ መልእኽቲ እዩ ተኸፊቱ። ፍሉይ ተረኽቦ ናይቲ በዓል ከኣ ልዕሊ 95% መንእሰያት ኮይኖም ክሳብ ትሕቲ ዕድመ ዝተሳተፍዎ በዓል ኮይኑ፡ 5ተ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ነቲ ጨካን ሓለዋ ዶብ ህግዲፍ፡ ነቲ ዘይሰብኣዊ ድሑር ኣተሓሕዛ ደቂ ሰባት ኣብ ሱዳን ጸይረን፡ ነቲ ሃኪክ ጻምእ ምደረበዳ ሰሃራ ሰንጢቀን፡ ነቲ ዘስካሕክሕ ክፉእ ኣተሓሕዛ ናይ ሊብያዉያን ፡ ንማእከላይ ባሕሪ ሰንጢቀን ኣብ ቀረባ ሰሙናት ንሃገር ሽወድን ዝኣተዋ ሕጻናት ትሕቲ ዕድመ ብኣላይተን ተሰንየ ኣብቲ በዓል መጺኤ ኣብ መድረኽ ቀሪበን ሰላም ምባለን ብሓቂ ንክትኣምኖ ዘሸግር ኣሰንባድን መሳጥን ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣብ ጸልማት ትርከብ ከም ዘላ ኩሉ ተሳታፊ በዓል ደላይ ፍትሒ ኣስተንተነ።
እቲ በዓል ብምቅጻል ብወናማት መንእሰያት ወናማት እዋናዊ ናይ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዜማታት፡ ናይ ቀደም ገዳይም ደረፍትና ዝደርፍዎ መሃርትን ኣናፋቅትን መባራበርን ዜማታት ዝተሰነይ ሙሉእ ለይቲ ኣብ መንጎኡ ከኣ ብግጥምታትን ብኣውሎን ዝተሓዋወሶ ኣደናቂ በዓል ኣብቲ ቦታ ንመጀመርታ ዝተገብረ ብምኳኑ ብሓቂ ታሪኻዊ ዝኮነ ዕዉት በዓል ነበረ።
ሲዒቡ እውን እቲ ካልኣይ መልእኽቲ በዓል ንምቅባል ሓዲሽ ዓመት 2015 ናይ ስኒት ናይ ፍትሒ ናይ ዓወት ዓመት ትኹነልና ዝብል ጽንብል ብስድራቤት ዑመር ዝተወፈየት ናይ ሕብስቲ ቶርታ 2015 ዝተጻሕፋ 5ተ ጠራዕራዕ መብራቲ ተወሊኤን ሙሉእ ተሳታፋይ ሰናይ ምንዮቱ ገሊጺ ብዓበይቲ ተባሪኹ ተዓደለ።
እቲ በዓል በቲ ወሓሉ ኣዴታት ዝተዳለዉ በብዓይነቱ መግቢ ከሉ ከም ዝደለዮ እናተማላለሰ ክበልዕ ሓደረ። ምስኡ እውን ናይ ቡንን ሻሕን ሕንባሻታትን ሙቁር ቅጫታትን እናኾምሰዔን እናተዘናግዔን ልክዕ ሰዓት 3,30 ናይ ንግሆ ወጋሕታ ብምምስግጋን ነናብ ቦታኡ ማለት ዮተቦርግ ቦሮስ ማልመ ስቶኮልም ኦረቡሩ ዮንሾፒን ፋልሾፒንግ ስካራቦርግ ብሰላም ተመሊሶም።
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
ብዛዕባ’ታ ናባና ገጻ ትቀራረብ ዘላ’ሞ ንሕና ከዓ ክንቅበላ ኢድና ንዝርገሓላ ዘለና ሓዳስ ዓመት 2015 ቅድሚ ምዝራብና ብዛዕባ’ዛ ኣብ ኣጋ መወዳእትኣ ዘለና ዓመት 2014 ሓደሓደ ነጥብታት ምጥቃስ ኣገዳሲ እዩ ዝብል እምነት ኣለና። ዓመተ 2014 ብመንጽር ሃለዋት ህዝብና ኣብ ገዛእ ሃገሩን ደንበ ተቓውሞን ምስቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ዓመታት ክወዳደር እንከሎ መሰረታዊ ፍልልይ ኣይነበሮን። ግና ድማ ብድፍኑ ከምቲ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ነይሩ፡ ኢልካ ጥራይ ምሕላፉ እኹል ስለ ዘይኮነ ሓደሓደ ነጥብታት ምጥቃስ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እቲ ዝጥቀስ ግና ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ መወዳእታ ምዕራፋ ትርከብ ዓመት ካብ ዝተባህለ መሪጽካ ንምድጋም እንተዘይኮይኑ ከቶ ማይ ዘይጠዓመ ኣይኮነን።
እቲ ስሩ ካብ ዝሰድድ ነዊሕ ዝዕድሚኡ ብሰንኪ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ክወርድ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን እዚ ይጐድሎ ዘይበሃል በደል ኣብ 2014 እውን ቀጺሉ’ዩ። እቲ ስእነት፡ ስግኣት፡ ግዱድ ዕስክርናን፡ ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕጊ ዘይትቐርበሉን ምኽንያቱ ዘይትፈልጠሉን ማእሰርትን ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ ኣጋ ምውዳኣ ዘለና ዓመት እውን ገዲዱ እምበር ኣይነከየን። እቲ ንኹላትና ምስጢሩ ጠፊኡና ዘሎ ዋሕዚ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ናብ ስደት እውን ቀጺሉ። ብሰንክ’ዚ ዘይውሑስ ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት ኣብ ዶባት፡ ምድረበዳን ባሕርን ዝጠፍእ ኤርትራዊ ህይወት እውን ወሲኹ እንተዘይኮይኑ ኣይነከየን። ናይ’ዚ ዝዛሪ ዘይመስል ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት ሓደጋኡ ካብ ኤርትራ ሓሊፉ ኣብተን ኤርትራውያን ከም ናይ መወዳእታ መዕረፊኦም ዝመርጽወን ሃገራት ምዕራብ’ውን ኣዝዩ ከቢድ ሻቕሎት ፈጢሩ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ዝተወሰና ሃገራት ክሓስባሉ ጀሚረን ኣለዋ። ብሓፈሻ 2014 ኣብ ህዝብና ዝጸንሐ ሻቕሎት መሊሱ ዝወሰኸሉ ኩነታት እዩ ጸኒሑ።
ብዛዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ሃለዋት ኤርትራ ክለዓል እንከሎ፡ ንኩነታት ደንበ ተቓውሞ ከይጠቐስካ ምሕላፍ ኣዝዩ ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ፡ ብደረጃ ውድባት ኮነ ግንባራት ክረአ እንከሎ ኣብ’ዛ ዳርጋ ወዲእናያ ዘለና ዓመት ዘተባብዕ ስጉምቲ ኣይሰጐመን። ምናልባት እውን ብዙሓት ፖለቲካዊ ምርሕሓቓት ዝተራእየሉ ናይ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት ክልተ ስጉምቲ ንድሕሪት ጉዕዞ ዓመት ነይራ ምባሉ ዝከኣል ይመስለና። እቲ ብዙሕ ግዜ ዝተፈተነ ንሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኣብ ንብዙሓት ዘሳትፍ ናይ ኣብ ዝተሓተ ነጥብታት ምስምማዕውን ስጉምቲ ማዕረቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ኣይተረጋገጸን። በዚ ኣቢልካ ኣብ ሓደ መኣዲ ተኣኪብካ፡ ቅድም ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንምውጋድ፡ ደሓር ድማ ክፍጠር ንዝኽእል ሃጓፍ ናይ ምምላእ መሕለውታ ናይ ምዃን ዓቕሚ ኣይተጠርየን። ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ ምፍናዋ ንርከብ ዘለና ዓመት እቲ ትልኽ ምባል ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ዘተኣማምን ቀጻሊ ህይወት ግና ኣይተሰዅዐን። ሓቢርካ ንምሕያል ዝተገብሩን ዝግበሩ ዘለዉን ፈተነታት፡ ብሰንኪ ኣብ ጽኑዕ ባይታን ሰፊሕ መድረኽን ብዘይምድኳኖም፡ ንድሕሪት ዝተመልሱ ውዳበታት ክንርኢ ጸኒሕናን ኣለናን። እዚ ዘይምዕዋት ወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ምኽንያታት ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ዘተሓሳስብ ዝምልከቶም ተዋሳእቲ ኣካላት፡ ነቲ ወድዓዊ ምቹእነት ዝተረደአ በዓል ቤታዊ ዓቕሚ ብዘይምውናኖም ክፍጠር ዝጸነሓ ርኡይ ድኽመት እዩ። ዋላ’ኳ ከም ባህሊ ተወሲዱ፡ ንኹሉ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ብሓደ ዓይነት ናይ ድኽመት መለክዒ ክግለጽ ላህመታዊ ሚዛን እንተጸነሓ፡ ውድባትን ግንባራትን ብመንጽር ነናቶም ፋይላት ኣብቲ ኣውንታ ኮነ ኣብቲ ኣሉታ ፈሊኻ ምምዛኑ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ሽዑ እዩ ኸዓ ኩሉ መን ምዃኑ ዝርዳእን ተሓታትነቱ ዝስከምን።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ሓደ ጸላዊ ኣካል ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ 2014 ብቐጻሊ ናይ ኣባላቱን ናይ ህዝብን፡ እሞ ድማ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት’ዛ ዓለም ኣኼባታት ኣካይዱ’ዩ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባታቱ ብዘካየዶ ዘይሕለል ጻዕሪ፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ንህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ዝምጥን ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ምኽታል፡ ኣብ ምንጻር ግደ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምርግጋጽ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ፡ ንኤርትራ ከም ዘይትሓልፍ ሃገርን፡ ነቲ ሓላፊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ፈሊኻ ኣብ ምርዳእ፡ ኣብ ኣገባብ ምእካብ ነዚ ተበቲኑ ዘሎ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ናብ ሓደ ንምምጻእ ዘለዎ መርገጽታት ኣብ ምስራጽ ደሓን ባይታ ዝረኸበሉ ዓመት’ያ ነይራ። ናይ’ቲ ካብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ክሃድም ዝጸንሐ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ልቢ ኣብ ምምላስ እውን ከምኡ። ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት ድማ ከም መንጸባረቒ መድረኽ ናይዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ጻዕርታትን ዝተመዝገበ ጽልዋታትን ብኣብነት ክጥቀስ ዝከኣል እዩ። ናይዚ ሰልፊ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ 4ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ናብ ዝምልከቶም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘቕረቦ ናይ “ኩላትና ኣብ ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ተራኺብና መዋጸኦ ንድለይ” መጸዋዕታኡ’ው ካልእ ኣብነት እዩ። ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣካል ናይቲ ብደረጃ ዓለም ዝካየድ ናይ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ደሞክራሲን ቃልሲ ክነሱ፡ ቆላሕታ ስኢኑ ከም ዘሎ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሰደህኤ ኣብ’ዛ ንጠቕሳ ዘለና ዓመት 2014፡ ነዚ ዓለምለኻዊ መድረኽ ሃሲሱ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምእንቲ ለውጢ ምስ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ንምልላዩን፡ ዓለም ለኻዊ ኣጀንዳ ከም ዝኸውን ንምግባሩ’ውን ሰፊሕ ጻዕሪ ኣካይዱ ብዙሓት ተስፋ ዝህቡ ኣፍደገታት ከፊቱ ኣሎ። ናይ’ዚ ቀረባ መዓልታ ተሳትፎኡ ኣብ ዓውደ መጽናዕቲ ጆሃንስበርግ ከዓ ኣብዚ መዳይ’ዚ ኣገዳሲ ኣብነት እዩ። ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ህልውና መጻኢት ኤርትራ እውን ተጽዕኖ ከም ዝህልዎ ብምርዳእ ግቡእ መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ፡ ሰደህኤ ናብ ብዙሓት እዚ ጉዳይ ዝምልከተን ሃገራትን ኣህጉራዊ ትካላትን ጥርዓናቱ ከቕርብ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ምስ እዚ ኩሉ ግና እዚ ሰልፊ ብመንጽር ንኤርትራዊ ኩነታት ዝምጥን ሰልፊ ኮይንካ ምቕራብ ዝተርፍዎ ዕማማት ከም ዘለዉ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሰልፍና ንሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዘተኣማምን ባይታ ንምስራት ካብኡ ዝድለ ክገብር እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ በይኑ ዝዓሞ ዕማም ከም ዘይኮነ ይኣምን እዩ።
እቲ ዝያዳ ክንዛረበሉ ዝግበኣና እምበኣር ብዛዕባ’ታ ጉዕዘኣ ወዲኣ ትሓለፍ ዘዛ ዓመት ዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባ’ታ መጻኢ ሓላፍነት ክትርከብ ተቐሪባ ዘላ ዓመት ምዃኑ ኩላትና እንርደኦ እዩ። ሓድሽ ዓመት ክትርከብ እንከለኻ “ ኣብ ሓድሽ ዓመት ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ኢልካ ቃል ምእታው ዝተለምደ እዩ። ንሕናውን ሰብ ብዙሕ ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን ስለ ዝኾና ኣብዚ ናይ ሓድሽ ዓመት ኣጋጣሚ “ኣብዚ ሓድሽ ዓመት ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ኢልና ቃል ክንኣትው ናይ ግደን እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኣጋጣሚ እንኣትዎ ቃል ንኩለመዳያዊ ዓቕምናን ከባቢናን ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወን ዝትግበር ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እቲ ቃል ክንኣትዎ እንከለና ኣብ ግምት ከነእትዎ ዝግበኣና፡ ዓቕምናን ኩነታት ጸላኢናን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንከባቢያዊ ኩነታት እውን ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲና ክንትልምን ክንሕንጽጽን ይግበኣና። ብመንጽር እዚ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ካብ ገምጋሙ ተበጊሱ፡ ዝሓዞም ዕማማት እሞ ድማ ኣብ ዝሐለፈት ዓመት ዘይተግበሮም ዕማማት ኣብዚ ቀጻሊ ዓመት እውን ኣብ ከባቢኡ ንዝረአ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ግምት እንዳእተወ ክቕጽሎም እዩ።
ንሰልፍና ኣብ ዓመተ 2015 ካብ ዝጽበይዎ ዕማማት እቲ ቀንዲ፡ ምዕዋት እቲ ኣብ መጻኢ ወርሓት ክረምቲ ከካይዶ ከም መደብ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ 2ይ ሰልፋዊ ጉባአ እዩ። ነዚ ተኣሚሙ ዘሎ 2ይ ጉባአ ክትከደሉ ዝጸናሕካ መንገዲ ደጊምካ እትረግጸሉ ዘይኮነስ ናብ ሓደ ምዕራፍ ዘሰጋግር ከም ዝኸውን ንምግባሩ ስኑ ነኺሱ ክቃለስ እዩ። ብፍላይ ከዓ ነዚ ተበቲኑ ዘሎ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ፡ ኣብቲ ዘራኽቦ ውሱን ነጥብታት፡ እሞ ድማ ንኹሉ ዝቃወም ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ከሳትፍ ብዘኽእል ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ከም ዝዕወት ንምግባሩ ምስ ከምኡ ሰፊሕ ርኢቶ ዘለዎም ኣካላት ኮይኑ ከይተሓለለ ክቃለስ እዩ። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ነዚ ዓብይ ዕማም በይኑ ክዓሞ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ብሓባር ከም ዝቃለሱ ንምኽኣሎም ዝግበር ቃልሲ ናይ ኩሎም ተሻረኽቲ ኣካላት ቅሩብነት፡ ተወፋይነትን ሕድገትን ከም ዝሓትት ሰደህኤ ብግቡእ ይኣምን። ኣባላት ሰደህኤ ከምቲ ዝተለምደ፡ ነዚ ዝጽበየና ዘሎ ዕማማት ንምዕዋት ኣብ ኩሉ ዓውድታት ብሰልፋዊ ጽንዓትን ኤርትራዊ ሓልዮትን ተሰንዮም ተሳትፈኦም ከም ዘሕይሉ ሰልፍና ዘለዎ እምነት ዘየማትእ እዩ።
22 ታሕሳስ 2014
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ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
ብዛዕባ’ታ ናባና ገጻ ትቀራረብ ዘላ’ሞ ንሕና ከዓ ክንቅበላ ኢድና ንዝርገሓላ ዘለና ሓዳስ ዓመት 2015 ቅድሚ ምዝራብና ብዛዕባ’ዛ ኣብ ኣጋ መወዳእትኣ ዘለና ዓመት 2014 ሓደሓደ ነጥብታት ምጥቃስ ኣገዳሲ እዩ ዝብል እምነት ኣለና። ዓመተ 2014 ብመንጽር ሃለዋት ህዝብና ኣብ ገዛእ ሃገሩን ደንበ ተቓውሞን ምስቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ዓመታት ክወዳደር እንከሎ መሰረታዊ ፍልልይ ኣይነበሮን። ግና ድማ ብድፍኑ ከምቲ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ነይሩ፡ ኢልካ ጥራይ ምሕላፉ እኹል ስለ ዘይኮነ ሓደሓደ ነጥብታት ምጥቃስ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እቲ ዝጥቀስ ግና ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ መወዳእታ ምዕራፋ ትርከብ ዓመት ካብ ዝተባህለ መሪጽካ ንምድጋም እንተዘይኮይኑ ከቶ ማይ ዘይጠዓመ ኣይኮነን።
እቲ ስሩ ካብ ዝሰድድ ነዊሕ ዝዕድሚኡ ብሰንኪ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ክወርድ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን እዚ ይጐድሎ ዘይበሃል በደል ኣብ 2014 እውን ቀጺሉ’ዩ። እቲ ስእነት፡ ስግኣት፡ ግዱድ ዕስክርናን፡ ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕጊ ዘይትቐርበሉን ምኽንያቱ ዘይትፈልጠሉን ማእሰርትን ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ ኣጋ ምውዳኣ ዘለና ዓመት እውን ገዲዱ እምበር ኣይነከየን። እቲ ንኹላትና ምስጢሩ ጠፊኡና ዘሎ ዋሕዚ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ናብ ስደት እውን ቀጺሉ። ብሰንክ’ዚ ዘይውሑስ ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት ኣብ ዶባት፡ ምድረበዳን ባሕርን ዝጠፍእ ኤርትራዊ ህይወት እውን ወሲኹ እንተዘይኮይኑ ኣይነከየን። ናይ’ዚ ዝዛሪ ዘይመስል ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት ሓደጋኡ ካብ ኤርትራ ሓሊፉ ኣብተን ኤርትራውያን ከም ናይ መወዳእታ መዕረፊኦም ዝመርጽወን ሃገራት ምዕራብ’ውን ኣዝዩ ከቢድ ሻቕሎት ፈጢሩ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ዝተወሰና ሃገራት ክሓስባሉ ጀሚረን ኣለዋ። ብሓፈሻ 2014 ኣብ ህዝብና ዝጸንሐ ሻቕሎት መሊሱ ዝወሰኸሉ ኩነታት እዩ ጸኒሑ።
ብዛዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ሃለዋት ኤርትራ ክለዓል እንከሎ፡ ንኩነታት ደንበ ተቓውሞ ከይጠቐስካ ምሕላፍ ኣዝዩ ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ፡ ብደረጃ ውድባት ኮነ ግንባራት ክረአ እንከሎ ኣብ’ዛ ዳርጋ ወዲእናያ ዘለና ዓመት ዘተባብዕ ስጉምቲ ኣይሰጐመን። ምናልባት እውን ብዙሓት ፖለቲካዊ ምርሕሓቓት ዝተራእየሉ ናይ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት ክልተ ስጉምቲ ንድሕሪት ጉዕዞ ዓመት ነይራ ምባሉ ዝከኣል ይመስለና። እቲ ብዙሕ ግዜ ዝተፈተነ ንሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኣብ ንብዙሓት ዘሳትፍ ናይ ኣብ ዝተሓተ ነጥብታት ምስምማዕውን ስጉምቲ ማዕረቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ኣይተረጋገጸን። በዚ ኣቢልካ ኣብ ሓደ መኣዲ ተኣኪብካ፡ ቅድም ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንምውጋድ፡ ደሓር ድማ ክፍጠር ንዝኽእል ሃጓፍ ናይ ምምላእ መሕለውታ ናይ ምዃን ዓቕሚ ኣይተጠርየን። ኣብ’ዛ ኣብ ምፍናዋ ንርከብ ዘለና ዓመት እቲ ትልኽ ምባል ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ዘተኣማምን ቀጻሊ ህይወት ግና ኣይተሰዅዐን። ሓቢርካ ንምሕያል ዝተገብሩን ዝግበሩ ዘለዉን ፈተነታት፡ ብሰንኪ ኣብ ጽኑዕ ባይታን ሰፊሕ መድረኽን ብዘይምድኳኖም፡ ንድሕሪት ዝተመልሱ ውዳበታት ክንርኢ ጸኒሕናን ኣለናን። እዚ ዘይምዕዋት ወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ምኽንያታት ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ዘተሓሳስብ ዝምልከቶም ተዋሳእቲ ኣካላት፡ ነቲ ወድዓዊ ምቹእነት ዝተረደአ በዓል ቤታዊ ዓቕሚ ብዘይምውናኖም ክፍጠር ዝጸነሓ ርኡይ ድኽመት እዩ። ዋላ’ኳ ከም ባህሊ ተወሲዱ፡ ንኹሉ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ብሓደ ዓይነት ናይ ድኽመት መለክዒ ክግለጽ ላህመታዊ ሚዛን እንተጸነሓ፡ ውድባትን ግንባራትን ብመንጽር ነናቶም ፋይላት ኣብቲ ኣውንታ ኮነ ኣብቲ ኣሉታ ፈሊኻ ምምዛኑ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ሽዑ እዩ ኸዓ ኩሉ መን ምዃኑ ዝርዳእን ተሓታትነቱ ዝስከምን።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ሓደ ጸላዊ ኣካል ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ 2014 ብቐጻሊ ናይ ኣባላቱን ናይ ህዝብን፡ እሞ ድማ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት’ዛ ዓለም ኣኼባታት ኣካይዱ’ዩ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባታቱ ብዘካየዶ ዘይሕለል ጻዕሪ፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ንህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ዝምጥን ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ምኽታል፡ ኣብ ምንጻር ግደ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምርግጋጽ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ፡ ንኤርትራ ከም ዘይትሓልፍ ሃገርን፡ ነቲ ሓላፊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ፈሊኻ ኣብ ምርዳእ፡ ኣብ ኣገባብ ምእካብ ነዚ ተበቲኑ ዘሎ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ናብ ሓደ ንምምጻእ ዘለዎ መርገጽታት ኣብ ምስራጽ ደሓን ባይታ ዝረኸበሉ ዓመት’ያ ነይራ። ናይ’ቲ ካብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ክሃድም ዝጸንሐ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ልቢ ኣብ ምምላስ እውን ከምኡ። ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት ድማ ከም መንጸባረቒ መድረኽ ናይዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ጻዕርታትን ዝተመዝገበ ጽልዋታትን ብኣብነት ክጥቀስ ዝከኣል እዩ። ናይዚ ሰልፊ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ 4ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ናብ ዝምልከቶም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘቕረቦ ናይ “ኩላትና ኣብ ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ተራኺብና መዋጸኦ ንድለይ” መጸዋዕታኡ’ው ካልእ ኣብነት እዩ። ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣካል ናይቲ ብደረጃ ዓለም ዝካየድ ናይ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ደሞክራሲን ቃልሲ ክነሱ፡ ቆላሕታ ስኢኑ ከም ዘሎ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሰደህኤ ኣብ’ዛ ንጠቕሳ ዘለና ዓመት 2014፡ ነዚ ዓለምለኻዊ መድረኽ ሃሲሱ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምእንቲ ለውጢ ምስ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ንምልላዩን፡ ዓለም ለኻዊ ኣጀንዳ ከም ዝኸውን ንምግባሩ’ውን ሰፊሕ ጻዕሪ ኣካይዱ ብዙሓት ተስፋ ዝህቡ ኣፍደገታት ከፊቱ ኣሎ። ናይ’ዚ ቀረባ መዓልታ ተሳትፎኡ ኣብ ዓውደ መጽናዕቲ ጆሃንስበርግ ከዓ ኣብዚ መዳይ’ዚ ኣገዳሲ ኣብነት እዩ። ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ህልውና መጻኢት ኤርትራ እውን ተጽዕኖ ከም ዝህልዎ ብምርዳእ ግቡእ መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ፡ ሰደህኤ ናብ ብዙሓት እዚ ጉዳይ ዝምልከተን ሃገራትን ኣህጉራዊ ትካላትን ጥርዓናቱ ከቕርብ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ምስ እዚ ኩሉ ግና እዚ ሰልፊ ብመንጽር ንኤርትራዊ ኩነታት ዝምጥን ሰልፊ ኮይንካ ምቕራብ ዝተርፍዎ ዕማማት ከም ዘለዉ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሰልፍና ንሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዘተኣማምን ባይታ ንምስራት ካብኡ ዝድለ ክገብር እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ በይኑ ዝዓሞ ዕማም ከም ዘይኮነ ይኣምን እዩ።
እቲ ዝያዳ ክንዛረበሉ ዝግበኣና እምበኣር ብዛዕባ’ታ ጉዕዘኣ ወዲኣ ትሓለፍ ዘዛ ዓመት ዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባ’ታ መጻኢ ሓላፍነት ክትርከብ ተቐሪባ ዘላ ዓመት ምዃኑ ኩላትና እንርደኦ እዩ። ሓድሽ ዓመት ክትርከብ እንከለኻ “ ኣብ ሓድሽ ዓመት ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ኢልካ ቃል ምእታው ዝተለምደ እዩ። ንሕናውን ሰብ ብዙሕ ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን ስለ ዝኾና ኣብዚ ናይ ሓድሽ ዓመት ኣጋጣሚ “ኣብዚ ሓድሽ ዓመት ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ኢልና ቃል ክንኣትው ናይ ግደን እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኣጋጣሚ እንኣትዎ ቃል ንኩለመዳያዊ ዓቕምናን ከባቢናን ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወን ዝትግበር ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እቲ ቃል ክንኣትዎ እንከለና ኣብ ግምት ከነእትዎ ዝግበኣና፡ ዓቕምናን ኩነታት ጸላኢናን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንከባቢያዊ ኩነታት እውን ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲና ክንትልምን ክንሕንጽጽን ይግበኣና። ብመንጽር እዚ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ካብ ገምጋሙ ተበጊሱ፡ ዝሓዞም ዕማማት እሞ ድማ ኣብ ዝሐለፈት ዓመት ዘይተግበሮም ዕማማት ኣብዚ ቀጻሊ ዓመት እውን ኣብ ከባቢኡ ንዝረአ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ግምት እንዳእተወ ክቕጽሎም እዩ።
ንሰልፍና ኣብ ዓመተ 2015 ካብ ዝጽበይዎ ዕማማት እቲ ቀንዲ፡ ምዕዋት እቲ ኣብ መጻኢ ወርሓት ክረምቲ ከካይዶ ከም መደብ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ 2ይ ሰልፋዊ ጉባአ እዩ። ነዚ ተኣሚሙ ዘሎ 2ይ ጉባአ ክትከደሉ ዝጸናሕካ መንገዲ ደጊምካ እትረግጸሉ ዘይኮነስ ናብ ሓደ ምዕራፍ ዘሰጋግር ከም ዝኸውን ንምግባሩ ስኑ ነኺሱ ክቃለስ እዩ። ብፍላይ ከዓ ነዚ ተበቲኑ ዘሎ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ፡ ኣብቲ ዘራኽቦ ውሱን ነጥብታት፡ እሞ ድማ ንኹሉ ዝቃወም ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ከሳትፍ ብዘኽእል ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ከም ዝዕወት ንምግባሩ ምስ ከምኡ ሰፊሕ ርኢቶ ዘለዎም ኣካላት ኮይኑ ከይተሓለለ ክቃለስ እዩ። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ነዚ ዓብይ ዕማም በይኑ ክዓሞ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ብሓባር ከም ዝቃለሱ ንምኽኣሎም ዝግበር ቃልሲ ናይ ኩሎም ተሻረኽቲ ኣካላት ቅሩብነት፡ ተወፋይነትን ሕድገትን ከም ዝሓትት ሰደህኤ ብግቡእ ይኣምን። ኣባላት ሰደህኤ ከምቲ ዝተለምደ፡ ነዚ ዝጽበየና ዘሎ ዕማማት ንምዕዋት ኣብ ኩሉ ዓውድታት ብሰልፋዊ ጽንዓትን ኤርትራዊ ሓልዮትን ተሰንዮም ተሳትፈኦም ከም ዘሕይሉ ሰልፍና ዘለዎ እምነት ዘየማትእ እዩ።
22 ታሕሳስ 2014
"What is granted to Animals in many parts of the world is deprived to Humans in Eritrea"
Written by EPDP Information Department
Court in Argentina grants basic rights to orangutan
Sandra covers her head with a cloth to protect herself from the public gaze at the Buenos Aires Zoo
A court in Argentina has ruled that a shy orangutan who spent the last 20 years in a zoo can be granted some legal rights enjoyed by humans.
Lawyers had appealed to free Sandra from the Buenos Aires zoo by arguing that although not human, she should be given legal rights.
They had argued that she was being illegally detained.
If there is no appeal, the ape will be transferred to a sanctuary in Brazil where she will enjoy greater freedom.
The singular case hung on whether the animal was a "thing" or a "person".
In December a New York State court threw out a request to free a privately owned chimpanzee arguing that the animal was property and had no legal rights.
'A person'
Lawyers for Argentina's Association of Professional Lawyers for Animal Rights (Afada) said Sandra was "a person" in the philosophical, not biological, sense.
She was, they argued, in a situation of illegal deprivation of freedom as a "non-human person".
They had filed a "habeas corpus" writ in her favour last November over "the unjustified confinement of an animal with probable cognitive capability".
Afada lawyer Paul Buompadre was quoted as saying by La Nacion newspaper: "This opens the way not only for other Great Apes, but also for other sentient beings which are unfairly and arbitrarily deprived of their liberty in zoos, circuses, water parks and scientific laboratories."
The court judges had rejected the writ several times before deciding finally that Sandra could be considered to have rights to freedom which needed defending.
Sandra was born in 1986 in a German zoo and arrived in Buenos Aires in September 1994.
She regularly tried to avoid the public in her enclosure.
If there is no appeal against the court's decision from the Buenos Aires zoo, she will be transferred to a primate sanctuary in Brazil where she can live in partial liberty.
حوار الذكريات مع عمر جابر في ملبورن
Written by بقلم/ ولديسوس عمار : ترجمة عـونا
← بقلم/ ولديسوس عمار : ترجمة "عـونا"
2005-08-22 عونا
حوار الذكريات مع عمر جابر في "ملبورن" بقلم/ ولديسوس عمار : ترجمة "عـونا"
من وجهة نظري، فإن عمر جابر عمر، من الرعيل الأول لجبهة التحرير ومقاتل من أجل الحرية ومقيم الآن في أستراليا ـ يمثل جملة أشياء مجتمعة في الاريتري المعاصر في المنفي، معاصر هنا تعني الأجيال التي تحملت مسئولية إحياء اليقظة الوطنية والنضال من أجل الاستقلال الوطني الاريتري.
أولاً : عمر جابر هو نموذج للشباب الوطني الاريتري في الستينات والسبعينات والذي درس في الشرق الأوسط وساهم في بناء جبهة التحرير ـ ولكن ليجد نفسه مع آخرين بلا أي حقوق في اريتريا المحرة. ثانياً : أنه يرمز الي الجيل الاريتري اليساري الثوري والذي كان ضمن مؤسسة "حزب العمل" في جبهة التحرير الاريترية. ثالثاً : عمر جابر مثال لما أصاب ارتريا بعد الاستقلال من إضطهاد ومطاردة العقول نتيجة لسياسة "أسياس أفورقي" الانعزالية وسياسته الشريرة والتي تم الاعلان عنها في 20/6/1991م والتي أدت الي إبعاد وعزل المثقفين الاريتريين خاصة أولئك الذين يتمتعون بمعرفة واسعة ومتقدمة في الثقافة العربية. رابعاً : أنه يرمز لفشل الجبهة الشعبية في تحقيق المصالحة حتي مع الذين كانوا علي إستعداد للذهاب خطوة الي الأمام لتحقيق المصالحة بعد التحرير ( يتواصل هذا المسلسل من النموذجية والتمثيل الي مالا نهاية ). خلال يونيو 2005 كانت لدي فرصة اللقاء مع عمر جابر عدة مرات في ملبورن حيث يقيم مع أسرته منذ عام 1995. أنه يعمل في وكالة للتشغيل وكمتطوع فهو رئيس منظمة جاليات القرن الأفريقي ( كتبت عن ذلك في المواقع الاريترية ). تحدثنا في عدة مواضيع وأحداث الماضي والحاضر والمستقبل، وبصفة خاصة تناولنا الحركة الطلابية في الداخل والخارج. ذكرت لعمر جابر بأنني سأكتب جزءً من حديثنا للقراء وهو ـ كصحفي محترف ـ وافق علي ذلك، وتواصل الحديث مصحوباً بنكهة قدرته اللغوية ( عربي ـ انكليزي ـ تقري ـ تقرينية ). كما يذكر القراء، فإن عمر جابر كان مساهماً دائماً في المواقع الألكترونية باللغتين العربية والانكليزية ـ موقفه اليوم من النظام في "أسمرا" ـ آرائه في الديمقراطية ـ الوحدة الوطنية ـ المصالحة والمتطلبات الأساسية للتعايش والاستقرار في ارتريا المستقبل، معروفة لعدد كبير من الاريتريين. لذا فإنني لن أثقل علي القراء بتكرارها وبدلاً عن ذلك سأركز علي أحداث تأريخية معينة ودروس التجارب الماضية، ولكن أولاً نبذة عن الرجل. عمر جابر : تأريخ موجز ولد عام 1945 في "علي قدر" بالقرب من "تسني" حيث درس المرحلتين الابتدائية والمتوسطة، واصل دراسته الثانوية في "بورتسودان" مكملاً المرحلة الثانوية عام 1962 ثم درس سنة واحدة في جامعة الخرطوم، وغادر الي بغداد ـ العراق. كان من المساهمين الأساسيين في بناء الحركة الطلابية في الشرق الأوسط، وكان من كوادر جبهة التحرير الأساسيين في المجالات الطلابية والشباب والاعلام والدبلوماسية. في عام 1982وقف الي جانب الجناح الذي قام بإنقلاب (بالنسبة لآخرين : إنتفاضة) في داخل التنظيم. في عام 1991 ـ بعد التحرير ـ أتخذ قراراً آخر ـ مثار جدل ـ بذهابه الي اريتريا بينما كانت تحت سيطرة النظام الانعزالي والذي منع كل المناضلين الذين ساهموا في النضال. سؤال : عمر ـ افترض أنك بدأت السياسة مبكراً في حياتك ـ متي كان ذلك وماذا تذكر من أحداث بعينها؟ جواب : بدأت الانخراط في العمل السياسي قبل العشرين ـ في الحقيقة ولدت في "السياسة"، أسرتي ومجتمع "علي قدر" الصغير كان بصفة عامة من الخلايا الثورية للكتلة الاستقلالية، وبعد ذلك "حركة تحرير اريتريا" وأخيراً "جبهة التحرير الاريترية". كنت عضواً في "الحركة" 1959 ـ 1960 في "بورتسودان" حيث نشأت الحركة. ثم ألتحقت بجبهة التحرير عندما أصبحت أكثر عملية. في سن العشرين أصبحت عضواً في "القيادة الثورية" للجبهة في "كسلا". كنت أحد الذين قاموا بتنظيم "الرحلة المميتة" الي أسمرا لزملائك في الدراسة "سيوم عقباميكئيل" و "ولدداويت تمسقن" في أغسطس عام 1965. تم تكليفهما ببناء خلايا لجبهة التحرير في العاصمة "أسمرا" ولكن لسوء الحظ فقد خانهما "ملوقيتا جرجيس" الذي سلم نفسه للسلطات الإثيوبية، وكان عضواً في القيادة الثورية في كسلا. غادرت بعدها الي العراق لمواصلة الدراسة. سؤال : نعرف دورك في تأسيس "الاتحاد العام لطلبة ارتريا" ـ من كان معك في القيادة؟ جواب : من العراق كان : عثمان حمد محمد علي إدريس محمد شيخ عبد الجليل حسن دبساي من القاهرة : عبد الله عمر ناصر سراج موسي عبده عمر محمد سليمان من أروبا : بشير سعيد ولدو كحساي إدريس نور حسين سؤال : ماهو الدور الذي قام به الاتحاد الطلابي في النضال الوطني؟ جواب : أصبح الاتحاد عضواً في الاتحاد الطلابي العالمي وكان رسولاً للقضية الاريتري لدي المنظمات العالمية. الخدمة الوطنية ـ قضاء عام في الميدان خلال الدراسة، حمل الطلاب العلم والمعرفة لتقديمها الي شعبهم، كذلك أستفادوا من معايشتهم في الريف مع الشعب بإكتساب معرفة وتجربة ـ بذلك المشروع تم تغذية الثورة بدماء جديدة ـ أستمر ذلك البرنامج حتي عام 1977. سؤال : وبالطبع فإن للإتحاد شهداء؟ جواب : نعم كان أول شهيد أخي الأكبر دكتور يحي جابر والذي أستشهد في31/7/1971 وقد أصبح ذلك اليوم هو يوم ذكري شهداء الحركة الطلابية الاريترية. شهداء آخرون : فصوم قبرسلاسي ـ عثمان همد (العراق) ـ أرقاي هبتو (من أروبا) وعبد القادر إدريس (جامعة الخرطوم). سؤال : هل كانت الأنظمة العربية تتدخل في الشئون الداخلية للإتحاد؟ جواب : هناك العديد من مواقف التدخل. منعت لمدة عامين من دخول القاهرة بسبب إتهامي بالبعثية! ـ الاتحاد الآخر (القاهرة) كان يحاول عرقلة مسيرتنا، وكذلك تنظيم الطلاب البعثين. سؤال : هل تذكر أحداث بعينها في تلك المرحلة؟ جواب : نعم ـ بعضها يصدم النفس ـ حادثة واحدة كانت محرجة ومخجلة ـ في مؤتمر الطلاب الاريتريين في أروبا والذي أنعقد في "ميونيخ" ـ ألمانيا" عام 1970 كنت في زيارة وشاركت في المؤتمر كمراقب ـ أذكر تماماً الجو المسموم الذي كان في المؤتمر، حيث تم الإستماع الي كلمة مسجلة لولدآب ولدماريام يهاجم فيها القيادة العامة لجبهة التحرير. تحدثت باللغة الإنكليزية حيث أن الحديث بالعربية كان ممنوعاً. إدريس بادمي (السويد) وقد كان عضواً بالمؤتمر طلب الحديث بالعربية ولكنه منع، وأخبرهم بأن لغة الأم لديه لا أحد يفهمها من الحضور (كوناما) ولكن المؤتمر رفض ـ وأنسحب "بادمي" من المؤتمر. حادث آخر غير معقول في ذلك المؤتمر كان "التهديد بالقتل"!؟. بعض أعضاء المؤتمر أظهروا نوايا لقتل "بيطروس كداني" واللغة التي أستخدمت ضده تقول : "أنت من حلحل ـ جزء من القيادة العامة ـ قتلتم كداني كفلو ـ ولداي كداني في كسلا سنقتلك اليوم إنتقاماً ولن تكون هناك رحمة". وقد شعرنا بالخوف علي الرجل، فقام أصدقاؤه بتهريبه الي ألمانيا الشرقية ليلاً، أعتقد أنهم كانوا يبيتون له شراً، أعضاء آخرون مثل فصوم ـ أرقاي ـ دكتور هبتي ـ أمباي ـ وجهت لهم تهم العمالة للقيادة العامة! حروي تدلا بايرو كان ضمن المشاركين في ذلك المؤتمر والذي عكس انخفاض الوعي الوطني لدي بعض الاريتريين قبل ثلاثين عاماً، ولكن بصراحة فإن بعض المشاركين كان بمقدورهم القيام بدور أفضل. تلك القوي المعارضة عقدت مؤتمرها الثاني في عام 1971 (نورمبرج ـ ألمانيا) وأيدت إنفصال قوات التحرير الشعبية عن الجبهة. سؤال : ماذا عن اليسار في الحركة الطلابية ـ ألم تكن جزءً من الحركة اليسارية؟ جواب : بالطبع كنا جزءًا من شعارات تلك الأيام، بعضنا كان ضمن حزب العمل الذي أصبحت له اليد العليا بعد المؤتمر الوطني الأول لجبهة التحرير. إنني مقتنع بأن حزب العمل قد أنجز أشياء كثيرة (البرنامج الوطني ـ إنعقاد المؤتمر في حد ذاته) ولكن بعد أن تمت السيطرة له بدأ الصراع داخل الحزب والجبهة بين أبراهيم توتيل وعبدالله إدريس، وكانت النتيجة كارثة علي التنظيم كله. الزين يسين والذي كان سكرتيراً عاماً للحزب تم استبداله بسبب ذلك الصراع. ذلك الصراع أدي في نهاية الأمر الي إضعاف الجبهة بل والي نهايتها. سؤال : شكراً علي كل ماذكرت ـ دعني الآن أتناول موضوع كان وما يزال موضع جدل بين مناضلي الجبهة وهو ماحدث عام 1982، أقصد الإنقلاب الذي حدث داخل الجبهة وكنت أنت من مؤيديه ـ ثم عودتك الي ارتريا ـ ماهو تعليقك علي ذلك؟ جواب : أولاً حول ماحدث في "راساي" هل كان إنقلاباً؟ أقول : نعم. في الحقيقة أنا كتبت هذا الرأي في مجلة الجبهة ـ الثورة ـ مباشرةً بعد الحدث. ولكن السؤال : هل كان الإنقلاب ضد قيادة منتخبة ديمقراطياً؟ كان ردي وما يزال : لا. والسبب ـ الأسباب ـ كما يلي :ـ 1ـ كان الانقلاب هو الوسيلة الأخيرة لإنقاذ التنظيم بعد سلسلة أخطاء تراكمت وممارسات قيادية قادت التنظيم الي حتفه. 2ـ اللجنة التنفيذية لجبهة التحرير التي تم إنتخابها عام 1975 أصبحت سلطة مطلقة، وعملت علي تجميد دور وصلاحية المجلس الثوري ومؤسسات أخري في التنظيم، ورفضت اللجنة التنفيذية عقد المجلس الثوري لمدة ثلاثة أعوام ـ سيطرت علي المنظمات الجماهيرية وأفقدتها القدرة علي الحركة ـ أنشأت إتحادها الطلابي الخاص وأهملت مذكرة المنظمات الجماهيرية التي تضمنت نقداً للأوضاع بصفة عامة. ثم جاءت الكارثة ـ هجوم الشعبية ووياني تقراي ودخل التنظيم الي السودان. القيادة منقسمة والكادر يطالب بالتغيير ولكن كيف؟ بعض الكوادر والقيادات كانوا يطالبون بعقد مؤتمر عسكري طارئ والذي لاتشارك فيه قواعد الجبهة في السودان والشرق الأوسط، الضربة القاضية كانت بعد تدخل السودان ومصادرة الأسلحة والتهديد بنقل المقاتلين الي معسكرات اللاجئين. لقد أنكسرت الزجاجة وما تبقي من أجزاء كان يذكر بمأساة الجبهة التي لم تتعرض لهجوم الشعبية والسودان فحسب بل ولخيانة قيادتها! أنا لا أقول بأن 25 مارس كانت خطوة لإنقاذ كل التنظيم ولكنها كانت مبادرة من قبل قسم من أجزاء تلك الزجاجة المكسورة. سؤال : هل تندم علي ذهابك إلي ارتريا؟ جواب : لا أندم أبداً ـ والأسباب :ـ 1ـ أنا مواطن ارتري وأن أذهب الي وطني فذلك أمر طبيعي. 2ـ ذهبت وأنا أحمل رؤية ـ مبادئ وقيم وعدت دون أن أفقد أي منهم. 3ـ أكتسبت تجربة جديدة ـ عرفت حقائق جديدة وأدلة ملموسة علي صحة الفكرة التي كنت أحملها عن الجبهة الشعبية. 4ـ لم أذهب لخدمة النظام ولكن للعيش كمواطن عادي، إن حلمي الحقيقي كان أن أعيش في قريتي وأعمل في مزرعة العائلة أو أن تكون لي مكتبة للجيل الجديد. سؤال : دعنا الآن نستكشف المستقبل حول إمكانية ظهور تنظيم في أرتريا بعد سقوط النظام والذي يمكن أن يعطي أرتريا سلاماً وإستقراراً، ما هي القوي التي يمكن أن تساهم في ذلك؟ جواب : منظمات المعارضة الحالية يمكن أن تساهم في تشكيل مثل ذلك التنظيم، كذلك ما سيتبقي من الحزب الحاكم أو ما ينشطر عنه يمكن أن يكون جزءً من ذلك التشكيل. إن التطور المستقبلي والتفاعل بين مختلف القوي سيحدد شكل ومحتوي مثل ذلك التنظيم (الحزب). ملاحظة أخيرة في اللقاء الأخير مع عمر أتفقنا علي تسجيل تأريخ الحركة الطلابية في الداخل والخارج. ملاحظة من المترجم لقد بدأ الاستاذ/ عمر جابر عمرـ فعلاً ـ بكتابة تأريخ الحركة الطلابية الاريترية ودورها في النضال الاريتري تحت سلسلة "الحركة الطلابية الاريترية : المسيرة والمسار" وقد ذكر بعض المعلومات الواردة هنا في تلك السلسلة، والأجزاء الأخري التي ستنشر تباعاً يعتقد أنها ستحمل معلومات أخري، نرجو متابعة ذلك مع زملاءنا في موقعي "النهضة" و"فرجت" الوطنيين. (المترجم
It was a few hours after my arrival in Sweden for a memorial service of another dear old friend that I learned the unexpected martyrdom of Comrade-in-Long-Stretched-Struggle Omar Jaber in the late evening of 19 December 2014. I have all the inconveniences with internet connection and time that one can encounter while on travel, and I will not be able to write a deserved obituary to this brilliant example of Eritrea’s memorable generation that is now in the process of passing away without fulfilling its noble mission. Instead, I am sending for reposting my article about Omar that appeared in the internet a little over nine years ago following a visit to Australia with another heroic freedom fighter, Seyoum Ogbamichael, who was martyred nine years ago this 17 December.
Deep sympathies and condolences to his widow, Dr. Melika Yassin Sheikh-a-Din, his children with the rest of the family and friends in struggle. May his soul rest in peace.
A Memorable Conversation with Omar Jabir In Melbourne
By Woldeyesus Ammar (August 4, 2005)
To my viewpoint, Omar Jabir Omar, a veteran ELF freedom fighter now in Australia, represents, in one go, a combination of many things in a contemporary Eritrean in exile - contemporary here mainly meaning the generations that bore the brunt of national awakening and struggle for Eritrea’s national independence.
First: Omar Jabir is a good representative of the passionately nationalist Eritrean youth of the 1960s and the 1970s who studied in the Middle East and played a vital role in building the Eritrean national liberation struggle – but, alas, only to be betrayed wholesale in liberated Eritrea.
Second: He suitably symbolizes Eritrea’s leftist revolutionary generation that worked under nascent (now defunct) Eritrean parties of the left: LP or the Labour Party within the ELF, and EPRP or the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party within the EPLF.
Third: Omar Jabir is a good example of independent Eritrea’s self-inflicted brain drain that unfolded as a result of a well designed social engineering of Isayas Afeworki’s exclusionist and evil policies commencing with his “Hashewiye Wudibat” of 20 June 1991 that eventually succeeded to keep at bay literally all of Eritrea’s intellectuals, especially those with advanced knowledge of and qualifications in the Arabic language.
Fourth: He symbolizes the failure of PFDJ’s Eritrea to reconcile even with those who were willing to go an extra mile to make reconciliation happen after 1991. (The listing of such symbolisms of Omar and his generation with the situation of contemporary Eritrea would prove endless.)
During June 2005, I had the opportunity of meeting several times with Omar Jabir in Melbourne where he took residence with his family since 1995. He works for an employment agency while providing voluntary services as president of the 30,000-strong Horn of Africa Community in Australia (refer to a previous article in Nharnet, Awna, Alnahda and Farajat about ‘Eritreans in Faraway Australia’.)
In our chitchats, Omar and I talked on a variety of topics and events of the past, the present and the future. In particular, we enjoyed our exchange of ‘ancient’ notes about Eritrean student militancy inside and outside the homeland. I noted to Omar that I may write down for the benefit of other readers some specified parts of our talk. And he, a trained journalist himself, had no objection to whatever I wished to select for writing and posting in Eritrean websites from the conversation that went on and on - well spiced by his command of linguistic nuances in Arabic, English, Tigre and Tigrinia.
As many readers may recall, Omar Jabir has been a constant contributor of articles in Arabic and English to the Eritrean websites. His present-day stance regarding the regime in Asmara, his ideas on democratisation, national unity, reconciliation, and the basic requirements for coexistence and stable future in Eritrea are well known to many people. Therefore, I will not bore readers by trying to repeat them here. Instead, I will concentrate on a few historical events and experiences, some of them told in the form of anecdotes. But, first a few notes about the man.
Omar Jabir: A short profile
Born in 1945 in Ali Ghidir near Tessenei where he completed his elementary and middle school grades, Omar Jabir pursued his secondary school classes in a boarding school in Port Sudan, and one year in Khartoum. He completed grade 12 by 1962. During the later part of 1960s and early 1970s, he was a university student in Baghdad but could not obtain all of his medical credentials mainly because of his decision not to become a member of the Ba’ath Party in Iraq. As indicated below, he was one of the key players in the student movement in the Middle East. In later years, he served as a senior cadre of the ELF during the entire 1970s in the fields of student and youth affairs, information and diplomacy. In 1982, he supported the ELF faction that staged a coup d’etat (for others known as “an uprising”) within the organization. After liberation in 1991, he took another controversial decision by going back to Eritrea while it was under an exclusionist regime that banned all patriotic forces that took part in the liberation struggle.
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Interview with Omar Jabir
Question: Omar, I assume you started politics early in your life. When was that and what particular events do you still remember?
Answer: I started involvement in politics from my early teenage years. In fact I was born in politics. My family and the small Ali Ghidir community in general were among the strong cells of the Independence Bloc and later on of the Eritrean Liberation Movement (Haraka/ELM) and the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). I was with the Haraka cells by 1959-60 in Port Sudan where the movement was founded. I then switched to the ELF when it became operational. At the age of 20, I already was a member of the Revolutionary Command in Kassala when it was formed and took charge of security matters. In fact I was one of the ELF people in Kassala who arranged the fateful trip to Asmara for your classmates Seyoum Ogbamichael and Woldedawit Temesghen in August 1965. They were assigned to re-organize ELF cells in the Eritrean capital but, unfortunately, they were betrayed by Mulugeta Gherghis, one of us in Kassala who deserted soon after their departure and had them apprehended by the Ethiopian authorities. By the end of that year [1965], I went to Baghdad for higher studies. I was there throughout the latter part of the 1960s and early 1970s as a student leader.
Question: We know that the student union in Baghdad that you chaired was instrumental in the formation in December 1968 of the General Union of Eritrean Students (GUES). Who else was with you in the leadership of GUES in the Middle East?
Answer: The student union in Baghdad was among the most dynamic groups in the Middle East. Among my colleagues in the leadership of the student movement from Baghdad Osman Humed, Mohammed Ali Idris, Mohammed Sheikh Abdu Jelil and Hassan Debesai. Union leaders from Cairo were Abdalla Omar Nasser, Siraj Mussa Abdu, Omar M. Suleiman and others. From Europe were Beshir Saeed, Woldu Kahsai, Idris Nur Hussein and others. It was with the student unions in Damascus, Cairo and in Europe that we formed the GUES.
Question: What roles did GUES play in the nationalist struggle?
Answer: GUES became a full-fledged member of the International Union of Students (IUS) in Prague and helped introduce the Eritrean cause to international organizations of the day. That was a very important achievement. The other role effectively played by us in GUES was the national service. We all were committed to spend one year serving in the field with the ELF before completing our studies. Besides learning more for themselves, the young service students carried with them knowledge, enlightenment and many modern ideas to the fighters and to the rural people inside Eritrea. It was through that well thought national service that more and more new blood was injected in the liberation struggle. GUES’s national service programme was continued till 1977.
Question: AndnaturallyGUES had its share of student martyrs.
Answer: Yes, the first GUES martyr was my elder brother Yahya Jabir, a medical student from Europe who was martyred on 31 August 1973. That date was being annually marked as the Eritrean Student Martyrs’ Day by GUES. Other students from Europe who were martyred while on service included Fitsum Ghebreselassie, Aregai Habtu, and Abdulgader Idris from Khartoum University.
Question: Did the Arab regimes of the day create interferences in Eritrean student affairs during those years?
Answer: There were many interferences. For example, I was barred for two years from entering Cairo by the authorities who listened to framed up ELF-PLF allegations against the mainstream GUES of the ELF (Revolutionary Council). The ELF-PLF headed by Osman Saleh Sabbe created their own GUES and gave us hard time although their union did not have any international dimension or weight. In later years, the Baathists also formed their own Eritrean student union in Baghdad and planted many hurdles against our organization.
Question: Can you recall any memorable event(s) that you experienced during those student days?
Answer: Oh! yes, many interesting happenings, some of them shocking. One experience was an extremely embarrassing and shameful Munich meeting of Eritrean students and workers in Europe in the summer of 1970. I was on a visit to Germany that time and attended the meeting as observer. I vividly remember the poisoned atmosphere at the meeting in which a recorded speech of Woldeab Woldemariam was played. In it, Woldeab spoke against the General Command of the ELF (Kiyada Ama). I was forced to present my speech in English because Arabic as language was banned at the meeting. Idris Badume [presently residing in Sweden] begged to speak in Arabic because his mother tongue, Kunama, had no single listener at the meeting and that he did not have strong command of any other language except Arabic. The majority of the meeting participants said no Arabic should be allowed at the meeting. He thus chose to walkout of the meeting.
Another more embarrassing and quite incredible incident at the same Munich meeting was the threat to kill. Some meeting participants looked decided to kill Petros Kidane of Halhal!! The blunt language used was, “You are from Halhal who are with Kiyada Ama. Your people killed Kidane Kiflu and Woldai Ghidey in Kassala. We will kill you today, and there will not be any mercy!” We were afraid that he was in danger; his friends helped him escape back to Berlin within hours of the threat. I believed that they meant to kill him. It was shameful. GUES members like Fitsum Ghebreselassie, who was chairing the meeting, Aregai Habtu, Habte Tesfamariam, Embaye ..... and a few others were insulted and attacked for being “stooges of Kiyada Ama”. Herui Tedla Bairu also attended the Munich meeting that can still be a measure of show how low national awareness was among many Eritreans 30+ years ago. But frankly speaking some of the participants could have done better than what they actually did at that meeting of shame in Munich .The anti-ELF elements held their second meeting in Nuremberg in August 1971 and supported the split of PLF from the ELF.
Question: And what about left politics of students of that age? Weren’t you part of the leftist movement?
Answer: Of course we were espousing leftist slogans of the day. Many of us were co-opted into the Labour Party of the ELF. The LP gradually took upper hand in Kiyada Ama and it was the party that organized the First ELF Congress in 1971 and formulated a national democratic programme. It is my conviction that everything good that had been done in the ELF was done by the LP. In its initial stage, the LP recruited and trained the best cadres for the liberation struggle. However, problems were created later on when the ELF leadership took power both in the front and in the party; power struggle between two ambitious politicians, Ibrahim Toteel and Abdalla Idris, flared up. This was disastrous. Azien Yassin, who was the LP Secretary General in 1976 was replaced because of the power struggle in the front and this power struggle finally weakened the ELF and contributed to its demise as a military force.
Question: Many thanks, Omar, for your comments about the roles of GUES and LP in the growth of the ELF. Let me now ask you about two issues that pop up in discussions among old ELF comrades. These concern what we call the coup d’etat within the ELF in 1982 that you supported and then your return to Eritrea after liberation. What are your comments?
Answer: First about the event at Rasai. Was that event in 1982 a coup d’etat? I say ‘YES’, it was a coup d’etat. In fact, I wrote this opinion in the ELF’ magazine, ‘The Revolution’,immediately after that event took place. But was that coup d’etat anti-democratic and was it conducted against a democratically elected leadership? My response was and is ‘NO’ for the following contextual reasons that connect it with the facts on the ground at that period. In fact the coup d’etat was the last resort taken to curb a series of wrongdoings and accumulation of leadership errors that gradually suffocated the organization to its deathbed. The Executive Committee (EC) that was elected after the 1975 Second Congress of the ELF became an absolutely autocratic power that froze the roles of other institutions and bodies in the organization. This particular EC refused [for three years] the holding of regular meetings of the Revolutionary Council. The EC controlled the mass organizations; created its own GUES and ignored the joint historic memorandum of mass organizations that told everything. Then came the collapse [in the hands of the EPLF/TPLF armies] and we crossed the border to the Sudan – leadership divided and cadres pushing for change in the EC. But how? Leading cadres were advocating the holding of an emergency military conference that would exclude civilians and ELF branches in the Middle East. The final blow was the Sudanese action of confiscation of arms and then the threat of taking everybody from Tahdai and Korokon to refugee camps. The bottle was already broken – pieces left were just remainders of a legendary ELF that was targeted not only by EPLF and the Sudan but also betrayed by its leadership. I am not saying that the 25 March [1982 event] was a saving step for the whole organization but it was an initiative by one of those scattered pieces.
Question: And the second issue - do you regret having returned to Eritrea after 1991?
Answer: I never regret having gone to Asmara [after liberation]. To start with, I am an Eritrean citizen and going back home is a natural step. Secondly, I went with a vision, principles and values and came back with them all without any change! Thirdly, I learned new experience, new facts and tangible evidences about the theoretical concept I used to have about EPLF. The fourth reason that I do not regret having gone to Asmara is that I did not go to serve the regime but I went with the idea of living as an ordinary Eritrean. My real dream was to settle in my village of origin and work in the family farm or to have a library for the new generation.
Question: Now, let us envision about a future viable governing party in Eritrea in the post-PFDJ period that can give Eritrea last peace and stability. What forces can realize this hope?
Answer: I can say that the present opposition groups can play a role in shaping such a party. In addition, the outcome of the governing party (PFDJ) after the expected change will tell what sort of a political formula we might have for Eritrea. To sum, future developments and interaction between different forces will decide the shape and content of such a party.
Thanks a lot.
End
(PS: At the last meeting with Omar, we encouraged each other to put in record the activities of the Eritrean student movement: he for what took place in the Middle East and I for what was done inside Eritrea. Each one of us said he would try.)
