Friday, 30 January 2015 23:01 Written by  Martin Plaut 

This is a summary of an important debate in the House of Lords last night, which was held at a critical moment. Critical for three reasons:

  1. The scale of the suffering by the tens of thousands fleeing Eritrea demands action: they cannot be treated as “economic migrants.”
  2. The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea, Ms. Sheila B. Keetharuth, is about to visit the UK to collect evidence.
  3. Ethiopia is due to hold an election in May and international scrutiny of this is vital.

The full version of the debate can befound here.

What was impressive was that many of the speakers could draw on personal experience of both countries: Baroness Kinnock (Glenys Kinnock) recalled her visit to Eritrea, as did Lord Dubs (Alf Dubs) and Lord Avebury. Lord Rea remembered meeting Petros Solomon (one of those who has been jailed by the Eritrean government for the last 13 years). They also drew on their experiences during the debate.

Two flaws

Overall this was an important and well-informed debate. But there were two flaws.

Firstly, the government was not prepared to be frank about how the Khartoum Process would work. No details were really given of what it would mean or how British policy would change as a result of it.

Secondly, it is clear that if the Eritrean regime really reduces its conscription to 18 months, then far fewer Eritreans are likely to  be given refugee status in the UK. It is because of the fear of returning to Eritrean after Eritreans have fled from conscription that has been the reason most refugee cases have been accepted. As the minister said: “That is why some of the figures of asylum grants by us to Eritreans look so high, because clearly there has been concern about them returning to that country given their reasons for leaving.”

Martin

Ethiopia

Most attention was paid to Eritrea, but there were important points made about Ethiopia, which I will deal with first.

  1. Baroness Kinnock (Glenys Kinnock – Labour and former development minister) criticised both regimes. “Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have a Marxist-Leninist heritage. Ethiopia is still effectively controlled by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, through a system of ethnic federalism. Although there has been some improvement we have to ask how it can be that, at the 2010 election, the EPRDF won 90% of the vote.”
  2. Lord Dubs (Labour) raised the question of freedom of speech in Ethiopia, in the context of the coming election. “Human Rights Watch said last week that 22 journalists, bloggers and publishers were charged with criminal offences in the past year, Six independent publications were intimidated and closed, with dozens of staff forced into exile. Three owners of publications also fled abroad to escape false charges that led to sentences of three years in prison in absentia. Six members of Zone 9, a bloggers’ collective, were charged under the counterterrorism laws and have been in custody for 274 days, sending a chilling message to online activists. Can the Government not make representations to Prime Minister Desalegn to relax the stringent controls on freedom of expression so that Ethiopians can have a genuine election in May?”
  3. Lord Avebury (Liberal Democrat) also called on Ethiopia to resolve its border dispute with Eritrea, and to abide by the Algiers Agreement by accepting the Border Commission’s findings. “Both countries had agreed to accept the commission’s decision as final, but when the details were published in April 2002, Ethiopia found one excuse after another to dispute the findings… The Ethiopians unlawfully occupied territory all along the border that should have been demilitarised under the settlement, and Eritrea has been forced to maintain large armed forces as a precaution against further military attacks by its bullying neighbour.”

Eritrea

The criticism of Eritrea during the debate was even stronger than of Ethiopia.

  1. Baroness Morgan (Labour spokeswoman in the House of Lords on Foreign Affairs) made this important point: “What is driving this mass exodus, which includes not just women and children but thousands of unaccompanied minors? The simple answer is that neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea is a functioning democracy. Although both Ethiopia and Eritrea are suffering real problems, there is more scope to influence activities in Ethiopia. In the past, there seems to have been a modicum of free speech and a free press in Ethiopia, although the Government’s intolerance of dissent seems to be increasing significantly in the face of general elections in May. There have been large-scale arrests of protesters and a crackdown on opposition opponents. This is particularly true in the Oromo region, where at least 5,000 people have been arrested as a result of their opposition to the ruling party. But if we think that the situation is bad in Ethiopia, it is truly catastrophic in Eritrea, where all freedoms were suppressed in September 2001. There is no religious freedom, as the right reverend Prelate underlined, no political pluralism, and no independent press in the nation. The forced and interminable military service to fight the unending border war with the neighbours in Ethiopia is clearly a real problem that is driving people from the country.”
  2. Baroness Kinnock described Eritrea in these terms: “The cruelty, tyranny and oppression of Isaias Afewerki and his regime know no bounds. Eritrea is isolated politically, regionally and internationally and it is under UN sanctions because of its alleged support for al-Shabaab in Somalia. The country is often described as Africa’s North Korea. All rights and freedoms are denied. There is no religious freedom or political pluralism, and no freedom of the media or of speech.”
  3. Baroness Kinnock went on to ask what the aim of the British government was in visiting Asmara and follow an apparent willingness from the European Union to have a “new beginning with Eritrea”. “ Does the Minister agree with the suggestion made by some European Governments that it is necessary now to offer additional support and engagement to Eritrea, arguing that additional aid will lead to more openness and to change? Surely there can be no “new beginning”, as has been suggested, with this regime. As history proves, concessions to regimes such as Eritrea will achieve absolutely nothing. I ask the Minister to give some detail on the apparent willingness of the UK to have discussions with the Eritrean regime on, “drivers of irregular migration and ways to mitigate it, asylum and returns, and potential areas for joint co-operation”. [Official Report, 6/1/15; col. WA 136.] What exactly does that mean? Will the UK delay any response on refugee policy until the UN commission of inquiry issues its report on the subject? European Governments should not make major Eritrean policy changes until they see the inquiry findings. Let us see if Eritrea is prepared to co-operate with the UN commission of inquiry before taking any hasty decisions. Now there are signs of unbelievable courage and determination in Eritrea on challenging Isaias Afewerki. The people are aware of the dangers of open protest, but we have to ask just how long they—and he—can hold on. We must urge the EU and others to make sure that the UN commission is given clear and urgent access. Isaias Afewerki’s agreement to co-operate would be the first test of whether he is ready to accept change. Whatever happens, if there is negotiation, the European Union and member states must not make quick concessions but use any momentum to ensure that there can be—and will be—fundamental change. The release of Dawit Isaak would be a welcome and symbolic victory.”
  4. Baroness Kinnock made the point that most Eritreans arriving in Europe should be considered as refugees, not ‘economic migrants’. “My final point relates to what are routinely called “irregular migrants”. These people arrive in Calais having endured a terrifying journey and are then treated as if they are economic migrants. This is clearly not what persuades them that they must leave Eritrea. Many other African countries are just as poor as Eritrea, but their citizens do not come to Europe in their thousands, as they do from Eritrea now. Will the UK argue for their right to stay and ensure that they are treated as refugees?”

Government policy

Replying to the debate for the government minister, Baroness Anelay (Conservative) accepted some of the points raised, but was naturally more cautious in what she had to say.

  1. UN Eritrea Monitoring Group: “I understand that Eritrea denies any support for al-Shabaab but continues to refuse entry to the monitoring group. We urge it to co-operate fully with the group’s work. I am entirely at one with the noble Lord in this matter.”
  2. EU-African Union Khartoum process, designed to tackle people smuggling and human trafficking. “We welcome the fact that both Ethiopia and Eritrea have expressed commitment to the Khartoum process. It provides the best framework to drive this issue forward. Noble Lords have drawn attention to the tension between Ethiopia and Eritrea. I would say to them that if they are taking the Khartoum process seriously, they have to take negotiation on the basis of solving the differences between them seriously too. As a member of the core group of EU and AU member states steering the development of how we take this process forward, we as a country are keen to ensure that we maintain momentum and that the process leads quickly to concrete projects that combat the smuggling and trafficking.”
  3. Eritrean conscription: “Having left and broken the rules on conscription, people are—I cannot think of the right word—terrified to return. That is why some of the figures of asylum grants by us to Eritreans look so high, because clearly there has been concern about them returning to that country given their reasons for leaving.”
  4. The UK official’s visit to Eritrea in December 2014: “They looked at the drivers of migration and particularly discussed the matter of extended military service. I can say to my noble friend Lord Chidgey that this was a useful starting point for further co-operation. A similar visit to Ethiopia is planned for the near future. With regard the visit to Eritrea, the Eritrean Government representatives assured the officials from the FCO that military service will be strictly limited to 18 months and, indeed, I have been briefed by those officials today. The undertaking has been given. It is matter now of making sure that that is put into practice.”
  5. The Algiers Agreement:Pushed by Lord Avebury, the minister said: “My Lords, international agreements, once entered into, should be adhered to”
  6. Human Rights:There are human rights abuses across the board. The right reverend Prelate raised the issue of religious freedom. We will continue to look very carefully at the matters he raised because, clearly, those are abuses that have occurred and, as he rightly says, particularly against groups that are not registered under the Eritrean system. There was a reference to the detention of political prisoners and journalists. We certainly try to establish the facts. There are still journalists in detention despite reports that six have been released. There was a reference to the Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak, who is still under arrest. With regard to all these matters, we do not give up. Just because it is difficult, we do not give up in pursuing our relationship with these two countries. Walking away would leave those who are the victims of persecution and misbehaviour by Governments in a more perilous position than they currently face. The commitment of this Government is that this is a challenge that requires a global, long-term response to a difficult problem. We will all keep trying to ensure that, as an international community, we do our best to tackle it for the sake of those behind the traffickers and behind Governments who do not have good governance.

 Source=https://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2015/01/28/important-eritrea-ethiopia-debate-in-the-british-parliament/

Saturday, 31 January 2015 18:01

Eritrean Tv Demtsi Hezbi 1 February 2015

epdp logo 2ጽማቕ ናይ ዕለት 24-01-015 ብዶር. ኣደነ ገብረመስቀል ዝተካየደ መደረ ኣብ ፓል ሓርነት፡-

ሓው ኣዳነ ኣብቲ ብዛዕብኡ ክምድር ተዳልዩሉ ዝነበረ ኣርእስቲ ማለት ‘’ ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ኣብ ኤርትራ ‘’ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ቅድሚ ምእታዉ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ብሓው ተስፍኣለም ተዋሂቡ ዝነበረ መግለጺ ብዛዕባ እንታይ ማለት ኢዩ ዲሞክራስን? ኣየኖት ኢዮምከ ዓንድታት ዲሞክራሲን? ብሰፊሑ ከምዝተገልጸን ኣብዚ ገዛ ከኣ እኹል ምይይጥ ስለዝተገብረሉ እዚ ዓይነት ልዝባት ክቕጽልን ምሉእ ኣፍልጦ ንኽህልወና ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ እዋናት ነዛ እንደልያ ዲሞክራሲያዊት ሃገርን ድልዱል ሓድነት ህዝቢ ክህልዋ ዝግባእን፣ ልኡላውነታ ዘረጋገጸት ክትክውን ብፍላይ ከኣ ቅዋምን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ዝነገሳ ንምግባር ፍልጠትና ክዓብን ቅሩባት ክንከውን ምይይጥና ቀጻሊ ክኸውን ኢዩ።

ከምቲ ኣቐዲመ ዝሓበርክዎ ሓው ተስፋኣለም ክገልጽ ከሎ እንታይ ማለት ኢዩ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ንዝብል ከም ቃል ካብ ግሪኽ ዝመንጨወ ኮይኑ፡ ዲሞክራሲ ማለት ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ኢዩ። ነዚ ናይ ህዝቢ ስልጣን ንምርቃቕን ብግቡእ ክመሓደር ምእንቲ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ወይ ሕገ መንግስቲ ይሃንጽ። HANS KELSEEN ንሕጋውነት ክገልጻ ከሎ ከምዚ ይብል’’ እቲ ናይ እወንታዊ ሕጊ ዝለዓለ ጽፍሒ ቅዋም ኢዩ። ሓፈሻዊ ሕግታት ንምጥርናፍን ስርዓቱ ንምምድብን ቀንዲ ሓላፍነቱ ኢዩ።ሓፈሻዊ ሕግታት ተኣኪቡ ሕጋገ ይበሃል። ሕግታት ክሕገግ ከሎ ትሕዝትኡ ዝምድብን ዘፍቅድን ዝእግድን ነገራት ዝውስንን ቅዋም ኢዩ ይብል።   እዚ ከም ስነ-ሓሳብ መሳርሒ ዜጋታት ካብ መግዛእታዊ ስነሓሳብ ናጻ ወጺኦም በብክእለቶምን ሓቢርካ ንኽትምዕብልን ፍልጠት ክትድልብን ቁጠባዊ መነባብሮኻ ክተመሓይሽን ማሕበራዊ ኣነባብራኻ ክተመዓራርይን ጥርኑፍን አርኑብን ምሐደራ ምእንቲ ክህልወካ ባዕልኻ ዘውጻእካዮ ሕግን ስርዓተ ምሕደራ ክህልውና እዚ እንገብሮ ዘለና ጻዕሪ ምይይጥን ሓቢርካ እትቃለሰሉ ባይታ ኣብ ምብቃዕ ምስክር ኢዩ። እዚ ከኣ ኩሉ ዜጋን ሓይልታትን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ምህናጽ ዝሰመረ ራኢን፡ ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን፡ መተካእታ ማሕበራዊ ቁጠባዊ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዕዞ ኤርትራ በቲ ዲሞክራሲያውን ምዕሩይ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ብዘተን ሓባራዊ ስርሓን እናኣማለአ ዕለት ዕለት ክእ ፍልጠቱ ንቕሓቱ ከማዕብል ከይተሓለለ ክጽዕር ይግባእ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ሓው ተስፋኣለም ነዚ ሎሚ ሕጽር ዝበለ መግለጺ መእተዊ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ነቲ ንክለተ መዓልቲ ዝወሰደ ሰሚናር መዘከርታ ክጠቕመና እውን ይኽእል።

እምበኣርከስ ካብ ዝሓለፈ ዝረአናዮ (CONSTITUTION) ቅዋም ማለት ሃገር ወይ ሕብረተሰብ ተኣርኒቡ ዝቐመሉ ኣገባብ የስምዕ። መብዛሕትኡ ቅዋማት (ሕገ-መንግስቲ) ካብ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ሕጊ ናይታ ሃገር ከም ዝኾነ ብግልጺ ወይ ብምእማት ይንገር። ግናኸ ልዕሊ ኩሉን ቅድሚ ኩሉን ኢዩ ምባል ጥራይ፡ እዚ ቅዱስ ሕገ-መንግስቲ እዚ ቅኑዕን ምስ ሕጊ ዝሰማማዕን ምኻኑ ዘረጋግጽ ዋሕስ ኣይክውንን ኢዩ። WALTER F. MURPHY ከም ዝበሎ’’ ሓደ ሃገር ነቲ ቅዋም ኢሉ ዝጽውዖ ኣብ ኩሉ ፖለቲካዊ ተበግሶ ዝለዓለ ኢዩ ከኣ ዝበሃል ጽሑፋት፡ ዝጽብጸብን እተጋነነን መደረ ካብ ምኻን ሓሊፉ ባዕሉ መረጋገጺ ኣይኮነን።’’ ስለዚ፡ ሓደ ቅዋም ኣብ ወረቐት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ተግባር እውን ስልጣን ኣለዎ ምእንቲ ክበህል ብጀካ ግኑን መድረ ናይ ሓቂ ስልጣን ክህልዎ ይግባእ። እዚ ክእ ሃገርን ህዝብን ትሓሪምዎን ትንፊግዎን ዘሎ ምኻኑ ናይ መታለሊን ኣደናጋርን ስርዓተ ኢሳያስ ዝገበሮ ብዘይ ሕፍረት ነቲ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ምትርጋም ኢና ዘለና ዝብልዎ ዝነበሩ ሎሚ ከይተወልደ ዝሞተ ክብል ዘስምዖ መደረ ናይ ኣደባባይ መካትዒ ኮይኑ እንሰምዖ ዘለና ኢዩ። ብመሰረቱ ቅዋም ኣይመውትን ኢዩ፡ ምስ ምዕባሌ ህዝብታቱ ክምሓየሽ ይኽእል ኢዩ። ግንከ ህዝቢ ፈጺሙ ስለዘይነድፍ ምስኡ እናወደቐን ተንሰኤን ዝጋዓዞ መስርሕ ኢዩ። ሰብ ከም ሰብ ሓላፊ ኢዩ። ሃገርን ደቂ- ሃገርን ግን ቀጸልቲ ኢዮም።

ኣብ ኣርእስትና ብምምላስ ሓድ ቅዋም ከም ዓንዲ ሕቐ ኮይኑ መሰረታዊ ስርዓታት ዝውሰኾ ቅርጺ ኢዩ ክበሃል ይከኣል። ቅዋም ሕጋዊ ወረቐት ወይ ሰነድ ኢዩ። ኣብ ልደት ሓንቲ ሃገር እተፈጥረ ቅዋም ዓወትን ሃረርታን ህዝቢ ኢዩ ዝገልጽ። ዝመጽእ ዝመናቱ ብሩህ ከምዝኸውን ድማ ይሕብር። እታ ሃገር ንሃረርታ ህዝቢ እንተጠለመት ግና ልክዕ ከምቲ ውልቀ መላኺ ዝገብሮ፣ ህዝቢ ነቲ ዝቖመ መንግስቲ ወይ ንስልጣን ሕግን ፍትሕን ከም ዝንዕቕ ዝገብሮ መንፈስ ክለዓል ይከኣል። እዚ እውን ህዝብና ዘርእዮ ዘሎ ባህርያት ኢዩ። ስለዚ ንሕና ክንገብሮ ዘለና ንህዝብና ሓያልን ፍልጠቱ ዘማዕበለን ካብ ቅዋም እተዋህቦ መሰላት ሓላዊ ንምግባር ኢዩ።

ልኡላውነት ቅዋም፡ ‘ልዕሊ ኩሉ ምኻን ወይ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ስልጣን፡ ልዑል ምልኪ ተባሂሉ ይትርጎም። ስለዚ ቅዋም ናይታ ሃገር ካብ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ሕጊ ምስ ዝኸውን ነቲ ዝተኽሎ ዓንዲ ዝኾነ ዝምድናታትን መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ባዕሉ ይሕልዎ። ኣብ ርእሲኡ ነቲ ሕጋዊ መእረምታ ዝገብር ስርዓት ብምቓም፡ ኣብያተ ፍርዲ፡ ብስልጣኑን፡ ንሕግታትን ንተግባር መንግስትን ‘ኣንጻር ቅዋም’ ኢለን ክብይና ከምዝኽእላ ምግባር ኢዩ።

ልዕልነት ቅዋም ኣብቲ ‘’ መንግስቲ ሕጊ (ግዝኣተ ሕጊ) ዝብል መትከል እተጠርነፈ ከም ዝኾነ ኣህጉራዊ ልምዲ ይሰርዕ ‘መንግስቲ ሕጊ ወይ ልዑላውነት ሕጊ ዝእዝዞ፣ ሕጋዊ ውሳኔታት፡ ኣብ ፍሉጥ መትከላትን ሕግታትን ብምጽጋዕ ከምኡ እውን ናጻ ርእይቶ ዝተሓወሶ ክኸውን ይግባእ። ፕሮፍሶር Moor ብዛዕብ ‘’መንግስቲ ሕጊ ’ ከምዚ ይብል፡- ቀንዲ ኣገዳሲ ትርጉሙ፣ መንግስቲ እቲ ዝመደቦ ነገራት ኣብ ፍቓድ ህዝቢ እተሰረተ ክኸውን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ብመንግስቲ ጭቆና ከይግበር ዝኽልክል መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ሓርነትን ዝሕሉ ኣብ ቅድሚ ናጻ ዝኾነ ሕጋዊ ቤት ፍርዲ ክቐርብ ዝኽእል መዋቐርን ስርዓታትን ገይሩ ክዓዪ ይግበኦ። እዚ መትከል ውሳኔታት ብኢደ ወነና ዘይሕጋዊ ትእዛዝ ብፖለቲካዊ ጠቕሚ ብናይ ብሕቲ ረብሓ ምእንቲ ከይግበር ዝሕሉ ኢዩ።

ጥቅሲ ፕሮፈሶር MOORE ብዛዕባ ‘መንግስቲ’ ሓሙሽተ ሓሳባት ይህብ፡-

-መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ብህዝቢ ብህዝቢ

-ምፍላይ መዝታት፡ ቁጽጽርን ሚዛንን

-ናይ ህዝቢ ዲሞክራሲ መንግስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዜጋ ዘለዎ ስልጣን ዝውስን ስርዓት (ምሕላው ሕርነትን ክብርን ሰብ)

-ደረት ዘለዎ መንግስትን (ፈደራላዊት) ዘይምእኩል ምሕደራ

-ብዛዕባ ሕገ-መንግስቲ ኣተጋባብራኡ ዘርኢ ናጻ ቤት ፍርዲ

ህዝቢ በዓል ምሉእ ስልጣን ኢዩ ዝብል መትከል ብኣህጉራዊ ልምድታት ከም UNHCR ዝበሉ ቅቡል ዝኾነ መትከል ኢዩ። ቅድሚ ሓያሎ ዘበናት እውን ፍላስፋታትን ልቃውንትን ፖለቲካን፡ መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ምኻኑ ተዛሪቦምሉ ኢዮም። ከም ጸብጻብ ናይ መበል 357 ኣኼባ HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE ተገሊጹ ዘሎ። ‘’ ኣብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ኩነታት ፖሊቲካዊ ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ኢዩ። ሰበ- ስልጣን መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ወዳእቲ ነገር ጥራይ ኢዮም። ስለዚ ጸብጻቦም ናብ ህዝቢ ከቕርቡ ይግበኦም።’’

ልዕልነት ቅዋም ንምርግጋጽ፡ ብቐጥታ እካ እንተዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ዝለዓለ ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ምኻኑ ብጋህዲ ምእዋጅ ኢዩ። መብዛሕትኡ ዲሞክራሲ ቅዋም ስልጣን ንህዝቢ ይህቦ፡ እዚ ከኣ ሕገ-መንግስቲ ሕጋውነቱ ካብ ህዝቢ ይርከቦ እምበር ካብ ፕረሲደንት ወይ ካብ ሓጋጊ ባይቶ ወይ ካብ ንጉስ ከምዘይኮነ ይሕብር። ከምዚ ዝበለ ምርግጋጽ ዓቢ ግደ ዘለዎ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ መንግስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ቅዋም ዝገብሮ ዝኾነ ይኹን ንዕቀት ከምዚ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ዝገብሮ ንስልጣን ህዝቢ ምዕምጻጽ ገበን ኣብ ርእሲ ህዝቢ ምፍጻም ማለት ኢዩ።

እቲ ካስብ ሕጂ ዝተገልጸ ብዛዕባ ቅዋም ምስኡ ተኣሳሲሩ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ንምብራህ ኮይኑ ብሓጺሩ ንምጽማቕ ዝኣክል፡-

ሀ- ቅዋም ልዕሊ ኩኩ ዝኾነ ሕጊ ሃገር ኢዩ ኢልካ ምእዋጅ።

ለ- ስልጣን ብምልኡ ናይ ህዝቢ ከም ዝኾነ ምእዋጅ

ሐ- መአረምታ ቅዋም ንምፍጻም ጽንዕ ዝበለ ስርዓትን ኣገባብን ከም ዝህሉ ምግባር።

መ- ባይቶ ኮነ መንግስቲ ንዝፍጽሞ ተግባራት ‘ኣንጻር ቅዋም’’ ኢዩ ክትብል ዘኽእል ስልጣን ምትካል።

ናይ መንግስቲ ኮነ ናይ ባይቶ ሕግታትን ፍጻሜታትን ዝምርምር ስልጣን ናጻ ቤት ፍርዲ ኢዩ። ሓያሎ ሃገራት ግና ንበይኑ ዝኾነ ካልእ ኣገባብ ኣለወን። ከም ደንማርክ፡ ነዘርላንድ፡ ሽውደን ዝኣመሰላ ሃገራት ንትግባረ መንግስቲ (ማለት ንፈጻሚ) ጥራይ እየን ብፍርዲ ቅዋማዊ ምኳኑክምርምራ ዝኽእላ። ባይቶ (ማለት ሓጋጊ ኣካል) ዝገብሮ ግና ካብ ምርመራ ፍርዲ ናጻ ኢዩ። እቲ ‘ዘይጽሑፍ’ ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ናይ ብሪጣንያ ሕገ-መንግስቲ፡ ኣብያተ ፍርዲ ንሕግታት ‘’ ኣንጻር ቅዋም ኢዩ’’ ክብላ ስልጣን ኣይህበንን ኢዩ። ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ቅዋም ብዛዕባ ፍርዳዊ መርመራ ኣይገልጽን ኢዩ። ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ግዜ ግና ኣካል ናይቲ ቅዋም ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ሓዲሽ ዘበናት እዚ ንተግባር ባይቶን መንግስትን ብመርመራ ፍርዲ “ሕጋዊ ኣይኮነን” ክብል ዝኽእል ስልጣን ኣብ ቅዋም ብንጹር ተዋሂቡ ኣሎ። (ከም ኣብ ፍሊፕን፡ ኤስያ፡ ታይላንድጃፓንኢጣልያ..) እቲ ምስ እዚ ክዓብን ክከላኸልን ዘለዎ ህዝቢ ብናጻ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበት፡ ሚድያን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰለ በርጌሳውያንን ማሕበራት ብንቕሓት ብህዝቢ ንዝጸደቐ ቅዋም ምክትታል ዓቢ ግደ ኣለዎም።

ቅዋም ክበሃል ከሎ ነባሪ ዝበሃል ነገር ከም ዘየልቦ ክዝከር ይግባእ። ቅዋም እውን ይልወጥ ኢዩ። ኣለዋውጣኡ ግና ብቐሊል መገዲ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። MERBEC ነዚ ዓሚቕ ሓሳብ እዚ ብፍኹስ ዝበለ ኣበሃህላ ገሊጽዎ ኣሎ። ቅዋም ከምቲ ብግዜን ኩነታትን ዘይብሕጎግ ኣኻውሕ ጂብራልታርኣይኮነን። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ድማ፡ ቅዋም ሑጻ ደንደስ ባሕሪ ማዕበል በብቕሩብ ዝወስዶ እውን ኣይኮነን። ቅዋም ከም ሓደ ዘንሳፍፍ ጋራጅ መራኽብ ክመስል ይኽእል። ምስ መሬት ብቐይዲ ተታሒዙ ኩሉ ምስ ማዕበለ ግዜን ኩነታት ይድይብን ይወርድን።’’ ቅዋም ናይ ገሊኤን ሃገራት ኣዚዩዘገድስወይ ዘይትንከፍ ዓንቀጻት ኣለወን። ብፍላይ ኣብዘን ዓንቀጻት እዚኣተን መአረምታ ከይግበር ብጋህዲ ይገልጻ። ስለዚ ቅዋም ብስልጣኑ ዘይእረም ፍልታት ይሕዝ ኢዩ።

ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ እውን ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣለዋ ብቅዋም ዝመሓደራ። ገሊኤን ህዝባዊ ቅዋም ዝሓዘላን ናይ ለውጢ ጉዕዞን ዲሞክራሲያዊ ባህርን ኣገባብን ብምጥቃም ኣብ ጎና ምዕባሌ ዝርከባ ኮይነን ገሊኤን ግን ንሽሙ ቅዋም ሃልይወን ብኡኡዘይቅየዳ ኢየን። እቲ ዝገርም ከኣ ኣብ ውዕል ሕቡራት ፍሪቃ ኩለን እተን ኣብዚ ማሕበር ዝካፈላ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ቅዋም ክህልወንን ህዝቢ ኣብ ናይ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ተሳታፊ ክኸው ኢዩ ዝጠልብ። እቲ ሕጂ ዘሎ ግን ኣብ መብዛሕትኤን ዘገምታዊ ጉዕዞ ሒዘን ክዓዛ ከለዋ ገሊኤን ከኣ ናጻ ዓይነት ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ዘርእያ ውን ውሑዳት ኣይኮናን። ብወገና ነዚ ዓብላሊ--ገባቲ ነጻጊ -ኣግላሊ ዝኾነ ስርዓት ካብ ሱሩ ምሒና ዲሞክራሲን-ልኡላውነትን- ሓድነትን- ግዝኣተ ሕግን ክነስፍን ከይሰና ብቅዋምን ግዝኣተ ሕግን ክንመሃሃርን ክንመያየጥን ኮታ እኹል ኣፍልጦ ክህልወና ንመላእ ዜጋታትና ወይ ከኣ ህዝብና ከነመሓላልፎ ጻዕሪ ከድልየና ኢዩ። ስለዚ ናይ ሎሚ መደረና ወይ ምይይጥና ብዛዕባ ቅዋም ኣብዚ ብምድምዳም፡ ብዛዕባ ክፍሊ ስልጣን መንግስቲ ከኣ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ክንዘራረበሉ ምእንቲ ባይታ ንገዛ ይገድፎ ክብል መደርኡ ደምደመ። ካብ ገዛ እውን ኣገደስቲ ሕቶታን መብርሂታትን ይወሃብ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ ፓልቶክ ስለ ዝተበላሸወ ንዝመጽእ ካብቲ ዝተረጸሉ ብምጅማር ክንቅጽል ምኻና ተረዳእና ተፋኒና።

ምምሕዳር ፓል ሓርነት

EPDP Editorial

Part 2

The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime?

[For Part 1, please click here http://www.harnnet.org/index.php/news-and-editorial/epdp-editorial/item/1289-issais-new-year-interview-production-of-more-manipulations-and-lies-1]

Apart from the constitution talk, Issais also roared a lot of things in his New Year interview,among ofwhich were the so-called development plan for 2015, human resources development, five-year plans…etc. These were all rehashed Issais’ tyrannical policies from last year and the year before, and presented as if they were new. No new thing, unfulfilled promises and declaring further promises that would not be fulfilled, a scheme designed to manipulate Eritrean people into thinking that something good will take place in their lives next year. 

For example, when asked…on realizing the objectives as­sociated with making Eritrea a prosperous country…how do you assess our capacity to realize our aspi­rations? Do we have the human and material resources required to accomplish the tasks ahead? Issais said, “Human and material resources are what you can create. For ex­ample, everybody wants to live peacefully. However, peace is not something that is a heaven sent opportunity. Rather, one has to work hard to bring peace. We need to clearly identify the re­sources required for achieving our objectives. There are different resources such as technology, ma­chinery, different raw materials, etc. However, human resource is the key of all the resources…work culture is also very important for materializing what you aspire (Eritrean Profile, January 14, 2015).

The above response is Issais’ fixative prayer for preserving his power.  No matter how evil, atrocious, or deceptive the ends are as long as they justify the means, it is what Issais is doing – recklessly and without hesitation assault Eritrean people to empower his tyrannical power. Think about this: every year, Issais tells Eritrean people that they will be better off next year than the year before. He declares the problems and uncertainties of today will not be repeated next year. He claims that Eritrean people have learned lessons from past year and they would use those experiences to achieve their goals in the coming year. We will overcome them next year…etc. How many next years have Eritrean people gone so far without realizing their dreams - exactly over two decades now and still continuing. Simply put: by using unending promises and running a cynic campaign (usually in the name of Eritrean people), Issais managed to run an absolute system in the country for over two decades.

The fact is Issais can claim prosperity and development, but the reality is Issais is running one of the bloodiest governments on this planet: forced hundreds of thousands of Eritrean youth to exile; destroyed many Eritrean lives; altered Eritrean polities and institutions; eroded the living standard of the people; and committed widespread violation of human rights. Issais has it all, except freedom and democracy. Today, the Eritrean people are suffering from chronic shortages of basic consumer goods, water, electricity and fuel.

When asked … about the mass exodus of Eritrean youth…and if there are any tangible plans regarding their compensation or their future?  Issais said, “I don’t want to talk about something that doesn’t exist. Many have been plunged into quagmires in consequence of their actions (motivated by their families and environments) to go somewhere where they would supposedly find riches and change their lives…Generally speaking, those who have gone to these “dream lands” will eventually regret their actions. Many of them mistakenly fled because their desired state of affairs didn’t come overnight in this country…” (Eritrean profile January 10, 2015). The content of the above statement simply recalls Issais’ contemptuous mockery when he said, “they are going for a picnic” in reference to the mass exodus of Eritrean youth few years ago. So, Issais did not shift ground on this; nothing new. He just doubled it down on his crusade to annihilate the Eritrean youth in order to continue his grip on power. Remember that this comment is made against the backdrop where hundreds and thousands of Eritreans are being forced to work in Party and military-owned businesses as unpaid laborers. The reality is that the mass exodus is the result and consequence of this form of forced labor imposed on the Eritrean people for the last two decades by Issaias and his dictatorial regime. The bigger picture here is that the exodus of Eritrean youth represents a major threat to Eritrea’s integrity and continuity as a nation. A country without a young generation has no future.

At this juncture, though, Issais and his cronies can roar as long as they want regarding drafting new constitution, development promises, foreign forces, war hysteria …etc. Eritrean people know the promises are empty and the development plans/projects are nonexistent; the war hysteria is a lie to keep Eritrean people in a state of war. The point is all this barrage of lies can no longer reverse the multitude crisis unfolding in Eritrea although Issais will continue to exploit such lies as a necessary strategy to muzzle and reduce the whole population to slavery. We know Eritrea is now a dilapidated, stagnated, and hungry place, with a life standard plummeting to abyss every day. Maybe this time the era of Issais’ manipulation is coming to an end. Eritrean people seem to be waking up because they are increasingly realizing that the entire edifice of Issais’ politics is based on lies and perpetual manipulations. In fact, we are witnessing Eritrean people slowly detaching if not divorcing their susceptibility to the regime’s unending lies and manipulations. They see it; and they are not buying it anymore. And there is nothing more inspiring than seeing Eritrean people finally searching their souls and beginning to withdraw their support from the PFDJ regime.

At the end, we should ask ourselves what is the lesson we can learn from Issais’ New Year long tirade and menacing interview against our citizens:

  • One, Issais is spinning such an endless catalogue of lies and manipulations regarding drafting constitution, development plans, aggression of foreign forces, and others because of the increasing erosion of support base to his regime that began as a result of the crackdown on pro democracy decedents within his leadership and on journalist in 2001. This was reinforcedby the January 2013 (Forto mutiny), followed by the Eritrean Catholic priests (Where is Your Brother), and finally amplified by the excommunication declaration issued by the clergy of the United Eritrean Orthodox monasteries.
  • Two, the above revelations are reinforcing Eritrean people’s confidence both in challenging and rejecting the propaganda that the mad dictator has been roaring like a wild animal for years on one hand, and in leading to a collective and united action on the other, all making Issais’ lies and unending promises more and more fragile, especially inside the homeland. We need to understand and exploit such development, and break it open to reveal the danger of Issais’ regime to our country.  
  • Three, we must understand that the strategy of Issais’ interview is to stifle the evolving internal opposition by conditioning Eritrean people to his own reality – a reality of fear and conformity that he knows would enable him to continue enslaving Eritrean people. Our role should be to deconstruct those realities as they are designed to perpetuate tyranny and submission to the power of Issais.
  • Four, there is nothing that scares Issais than the emergence of factions within his own inner circle. We must target such a unity of the inner circle in a manner that amplifies the blunder of Issais and leads to the demise of his system. This is the major task of establishing and nurturing internal opposition.
  • Fifth, we should understand that Issais will continue to lie in the face of mass exodus of the Eritrean youth. This is not an ordinary lie; this is a threat to the existence of our country. The message here is that whether ignorance or weakness not shattering such dangerous policy of Issais is strengthening his rule in Eritrea. The sad thing is there is nothing Issais has said or done that we do not know. The problem is every time, we encounter Issais’ speech, we denounce his insanity and we become delusional instead of systematically and collectively challenge it. 
  • Sixth, now the issue is no more about Issaias and his regime. Issaias’ contempt to the collective wisdom of the Eritrean people is boundless. His disrespect and disregard to the interest of the Eritrean people is deep and profound. His declaration of the 1997 Eritrean Constitution as “dead and nonexistent” is another in a series of blunders that exposed issais’ inner motive and evil intent. The real culprit and enemy are known and it is up to the opposition and the people what to do with it.  As the saying goes, ‘snake at your feet, a stick at your hand’  “በትሪኣብኢድካተመንኣብእግርኻ.”

Last, Issais does not care about democracy, constitution, and development in Eritrea. Why should he? After all, being democratic or accepting the sovereign right of Eritrean people denies his power. He is a malignant narcissistic dictator and that is the nature of dictators, conditioning the people to their own reality and fighting for their power until they are booted out from power. The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime? Where is our collective action?

Local office of UN refugee agency, UNHCR, in Eastern Sudan reported that 3,667 new Eritrean refugees have registered at the reception centre of Shagarab during the month of December 2014, showing an increase over the figure of 2,128 refugee arrivals in previous month of November.

This increase in the number of refugee arrivals at the camp of Shagarb was registered in spite of the insecure situation of the reception camp located near the Eritrea-Sudan border. It is to be recalled that Eritrean refugees at Shagarb were subjected to inhumane treatments in the hands of local villagers assisted by state security personnel.

According to the report for December, 555 of the new refugees were below the age of 18. It was also made clear that, out of the total arrivals 457 were female and 3,210 male, including children below the age of 5.

Shegerab Camp

The ever deteriorating situation in Eritrea is reflected by the ever increasing number of refugees escaping from the unbearable political, economic, social and human rights condition in the country. This was well reflected in the UNHCR briefing on Eritrea last November in Geneva. A 14 November 2014 report entitled “sharp increase in number of Eritrean refugees and asylum-seekers in Europe, Ethiopia and Sudan” was a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. The must read report follows:

During the first ten months of 2014, the number of asylum-seekers in Europe from Eritrea has nearly tripled. In Ethiopia and Sudan, neighbouring Eritrea, the number of Eritrean refugees has also increased sharply. So far this year, nearly 37,000 Eritreans have sought refuge in Europe, compared to almost 13,000 during the same period last year. Most asylum requests have been lodged in Sweden, Germany, and Switzerland, with the vast majority of the Eritreans having arrived by boat across the Mediterranean. Our office in Italy reports that 22 per cent of the people arriving by boat are Eritrean, a total of nearly 34,000 people this year. This makes Eritreans the second largest group to arrive in Italy by boat, after Syrians.

Most of the Eritreans arriving in Europe have travelled, initially, via Ethiopia and Sudan. These countries have also experienced a dramatic increase in arrivals, including large numbers of unaccompanied children. More than 5,000 Eritreans crossed into Ethiopia during the month of October alone, compared to the average of some 2,000 arrivals per month since the beginning of the year. About 90 per cent of those who arrived in October are between 18 – 24 years old. Seventy-eight children arrived on their own, without an adult family member. The trend seems to continue with more than 1,200 Eritreans having arrived in Ethiopia during the first week of November.

In Sudan, we have also been witnessing a marked increase in the number of arrivals since the beginning of 2014. This year, more than 10,700 Eritreans have sought refuge in Sudan, an average of more than 1,000 arrivals per month.

There are currently more than 216,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia and Sudan. Sudan has been hosting Eritrean refugees for more than forty years, which makes it one of Africa's most protracted refugee situations. Eritreans started to arrive in Ethiopia in 2002, after the end of the conflict between the two countries. The recent arrivals told us that they were fleeing an intensified recruitment drive into the mandatory and often open-ended national service.

Growing numbers of the predominantly young refugees in Ethiopia and Sudan have become frustrated with the shortage of services and absence of self-reliance opportunities in the camps. Limited funding for the Eritrean refugee programme in both countries has resulted in a lack of secondary and post-secondary education, as well as vocational training and job opportunities. Deprived of any prospects for a better future and feeling that they have nothing to lose, many fall prey to unscrupulous smugglers and put themselves in danger by trying to cross the Mediterranean on overcrowded and unsafe boats. We are extremely concerned that the refugees crossing into Ethiopia today will eventually try to move on.

There is a need to boost education and livelihood opportunities for the refugees in the countries neighbouring Eritrea to prevent people moving on simply out of desperation. At the same time, we also call on Europe to step up efforts to provide credible legal alternatives to dangerous voyages, to protect people from the risks of traveling with smugglers. The collective response needs to maintain a strong capacity to rescue people at sea and increase safer ways for refugees to find safety, including enhanced resettlement, other forms of humanitarian admission and private sponsorship schemes. UNHCR is calling on European governments to do more to facilitate family reunification and use programmes such as student or employment visas to benefit refugees.

Additional Information:

During the first 10 months of 2014, 36,678 Eritreans sought refuge in 38 European countries in 2014, compared to 12,960 during the same period last year. Most asylum requests were presented in Sweden (9,531), Germany, (9,362) Switzerland (5,652) and the Netherlands (4,113). Authorities in Italy recorded 342 asylum applications by Eritreans thus far this year.

Sudan is the main country of asylum for Eritreans with 109,594 refugees at the end of October 2014. 10,701 people have arrived since the beginning of the year, including 1,259 during the month of October. The majority of the refugees are in refugee camps in the arid eastern part of the country (Gaderef and Kassala), with smaller numbers in the capital Khartoum.

Ethiopia is the second largest country of asylum with 106,859 Eritrean refugees, including 1,591 unaccompanied children at the end of October. They mostly live in four refugee camps in Tigray region and two in Afar region in north-eastern Ethiopia

 

ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ኮይኖም ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ንምንጋስ ዝቃለሱ ዘለው ኤርትራውያን ነቲ ዝሓለፈ ረቡዕ ካልኣይ ዓመቱ ዘቑጸረ ስርሒት ፎርቶ ብኽብሪ ከምዝዘከርዎ  ኣባላት ፕሮጀክት ዓርቢ ሓርነት ካብ ኤርትራ ሓቢሮም።

እቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝተኻየደ ናይ ዝኽሪ ስነ-ስርዓት፡ “ቪቫ ፎርቶ 2013” ኣብ ትሕቲ   ዝብል ቴማ ዝተኻየደ ምዃኑ'ውን ዝበጽሓና ዜና ይገልጽ። እቲ ዝኽሪ ካብኣብደገእንርከብኣባላ ዓርቢ ሓርነት  ዝረኸብዎም  ደርፍታት  ደለይቲ  ፍትሒ  ኣብ  ቴፕ  ብምእታው ኣብ  ብዝሒ  ሰብ  ዝርከቦ  ቦታ  ብዓውታ  ብምውላዕ ሞራል  ሰማዕቲክብከም ዘበሉሓቢሮም። ነዚ ንምግባርእታቴፕኣብናይህዝባዊመደወሊቴሌፎንብኮላ ኣላጊቦም ኣብ ልዕሊኣ ድማ  "ካልኣይ  ዓመት  ዝኽሪ  ስዓድ ዓሊሕጃይ(ወዲዓሊ)፡ ዓርቢሓርነት፡ቪቫፎርቶ2013” ዝተጻሕፎካርቶንለጊባከም ዝተገድፈትሓቢሮም።

Arbi Harnet

እዚናይዝኽሪስርሒትቀዳም24 ጥሪ2015 ካብሰዓት1030-1145 .  ኣብ  ማእከል  ከተማ  ኣስመራ  ኣብ  ከባቢ  ዕዳጋ  ሓራጅ  ከምዝተፈጸመን፡እቲብረዚንመልእኽቲእቶምዝተደርፉደርፍታትንተባዕስጉምቲናይቶምነዚዘካየዱኣባላትዓርቢሓርነትንዝተደነቐሰማዒህዝቢከተማኣስመራ፡እቲዝተኻየደናይዝኽሪስርሒትነቲዝድለዘሎለውጢግብራዊኣብምግባርሓደስጉምቲንቕድሚትምዃኑይዛረብኣሎ።ብፍጻሜናይዚጉዳይዝሰንበዱኣባላትጸጥታህግደፍከኣኣብቦታፍጻሜተረኺቦምነታቴፕከምዝወሰድዎእቲዝበጽሓናሓበሬታወሲኹየረድእ።እቶም ዝተደርፉዝተፈላለዩ ደርፍታት ነዚ  ህዝቢ  ኤርትራ  ዳግማይ  ዘካይዶ  ዘሎ  ናይ  ሓርነት  ቃልሲ  ዝገልጹን  ህዝቢ  ሓቢሩ  ኣንጻር  ምልኪ  ንኽቃለስ  ዝጽውዑን  እዋናዊ ደርፍታትእዮም ነይሮም። እዘን ዝስዕባ ማለት “ሸጥመዓንጣና" ናይወዲትካቦ፡"ማማትሓመናላ" ናይምሕረተኣብ፡"ኣይትዓንቅፉኒ" ኣልማዝ  ኣረጋይ  (ለሚን)"ትም" መምህር ሑሰን መሕመድ ዓሊ፡"ደቀይደቀይበሊ" ሃኒምሕረተኣብ ገለ ካብተን እተደርፋ ደርፍታት እየን።

እዚ ከምዚ ኢሉ እንከሎ ኣብወጻኢውንከምቲናይቅድሚሕጂብሓገዝናይተክኖሎጂብፓልቶክተሰንዩዝኽሪመበልካልኣይዓመትከምዝተኻየደንሕብር። ክብርቲ ጋሻናይቲመደብኮይናዘምሰየትብዓልቲቤትሓርበኛስውእ/ ስዒድዓሊሕጃይውይዘሮበኪታ እድረስ ዑመር  ኣብቲ  ኣጋጣሚ  ተረኺባ  ናይ  ምስጋናን መተባብዕንምልእኽቲኣመሓላሊፋ፡፡ብዘይካ እዚ ሓደካብቶምኣብኤርትራዝርከቡኣባላትዓርቢሓርነት ውን ንመጀመርያ ግዜብቐጥታ ብቴለፎን ብምድዋል ነቲኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝካይድዘሎናይለውጢምንቅስቓስዝምልከትን ሓበሬታን  ናይ  መተባብዒ  መልእኽትን  ኣስሚዑ።  ሕመረት  ናይቲ  ንታህዲድን ፈኸራንስርዓትህግደፍበዲሁካብውሽጢኣስመራዝተፈነወመልእኽቲ ከኣ  ኩሎም  ናይ  ለውጢ  ሓይልታት  ሓቢሮም  ክሰርሑን  ነቲ  ኣብ  ውሽጢ  ኤርትራ ዝካየድዘሎናይለውጢምንቕስቓስክድግፍዎንዘዛኻኸረእዩነይሩ። ቅዳሕ ናይ'ቲ ዝኽሪ ንምስማዕ ኣብ'ዚ ጠውቑ፡https://www.youtube.com/watch?x-yt-ts=1421914688&x-yt-cl=84503534&v=QHdrOV650HY&list=UUNkqhfPUpW4HS7Bvqu2NNOg

እቲ ኣብወጻኢዝተኻየደናይዝኽሪስነስርዓትብምትሕብባርፕሮጀክትዓርቢሓርነትን፡መእዲዘተ ፖልቶክ ስመርን  ካልኦት  ግዱሳትዜጋታትንዝተወደበእዩነይሩ።
24 ጥሪ2015
ፕሮጀክትዓርቢሓርነት

ሓበሪታ፡ እዛ ስእሊ ተጠቂምናላ ዘለና ምድላዋት እንዳተገበረ ዝተሳእለት እያ።  

Monday, 26 January 2015 09:30

Eritrean Tv Demtsi Hezbi 25 Jan 2015

لجميع الدكتاتوريين في التاريخ العالمي سمات مشتركة تتلخص في التالي:

1-    يحرصون علي أن يكونوا مرهوبي الجانب

2-    تحت الزعم بوجود أعداء للأمة يعمل الدكتاتور علي إسكار الشعب بسيمفونية الوطنية (nationalism)

3-    لا يسمحون بوجود أي رأي مخالف لهم، كما يشجعون ويعطون الأولوية للانضباط والطاعة والإخلاص لهم.

4-    يميلون الي العزلة وإخفاء كل شيء يتعلق بهم.

تلك السمات تنطبق علي إسياس أفورقي ونظامه بنسبة مئة بالمئة، وكأن الجيش الحالي قليل وغير كافٍ نراه في خطابه التلفزيوني السنوي الأخير في الثلاثين من ديسمبر 2014م يقول: إن كل الشعب جيش، وبالتالي يعرب عن نيته السافرة في تجنيد وتسليح كافة أفراد الشعب، ليس هذا فحسب، بل ورغم إبداء حيرته إزاء تزامن فصل الشتاء وحملة التجنيد الحالية إلا أنه لم يخف إعطاءه الأولوية للتجنيد والتدريب. إن إسياس لا تهمه أوضاع الشعب بقدرما يهمه الإبقاء علي سلطته. لا يهمه من أمر الشعب إلا أن يبقيه ساهراً قلقاً بحجة حماية الوطن من الأعداء والغزاة.

بل برر إسياس سياسته للعسكرة الشاملة التي لا تستثني أحداً بأن أنكر علي الشعب النوم في الأسرّة مشنعاً عليه ذلك بالمقارنة الظالمة وغير المنطقية بين الشعب الذي ينام علي سرير وبين الجيش الذي يفترش التراب ويلتحف السماء علي حد زعمه، لقد ساق كل تلك الأحاجي والألغاز المربكة عن وضع الجيش والشعب لتبرير العسكرة الشاملة حتى ينام الجميع في الخنادق وتخلو المدن والقرى والحقول والمراعي من الناس. وحتى تشمل العسكرة الجميع، شيباً وشباباً، أقفل أبواب الجامعة الوحيدة في البلاد وكل مؤسسات التعليم العالي والثانوي وأبدلها بثكنات التدريب العسكري، إنه يستهدف بهذه العسكرة بث الرعب في قلوب الشعب الارتري وقلوب حكومات وشعوب الدول المجاورة وإقلاق راحة المنطقة بأكملها.

وعن سؤال عن إنفاذ الدستور أجاب الرئيس قائلاً: ( نسبةً لأن الكل يعلم أنه كان هناك دستور لن أقول لك: نعم كان لنا دستور لكنه مات أو بعث من جديد...الخ، كما لا أود تعليق الأمور علي شماعة ما واجهنا خلال الخمس عشر عاماً الماضية من تحديات، حيث كنا مهددين في وجودنا، سيادتنا، نمونا وتنميتنا، ولكن ولأن معظم حقب مسيرتنا السياسية كانت غالباً ما تعاق بالكثير من المعوقات والتدخلات الخارجية في الأغلب من عواصف وأمواج وأنواء، لذلك كله مضت وثيقة الدستور الي حال سبيلها بغير إنفاذ ولا إعلان ).

إن الزعم بموت الدستور أو اهترائه بهذه اللهجة المستترة واللا مسئولة إنما هو استخفاف بالأموال والجهود التي أنفقت علي إعداد وإنفاذ تلك الوثيقة من قبل الشعب وبرلمانه والدول والحكومات الصديقة، وإذا افترضنا أن الأموال قد فقدت ولن تعوض وأن الوثيقة قد تآكلت فهل الشعب والبرلمان المصادقان علي الوثيقة والشاهدان الحيان عليها أيضاً قد هرما وفارقا الحياة، أم أصبحا عنده نسياً منسياً؟؟؟!!! إنه لأمرٌ يدعو الي الرثاء والخجل.

إنه بينما حاول أن ينزه نفسه عن تبرير تأجيل عملية إنفاذ الدستور بالعوامل الخارجية، إذا به يناقض نفسه زاعماً أن عملية تأجيل أو موت الدستور لا تعود اليه بقدرما تعود الي عوامل وتدخلات خارجية، وكأنما دستور البلاد هو دستور الأمم المتحدة أو دستور حلف الأطلنطي!!    

   

إن الدستور وثيقة عقد اجتماعي(social contract) بين الشعب والحكومة، لذلك وبحكم أن الشعب هو الطرف الأول والأهم في ذلك العقد فمن صميم حقه أن يعلم بأي تعديلات تجرى عليه أو ما يتعرض له من تأجيل أو وفاة كما زعم الرئيس. قرار الحرب هو الآخر قرار سيادي يعود للشعب أو برلمان يمثله وليس فرد أو جماعة حاكمة، لذلك كان من العبط والاستعباط الجدل حول ضرورة قرار الاعلان من عدم اعلانه، إن من يسعون سراً هذه الأيام لتمهيد الطريق لدستور إسياس يحاولون إقناعنا بأن نتناسى ونتجاهل الجدل حول اعلان الدستور ومن وضعه. إن الدستور لا يمكن إعداده أو إجازته أو إنفاذه في الظلام والغرف المظلمة كما يفعل أفورقي الآن، لا يتم شيء حول الدستور إلا بواسطة الشعب صاحب القرار الأول في التشريع.

عودنا إسياس أفورقي نهاية كل عام، أن يزعم أن العام المنصرم قد أنجز مهاماً تستشرف القفز الي إنجازات العام القادم، كما تعود إلهاءنا بالآمال والأحلام والتمنيات والوعود في كل عامٍ جديد. واليوم أيضاً كرر في هذا العام مزاعمه المعهودة كل عام، فهو قد رفع قفاز التحدي والرهان أمام المشاهدين والمستمعين بكل غرور عندما قال: انظروا الي ما أقول لكم خلال ثلاثة أشهر فقط لا ثلاث أعوام، وجعل يعدد الإنجازات الموعودة خلال العام الحالي 2015م في مجالات الزراعة، الثروة البحرية، الصناعة، التعدين ....الخ. ولكن الواقع يكذب ذلك كما ظل يكذب كلَّ عام كلَّ المزاعم الإسياسوية المتكررة، لذلك لن نستطيع تحقيق شيء من وعود هذا العام دعك من أن نستشرف أو نقفز الي منجزات العام القادم، بل العكس، فنحن إما أن نظل حيث كنا وإما أن نتراجع الي الخلف خطواتٍ وخطوات.

إن نظام إسياس الدكتاتوري الذي يتلون كالحرباء يلبس أمام حكومات العالم لبوساً وأمام شعبه لبوساً آخر، فهو لكي يخرج من عزلته العالمية والاقليمية يعد حكومات الغرب بإنفاذ الدستور، تحديد مدة أداء الخدمة العسكرية الإجبارية ب18 شهراً، إتاحة الحقوق والحريات الانسانية ...الخ. وعلي العكس من تلك الوعود المعسولة للأجانب فإنه قد توعد كل من هاجر وترك بلاده دون إذن بأشد وأفظع العقوبات والتهديدات، إنه زعم أنه أعز نفساً وشموخاً من زعماء الغرب، كما أن تلفزيونه لا يعرض إلا سوءات الآخرين موارياً النظر عن سوءاته.

إن من يعرف غدر إسياس وكذبه لن يصدق تلك الوعود التي يسوقها عاماً إثر عام، بالأمس قال إنه أقرَّ بالنظام التعددي قبل أن يصبح موضة عالمية كما هو اليوم، واليوم ابتلع وعوده السابقة وتنكر لكل من ناضل أو عمل أو انتظم يوماً خارج حزبه الهقدف، وتحدى من خالف الهقدف الرأي بان يبحث عن مكان لرأيه في االفضاء لا في الأرض. وبعد أن أرهق كاهل الشعب والعالم ضجيجاً بوضع وإنفاذ الدستور ها هو اليوم يعلن أمام الملأ موت ذلك الدستور قبل أن يعلن، كأنه يقول لنا: إنه مات قبل أن يولد. إنه بعد أن ظل يشبع الشعب وعوداً وردية بالحرية، العدالة، الديمقراطية والأمن والاستقرار ها هو اليوم قد تحول الي دكتاتور جلاد يذيق شعبه الذل والهوان، ويبقي رفاق نضاله ومن توجوه رئيساً عليهم وعلي البلاد رهن السجون بلا إدانة ولا محاكمة. إذاً فليس مستبعداً أن يتناسى وعود عامه هذا ويفاجئنا بأقوالٍ أو أفعالٍ مناقضة تماماً لما وعدنا.

ኣብ ወርሒ ታሕሳስ 2014 . 3667 ኤርትራውያን ናብኣብ ምብራቕ ሱዳን ዝርከብ መደበር ስደተኛታት ሸገራብ ኣትዮም። ዝርዝር ናይዞም ናብ ሸገራብ ዝኣተዉ 3667 ስደተኛታት ድማ፡ ከምዝስዕብ ኢዩ።

             ትሕቲ 5 ዓመት
                 ካብ 5-18  ዓመት               
             ልዕሊ 18 ዓመት
                  ድምር
          ደቂ ኣንስትዮ                        26                           119                        312                       457
         ደቂ ተባዕትዮ                        48                           362        
                     2800                     3210
              ድምር                        74                  481                      3112                     3667
Friday, 23 January 2015 12:34

መኤረምታ

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እቲ ንዕለት 24-01-2015 ክግበር ተመዲቡ ዝነበረ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ እቲ ተረኽቦ ምሰቲ ተልእኾ ስለ ዘይተቓደወ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ተሰሪዙ ኣሎ።

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ህጹጽን ኣገዳሲን ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ብምኽንያት ሓደገኛ ቅትለት ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ካልድ እድሪስ ባህራይ ኣብ ድረስድነር ሃገረ-ጀርመን ብግዱሳት ጀርመናውያንKhaled Idris ተጣበቕቲ መሰል ደቂ ሰባት ተበግሶን፤ ኤርትራውያን ማሕበራትን፤ ንጽባሕ ቀዳም ዕለት 24-01-2015 ልክዕ ሰዓት 14.00 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ኣብቲ ልሙድ ቦታ ሃውፕት ባንሆፍ ፍራንክፈርት (Hauptbahnhof Frankfurt) ተበጊሱ ኣብ ኮንስታብለርቫኸ (Konstblerwache) ዝዓልብ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ክግበር ስለ ዝኾነ ኣብዚ ኣገዳሲን ህጹጽን ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ እዚ ክንሳተፍ ናይ ኵላትና ኤርትራውያን ሓላፍነት ምዃኑ ንሕብር።

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