ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤሪትራ ጨንፈር ደቡብ ጀርመን ብዕለት 17 ለካቲት 2018 ምዱብ ኣኼባኦም ኣካይዶም። እቲ ኣኼባ መብዛሕትኦም ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤሪትራ ጨንፈርደቡብ ጀርመንዝተረኽብሉ ኣኼባ እዩ ነይሩ

ኣኼባ ብኣቦ-መንበር ጨንፈር ሓው ተኽልዝጊ ሚካኤል ንህልዊ ኲነታት ሰልፍን ደምበ ተውሞን ብዝምልከት ዘቕረቦ መግለጺ እዩ ተጀሚሩ። ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ ብመጀመርታ ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ኩነታት ሰልፊ ዘትኮረ ሰፊሕ ምርድዳኣ ድሕሪ ምክያድነቲ ኣብ ሰሜን ኤምሪካ ዝጽንሐ ጸገማትን ንምፍትሑ ዝተኻተዱ ጽዕርታትን ብግቡእ ዳህሲሶም። ኣባላት ነቲ ኣብ መጨርሽታ ዝተወስደ ኣማራጺ ሓድሽ  ዞባዊ ስርርዕ ድማ ደገፎም ገሊጾም።

ብምቕጻል ነቲ ብሰልፊ ዲምክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤሪትራ ዝቀረበ እማመ ሐባራዊ ጽላል ንምቋም  ዕድምበዚ ኣቢልካ ድማ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ንምክያድ ለመ እማመ፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብገለ ውድባት ጠመተ ይረክብ ብምህላዉ፡ ክተባባዕን ዝያዳ ክሰፍሕ ከምዝግባእ ድማ ኣስሚረምሉ።

ኣብ መጨረሽታ ነቲ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ኣውጽኢዎ ዘሎ መደባት ንምዕዋት ናይ ገንዝብ ወፈያ ብምጅማር 795,00 ኤውሮ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ውጺኦም ገና እቲ ወፈያ ቀጻሊ ላዉ እውን ኣረጋጊጾም።

ብዘይካዚ ኣብቲ ከባቢ ንዝካይ ሓባራዊ ናይ ህዝቢ ምልዕዓላትን ምንቅስቓሳትን ንምዕዋት ካብ ኣባላት ዝሕተት ኩሉ መዳያዊ ምትሕብባር ንከበርክቱ ብምርድዳእ ኣኼባ ተደምዲሙ።

ሽማግለ ጨንፈር

Over 700 human rights and democracy activists, dissidents, victims, diplomats, journalists and student leaders assembled for the 10th time in Geneva on 20 February 2018 to highlight urgent human rights situations that require global attention. Unfortunately, there were no Eritrean witnesses appearing at the stage to tell the sad tale of their people and country.

 

The Geneva Summit, sponsored by a coalition of 25 human rights NGOs from around the world, is held annually on the eve of the UN Human Rights Council's main annual session with the aim of influencing positively the decisions of the 47-member Council which is blamed for including some wrong countries in its membership and for having failed to take meaningful  action on a number of disturbing human rights  situations in the world.(Click here for details:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xcDfswdOUqw).

 

10th Geneva Human Rights and Democracy Summit 1

 

President of the Organization of American States/OAS, Mr. Luis Almagro, was one of the 22 speakers who took the stage at the Summit as panelists, witnesses and moderators. In opening the panel discussion on "Fighting Authoritarianism", he stated that no regime becomes dictatorial overnight; it is the silence, the cowardice of "looking the other way" that gives birth and life to oppressive dictatorships everywhere, as it occurred in Venezuela.  Almost every speaker also referred to the upcoming 70th anniversary of the adoption here in Geneva of Universal Declaration of Human Rights document by Eleanor Roosevelt and her co-activists.  

 

Zimbabwe's Pastor Evan Mawarire was one of the sharp voices at the Summit who started his captivating speech by calling a minute of silence in memory of the Zimbabwean opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, whose funeral was taking place the same morning.  Pastor Mawarire, himself a big mass mobilizer against Mugabe's extended authoritarian rule, sent his advice to all strugglers that they should "never ever lose hope" even when the fight becomes uphill and steep. 

10th Geneva Human Rights and Democracy Summit 2

 "When you violate women's rights, you destroy a society". This was another African, Julienne Lusenge, speaking at the Summit. Ms Lusenge won this year's Women's Award of the Geneva Summit for her effective mobilization for the fight for women's rights in Congo  (DRC) by motivating women to establish 40 women's advocacy groups  in her country.

 

 Among the presenters were activists like Professor Irwin Cotler, former Canadian minister of just who is known to be one of those at the forefront of the struggle for human rights; Farida Abbas Khalaf, a Yazidi/Iraqi survivor of extreme abuses of the ISIS, and many human rights heroes, activists and former political prisoners from China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Pakistan, Russia, Venezuela and other countries who testified harrowing stories of their personal struggles for human rights, democracy and freedom.

 

The Eritrean Law Society is one of the 25 sponsor/organizer NGOs of the annual Geneva Summits. The  Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) attended the 10th Geneva Summit as represented by its head for Foreign Relations Office.

ኣብ ኣኼባ ጨንፈር ብብጻይ ታደሰ ኣስመላሽ ዝቐረበ ኣስተምህሮ 

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ወይ ባንዴራ እንታይ‘ዩ ትርጉሙ?

ብቐዳምነት ባንዴራ ዝብል ቃል (ከም ቃል) ኣብ መወዳእታ 14 ክፍለ ዘመን እስጳኛውያን ንወተሃደራዊ ኣሃዱታቶም መጸውዒ እጥቀሙሉ ምስ ነበሩ ብእእኡ ጌሩ ድማ ኣብ ሃገርና ምስ መግዛእቲ ጣልያን ዝመጸና ቃል እዩ። ንነዊሕ ግዜ ስለ ዝተጠቐምናሉ ግን ከም ቋንቋና ተቐቢልናዮ ጸኒሕና ኢና። ብትግርኛ ግን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ይበሃል። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ድማ ምልክት ወይ መለለዪ ማለት እዩ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ብኸመይ ተጀሚሩ?

ብዙሓት ብዛዕባ ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ዘጽንዑ ተመራመርቲ (Vexillologists) ከም Tim Marshal, Whitney Smith ዝኣመሰሉን ካልኦትን ከም ዝብሉዎ፡ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ቅድሚ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ምዃኑ ምልክት (Symbol) ተባሂሉ እዩ ዝፍለጥ ኔሩ። ኣብ ዝተፈልየ እዋናት ግን ሃገራት ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማአን ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። እዚ ንብሎ ዘሎና ምልክት መዓስ ከም ዝተጀመረ ክሳብ ሕጂ ሓደ ፍሉይ እዋን ክትጠቅስ ኣሸጋሪ እዩ፤ ግን በብግዜኡ ገለ ናይ ቅርሲ ተመራመርቲ፡ መሬት ፍሒሮም ዘዝረኸቡዎ ሓበሬታታት እናመርመሩን እናኣጽንዑን ክሳብ ቅድሚ ልደተ-ክርስቶስ ገለ ነገስታት ኣብ ቤተ-መንግስቲ እጥቀሙሉ ከም ዝነበሩ እዩ ዝሕበር። ንኣብነት ኣብ ሻህዳድ (ኢራን) ኣብ 3ይ ክፍለ-ዘመን ቅድሚ ልደተ-ክርስቶስ ብእምኒ ዝተወቕረ ቅርጺ ናይ ባንዴራ ዘለዎ ከም ዝተረኽበ ይሕበር። ኣብ ቻይና‘ውን ኣብ ግዜ ዞው ሰርወ መንግስቲ (Zhou Dynasty) ቅድሚ 1000 ዓመት ቅ.ል.ክ. ናይ ንጉስ ምልክት ጻዕዳ ባንዴራ እጥቀም ከም ዝነበረ ይጥቀስ እዩ። ኣብቲ ግዜቲ ገለ ነገስታት ካብ ዕንጨቲ ካብ ብሮንዝን ዝተወቕረ እምንን ከም መለለዪ ንግስነቶም እጥቀሙሉ ከም ዝነበሩ እዩ ዝፍለጥ። ቀጺሉ ድማ ባሕረኛታት መራኽቦም ናይ ኣየናይ መንግስቲ ምዃነን ከም መለለዪ ይጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ጸኒሑ‘ውን እቲ መለለዪ ወይ ባንዴራ ኣብ ግዜ ውግእ ሰራዊቶምን ጸላኢኦምን ንከለልዩሉ ዝሕግዞም ስለ ዝኾነ ሒዞሙዎ ክንቀሳቐሱ ስለ ዝጀመሩ፥ ምስካሙ ምእንቲ ክፈዅሰሎም ብጨርቂ ዝተሰርሐ ባንዴራ ቀይሮም እጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ኣብ 1095 ዝተጀመረን ንገለ ዓመታት ዝቐጸለን ብናይ መስቀላውያን (ክሩሰይድስ) ዝፍለጥ ኣብ መንጎ ኤውሮጳውያንን ኣዕራብን ዝነበረ ውግእ‘ውን በባንዴርኦም ሒዞም እዮም ዝዋግኡ ኔሮም። ኣብ 5ይን 6ይን ክፍለ ዘመን‘ውን ኣዕራብ ኣብ ውግኣት እጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም እዮም።

ብድሕሪ ገለ እዋናት‘ውን ቻይናውያን ብሃሪ (Silk) ሃብታማት ስለ ዝነበሩን ክሳብ ብሲልክ ሮድ (Silk Road) ዝፍለጥ ንግዲ ናይ ሃሪ ንኤውሮጳውያን እልእኩ ኔሮም፡፡ ሃሪ ድማ ክቡርን ድልዱልን መልክዕ ዝህብ መጋየጽን ስለ ዝኾነ ንጉሳውያን ቤተሰብን መራሕቲ ሃርማኖትን ጎይቶትን እዮም ዝጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ቻይናውያን ኣብ ሃገሮም ንመጀመርያ ነቲ ብዓለባ ዝነበረ ባንዴራ ብሃሪ ከም ዝስራሕ ጌሮሞ። ብዓለባ ዝተሰርሐ ባንዴራ ብፍላይ ቅብኣት ወይ ሕብሪ ምስ ተቐብአ ስለ ዝኸብድን ብቐሊል‘ውን ንፋስ ከንበልብሎ ስለ ዘይክእልን፥ ብኣንጻሩ ግን ብሃሪ ዝተሰርሐ ምስ ዝኸውን ፈዂስን ተሪርን ንፋስ ብቐሊሉ ዘንበልብሎን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ቅድም ኣዕራብ ነቲ ብሃሪ ምጥቃም ካብ ቻይናውያን ወሪሶሞ ጸኒሖም‘ውን ኤውሮጳውያን ተጠቒሞሙሉ፡ ከምኡ እናበለ‘ውን ናይ ምሉእ ዓለም ኣህዛብ ተጠቒሞሙሉ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ናይ ባሕረኛታት መራኸብን (Communication) ኣብ ውግእ መለለይ ሰራዊትን ጥራሕ ጌሮም ዝጥቀሙሉ ዝነበሩ፡ ካብ 9ይ ክሳብ 12 ክፍለ-ዘመን ጀሚሩ ግን መንግስታት ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። ስኮትላን ብ9ይ ክፍለ-ዘመን ኣውስትርያ ብ12 ክፍለ ዘመን ደንማርክ ድማ ብ13 ክፍለ-ዘመን ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። ተኸቲለን እውን ኩለን ሃገራት ዓለም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማ ጀሚረን። ብፍላይ ኣብ መበል 17ን 18ን ክፍለ-ዘመን ዳርጋ ዝበዝሓ ካብተን ነጻ ዝነበራ ሃገራት ዓለም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ተጠቒመን። እተን ኣብ መግዛእቲ ዝነበራ ሃገራት ድማ ናይተን ገዛእተን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ይጥቀማ ኔረን። ካብ መበል 19 ክፍለ-ዘመን ክሳብ እዚ ዘሎናዮ እዋን ድማ በብቑሩብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ነጻ እናወጻን ነናተን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እናኣውጽኣን ይኸዳ ኣለዋ። ካብ 1965 ጀሚሩ ድማ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ከተማታት ዓለም ኣብ ነፍስ-ወከፍ 2 ዓመት መዓልቲ ባንዴራ እናተባህለ ብደረጃ ዓለም ይብዕል ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ግዜ‘ዚ ዝኾነት ሃገር ከም መለለዪ ልኡላውነታ ዝኾነ ሰንደቕ ዓላማኣ ኣብ ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ዓለማዊ ትካላትን ይኹን ኣብ ካልእ ዞባዊ ማሕበራትን ትካላትን ተሰቒሉ ንረኽቦ። ስለዚ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ስም ወይ መለለዪ ናይ ሓንቲ ነጻን ልዑላዊትን ሃገር ማለት‘ዩ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ዝህቦ ጥቕምን ትርጉምን

ዝኾነ ሰብ ሰንደቕ ዕላማ ናይ ዝኾነት ሃገር ክርኢ እንከሎ፡ ሓንቲ ነጻን ልዑላዊትን ሃገር እያ እትረኣዮ። ናይ ሃገርካ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክትረኣየካ እንከላ ግን ብቕርጻን ብሕብርታታን ብኣብኣ ተለጢፉ ዘሎ ምልክትን ዝህበካ ትርጉምን ስምዒትን፡ ምልክት ሃገር ጥራሕ ካብ ምዃኑ ሓሊፉ፡ ካልእ ታሪኽን ጀእግራፊካዊ ዋንነትን ሃገራውነትን ተስፋን መጻኢ ሕልምታትን እዩ ዝረኣየካ። ከምኡ ድማ ንካልኦት ኣህዛብ በባንዴራኦም ስሚዒታትን ትርጉማትን ይህቦም። ንሓደ ህዝቢ ናይ ካልእ ህዝቢ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ስምዒት ኣይህቦን እዩ። ትርጉማ ንዋናታታ እዩ ስምዒት ዘሕድረሎም።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት እውን ተመሳሳልነት ዘለዎምን (Flag Family ወይ sister flags) ፍሉያት ዝኾኑን ኣለዉ። ንሱ ድማ ካብ ሓባራዊ ታሪኽ ናይቶም ኣህዛብ ዝብገስ እዩ። ንኣብነት ፓን ኣፍሪካን ሕብርታት ዝበሃሉ ቀጠልያን ብጫን ቀይሕን ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ዝጥቀማሉ እዩ። ኣብ 1896 ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ውግእ ዓድዋ ንወራር ጥልያን ስለ ዝሰዓረቶ፡ እዚ ድማ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ኣብ ታሪኽ ኣፍሪቃውያን ሓንቲ ኣፍሪቃዊት ሃገር ናይ ጸለምቲ ህዝቢ ንኤውሮጳዊት ወራሪት ሃገር ስዒራ ንሃገራ ካብ መግዛእቲ ዘድሓነት ስለ ዝኾነት፡ ንጉስ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብቲ ግዜቲ ሃጸይ ምነሊክ ካልኣይ ንመጀመርያ ኣፍሪቃዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ፥ ቀጠልያ (ንልምዓት ሃገር ዘመልክት) ብጫ (ንመሰል ሃይማኖትን ሰላምን ዘመልክት) ቀይሕ (ንሃገር ንምክልኻል ዝተሰውኡ ህዝቡ ዘመልክት) ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ገበረ። ጸኒሖም‘ውን ናይ ጸለምቲ ኮሙኒቲ ማሕበራት ንሕሰምን ባርነትን ታሪኽ ኣፍሪቃውያን ዝገልጽ ነቲ ብጫ ብጸሊም ሕብሪ ተክእዎ። በዚ ድማ ቀጠልያን ብጫን ቀይሕን ጸሊምን ከም ፓን ኣፍሪካን ሕብሪታት ይፍለጥ።

ፓን ዓረብ ዝበሃሉ ሕብርታት‘ውን ኣብ 1916 ዝነበረ ሰውራ ዓረብ ኣንጻር ናይ ቱርኪ ዑስማናዊ መግዛእቲ ዝጥርንፎም ናይ ፓን ኣራቢዝም ምልዕዓል ካብ ቀይሕን ጻዕዳን ጸሊምን ቀጠልያን ዝሕብሮም ባንዲራታት ጌሮም እዮም ተጠርኒፎም ተቓሊሶም። እዞም ሕብርታት እዚኣቶም ቅድሚ እዚ ምልዕዓላት እዚ‘ውን ዓረባውን እስላማውን ታሪኽ ናይ ሃይማኖትን ዓረብነትን ስለ ዝነበሮም ኣብ ኣዕራብን እስላማዊ ሃገራትን ሃገራት ዝውቱራት እዮም ኔሮም። ኣብዚ ግዜ‘ዚ እውን ብዙሓት ካብኣተን ነዚ ሕብርታት እዚ ይጥቀማ ኣለዋ።
ብዙሓት ኤውሮጳውያን‘ውን ከምኡ ናይ መስቀል ባንዴራታት እጥቀሙ‘ዮም። እዚ‘ውን ምስቲ ደንማርክ ትጥቀመሉ ዝነበረት ሃይማኖታዊ ውግእ ታሪኽ ዝተተሓሓዘ እዩ። ሃገራት ላቲን ኣመሪካ እንተኾና‘ውን መብዛሕትአን ብሰውራ ጌረን ነጻነተን ስለ ዝወጻ ሰንደቕ ዓላማአን ነናተን ናይ ሰውራ ታሪኽ ትርጉም ዝህብ ሕብርታት እየን ዝጥቀማ። ኣብኣተን‘ውን እንተኾነ ነናይ ዞባአን ተመሳሳልነት ዘለዎ ሕብርታት ምስቲ ተመሳሳሊ ታሪኸን ዝዛመድ እጥቀማ እየን። ኣብ እስያን ምብራቕ ኤውሮጳን‘ውን ነናተን ታሪኻዊ መግለጽታት ዘለዎ ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ኣለወን። ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣስላም‘ውን ፍርቂ ወርሕን ኮኾብን ይጥቀማ እየን። እዚ ድማ ቅድም ዑስማናውያን ገዛእቲ ንፍርቂ ወርሒ (Crescent) ናይ ባሕረኛታቶም (Navy) ምልክት ስለ ዝነበረት ጸኒሖም ምስ እስላማዊ ሃይማኖታዊ ታሪኽ ኣተሓሒዞም ከም ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እጥቀሙላ ኔሮም። ቱርኪ‘ውን ሕጂ ከም ሰንደቕ ዓላማኣ እያ እትጥቀመላ ዘላ። ከምኡ‘ውን ካልኦት እስላማዊ ሃገራት።

ካልኦት ናይ ኣህጉራዊ ወይ‘ውን ዞባዊ ከምኡ‘ውን ናይ ገለ ትካላት ዓለም ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት‘ውን ንሓድነት ኣህዛብን ኣህጉራዊ መለለይታትን ዝጠቕሙ ኣለዉ። ንኣብነት ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት (UN 1947): ናይ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ (1963)፡ ናይ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ (1955)፡ ቀይሕ መስቀል (1864)፡ ቀይሕ መስቀልን ወርሕን (1919)፡ ኦሊምፒክ (1913) ወዘተ… :: ብዙሓት ናይ ንግዲ ማሕበራት ይኹና ካልኦት ሲቪክ ማሕበራት‘ውን ከም መለለይአን ዝጥቀማሉ ባንዴራታት ኣለወን።
ካብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ መጽናዕትታት ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ጽሑፋት እምበኣር ገለ ካብቲ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዕላማታት ዝህቦ ስምዒታትን ጠቕምታትን እዚ ዝስዕብ ክጥቀስ ይካኣል፡-
1 - ልዑላውነት ሃገር (Sovereignty)
2 - ሃገራዊ ስምዒት (Nationalism)
3 - ሓርበኝነት (Patriotism)
4 - ሓድነት ህዝብን ሃገርን (Unity)
5 - ጀኦግራፊካዊ ዋንነት መሬትን ባሕርን
6 - ታሪኽ ናይ ሃገርን ህዝብን (ተዘክሮ ዝሓለፈን ንዝመጽእ ወለዶ ትምህርትን)
7 - ባህልን ክብርታትን ወግዕታትን ናይ ህዝቢ (Culture, Values and norms)
8 - ስምዒት ሃገርነት (Feeling of nationhood)
9 - ምልክት ፖሊቲካዊ ስልጣን ህዝብን መንግስትን ምዃኑ (Political power)
10 - መንነት ናይ ህዝቢ (identity)
11 - ምልክት ዓወትን ሞራል ንወተሃደራትን ብፍላይ ኣብ ውግእ
12 - ተስፋን ሕልምን ናይ መጻኢ ( Hopes and dreams)

ሰንደቕ ዕላማታት እምበኣር ምስቲ ዝተፈላለየ ሕብርታቱን ኣብኡ ዝልጠፍ ምልክታትን (Emblem and colour) ዝህቦ ፍሉይ ትርጉማቱ ከምዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ ንሓደ ብብሔር፡ ብዓሌት፡ ብባህሊ፡ ብቋንቋ፡ ብሃይማኖትን ካልእ እምነታትን ወይ ኣተሓሳስባታትን ዝተፈላለየ ህዝቢ ሓንቲ ሃገር፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓንቲ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ጠርኒፉ ሓድነታዊ ስምዒት ዘሕድረሉ እዩ። እዚ ግን እታ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ምስ ኩሉ ምልክታታን ሕብርታታን ብምሉኡ እቲ ሕብረተሰብ ናይታ ሃገር ዝድግፋን ባዕሉ ዝመረጻን ምስ እትኸውን እያ ሓድነቱ ከተዕቝበሉ እትኽእልን፡ ብእኣ ክሕበንን ክኾርዕን ዝኽእልን ክስውኣላ ድሉው ዝኸውንን። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ብጨርቂ ደኣ ትሰራሕ እምበር ጨርቂ ኣይኮነትን። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እቲ ኩሉ ዝተጠቕሰ እያ። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እምበኣር ህዝቢ’ያ። ሃገር ድማ’ያ።

እዚ እናኾነ እንከሎ ግን ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ኣብ ክንዲ ንህዝቢ ዘስምርን ሃገራዊ ስምዒቱ ዘዕቁበሉን፡ ፈላላይን ክሳብ ኣብ ውግእ ሓድሕድ ዘእቱን ዘፋልስን ኮይኑ ንልዑላውነት ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱን ይኸውን።

እንታይ ኮን ይኸውን እቲ ጠንቂ?

ልክዕ ከምቶም ሃገራዊ ቅዋም፡ ሃገራዊ መዝሙር፡ ሃገራዊ ቋንቋ፡ ሃገራዊ ባጤራ፡ ጉዳይ መሬት … ዝኣመሰሉ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ዝኾኑ፡ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ’ውን ጉዳይ ህዝቢ’ዩ። እዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ኩላቶም ብህዝቢ ክውሰኑ ይግባእ። ሓደ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ነዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ጉዳያት ንህዝቢ ዘይውክሉ ጌሩ ኣቚሙዎምን ክግልገለሎምን እንተደኣ ጸኒሑ ድማ፡ ዕድመ ናይዞም ጉዳያት እዚኦም ምስ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ’ዩ ዝውዳእ። በዚ ምኽንያት ድማ ሓደ ከምዚኦም ዝበሉ ስርዓታት ብዕልዋ ይኹን ብኻልእ መገዲ ክቕየር እንከሎ፡ ኩሎም እዞም ዝበልናዮም ጉዳያት በቶም ድሕሪኡ ዝመጹ ስርዓታት ይቕየሩ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ እንተረኣና፡ ኣብ ግዜ ንጉስ ሃይለ ስላሰን ኣብ ግዜ ደርግን ኣብ ግዜ ኢሂኣደግን እዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ጉዳያት እዚኦም ኩሎም እናተቐያየሩ እዮም መጺኦም። ናይ ደንማርክ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ጥራሕ እያ ካብ 700 ዓመት ንላዕሊ ጌራ ዘላ ከይተቐየረት። ኣብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ግን ብፍላይ ኣብዘን ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ዕልዋታት ዝካየደለን ኩሉ እዚ ጉዳያት እዚ እናተቐያየረን እናተተኻኽአን እዩ ዝኸይድ።

መደምደምታ፡-
ብዙሓት ምልካውያን መራሕቲ እምበኣር ኣብ ክንዲ ንስምዒታትን ታሪኽን ክብርታትን ህዝቢ ዝውክል፡ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም ወይ ስድራ-ቤቶም ውልቃዊ ዝና፡ ወይ ታሪኽ ዓሌቶም፡ ብሔሮም፡ ሰልፎም ወይ ውድቦም ወይ’ውን ሃይማኖቶም ዝነበረ ኣርማታት፡ ዝውክሎም ቅርጽታትን ምልክታትን ዲዛይን ጌሮም ኣግላሊ (exclusive) ዝኾነ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ሰሪሖም፡ ንህዝቢ ኣገዲዶም እዚኣ’ያ ሃገራዊት ሰንደቕ ዓላማኹም ተቐበሉዋ ብምባል እዮም ዝእውጁሉ።

እዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ’ዩ ህዝቢ ብሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ዝበኣስ። ገዛእቲ ሓይልታት’ውን እንተኾነ ናትካ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ኣውሪዶም ናቶም ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክትቅበል እዮም ዘገድዱኻ። ወጻእተኛታት ገዛእቲ ኤርትራ’ውን እዚ ስለ ዝገበሩ’ዩ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሰንደቕ ዓላማኡ ወይ ልዑላውነቱ ንምዕቋብ፡ ምስ ኩሉ ፍልልያቱ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓንቲ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ተጠርኒፉ ብሓድነት፡ ንነጻነት ሃገሩን፡ መንነቱን፡ ክብሩን መሰሉን ተቓሊሱ ሃገሩ ነጻ ዝገበረ። ንሕና ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎና ደለይቲ ፍትሒ እምበኣር፡ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ንኩሉ ህዝቢ እታ ሃገር ዝምልከት ጉዳይ ምኻኑን፡ ብሓደ ወይ ውሱናት ውድባት ወይ ክፍሊ ሕብረተሰብና ጥራሕ ከም ዘይውሰን ተረዲእና፡ ኣብዚ ዘሎናዮ ናይ ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ግዜ ብሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክንሰሓሓብ ኣይግባእን እዩ’ሞ፡ ቀዳምነታት ናይ ቃልሲ ዕማማትና ሰሪዕና፡ ሓቢርናን ሓድነትና ኣረጋጊጽናን ተጠርኒፍና ንመላኺ ስርዓት ንምውዳቕን ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ንምድሓንን ክንቃለስ ይግባእ። ጉዳይ ባንዴራ ግን ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ስለ ዝኾነ ንህዝባዊ ውሳኔ ዝግደፍ እዩ፡ ናይ ሕጂ ዋኒንና ድማ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ድማ መንእሰያትና ከም መሳሓሓብን መፈላለይን ክጥቀምሉ ኣይግባእን።

     

ብዕለት 18.02.2018 ጨንፈር ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኣን ኣብ ዘካየዶ ወርሓዊ ኣኼባ፡ ብኣቦ-መንበር ጨንፈር ብናይ ሰናይ ምንዮት ምስ ተኸፈተ፡ ኣብቲ ኣጀንዳታት ተኣትዩ። ብቐዳምነት ብዘይ ዲሲፕሊን ዝዕወት ቃልሲ ስለ ዘየለ፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሰልፋዊ ዲሲፕሊን ሓጺር መእተዊ ብሽማግለ ጨንፈር ቀሪቡ።

ካብኡ ቀጺሉ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ ኣብ ዝነበረ ኣኼባኡ፡ ጨንፈር ብዛዕባ እቶም ብህዝባዊ ውሳኔ ጥራሕ ክቖሙ ዘለዎም ንምሉእ ህዝቢ ዝምልከቱ ጉዳያት ከም ሃገራዊ ቅዋም፡ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ፡ ሃገራዊ መዝሙር፡ ሃገራዊ ባጤራ፡ ጉዳይ መሬት ... ወዘተ፥ ዝኣመሰሉ ብሓፈሻ ተዘራሪቡሎም እዃ እንተነበረ፡ኣብዚ ተጠቂሱ ዘሎ ዕለት ናይ ወርሒ ለካቲት 2018 ግን፡ ብፍላይ ንጉዳይ ባንዴራ ወይ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ዝምልከት ብጻይ ታደሰ ኣስመላሽ ሰፊሕ እስተምህሮ ንኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣቕሪቡ። ካብቲ ብጉዳይ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክፍለጥ ዝግብኦ ዝቐረበ ኣስተምህሮ መግለጺ ኣቦ-መንበር ብጽሞና ድሕሪ ምክትታል፡ ኣኼበኛታት ብመልክዕ ሕቶን መልስን ክትዓትን ብምክያድ ነቲ ዝቐረበ መግለጺ ከሀብትሙዎ ክኢሎምን ኣብ ጽቡቕ ሓባራዊ ተረድኦ ብምብጻሕ ደምዲሞምን። እቲ መግለጺ ኣኼበኛታት መወከሲ መታን ክግልገልሉ ብጽሑፍ መልክዕ እውን ተዓዲሉ።

እዚ ድማ ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ፡ ኣብ ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ጉዳያት ሓደ ዓይነት ኣረኣእያ ክህሉ ስለ ዝግባእ፡ ግዜኦም ኣብ ዘይሓለዉ ጉዳያት እናተሰሓሓብና ንዕድመ ስልጣን መላኺ ስርዓት ከይነናውሕ ከነስተዎል ከም ዝግበኣና ኣኼበኛ ምሕጽንታኡ ብምግላጽ 2 ሰዓትን ፈረቓን ዝወሰደ ቀዳማይ ክፋል ኣኼባኡ ብዝክረ ሰማእታት ዛዚሙ። ካላኣይ ክፋል ኣኼባኡ ድማ ምስቶም ኣብ ካስልን ከባቢኡን ዘለዉ ኣባላት ብተመሳሳሊ ክቕጽል ምዃኑ ተፈሊጡ ኣሎ።  

ምሉእ ትሕዝቶ ዝቐረበ ኣስተምህሮ ብፍሉይ ቀሪቡ ስለዘሎ ንምርኣይ ይካኣል።

ብቀዳም ዕለት 17 የካቲት 2018 ዞባ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.) ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ናይ ምሉእ ኣባላት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። እዚ መሰረታት ካብ ኣመሪካን ካንዳን ዝተሳተፍዎ ኣኼባ ኣብዘን ዝስዕባ አርእስታት ተመያይጡን ስጕምቲ ወሲዱን፤

1.ድሕሪ ህጹጽ ጉባኤ፣ ኣብ ዞባና ቀይዲ በተኻዊ ዕንደራ ኣብቂዑ ናብ ንቡር ቦቱኡ ተመሊሱ ሓዳስ መሪሕነት ዞባ ድማ መደባታ ሰሪዓ ናብ ስራሕ ምውፋራ መሰረታት ኣሞጒሶም። ኣኼበኛ ንሓደስቲ ኣባላት መርሓባ ኢሉ ንውሳኔኦም መጕሱ። ኣብ ኩሉ ጽፍሕታት ብምስታፍ እጃሙ ከበርክት ከኣ ወሲኑ።

2.መሪሕነት ሰልፊ እስትራተጂካውያን ዝኾኑ መደባት ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ተበጊስሎም ዘሎ ብዑምቆት ዘቲይሎም። ንምትግባሮም ውፈያታት ክገብር ውሲኑ። ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዝተረኽቡ $5,000.00 ኣዋጺኦም። ገና እቲ ናይ ውፈያ ጎሽጓሽ ክቅጽል እዩ። መሰረታት ንሰልፎምን ንመሪሕነቱን ከዕጥቑ ኣብ ዝኾነ ግዜ ቅሩባት ምዃኖም ኣስሚሮምሉ።

ናይ ህዝቢ ድሌት ኣይግታእን እዩ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ቤት-ጽሕፈት ዜና ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

18 የካቲት 2018

ዝኾነ ሰብ ብዛዕባ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ኩለንተናኡ ኮነ ብዛዕባ ካልእ ክዛረበሉ ዝደሊ ዛዕባ ሓሳቡ ናይ ምግላጽ መሰል ኣለዎ። እዚ መሰል’ዚ ሃናጽን ቅቡልን ዝኸውን ግና ናይ ካለኦት ተመሳሳሊ መሰል ዘይጉንጽ ክኸውን እንከሎ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ሓሳብካ ናይ ምግላጽ ሜዳ ከም ናትካ ብሕታዊ ንብረት ወሲድካ ንካለኦት ክትነድሕን ኣፎም ከተትሕዝን ምፍታን ግና ብኹሉ መዕቀኒ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን።

ከምቲ “ናይ ደቂ ሰብ ህይወት በብመልክዑ ብዝግለጽ ፍልልያት ዝተነድቀ እዩ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሰባት ኮነ ብሰባት ዝተነድቀ ትካላት ፍልልያት ክህሉ ግድን እዩ። ሰባት ኣብ ህይወቶም ካብ ዝፍተንሉ ግድላት ሓደ ከኣ ነዚ ፍልልያት’ዚ ከመሓድሩ ምኽኣልን ዘይምኽኣልን እዩ።  ነዚ ፈተና’ዚ ክሓልፉ ዘይከኣሉ ሰባት ከኣ እዮም፡ ጠቃኒ፡ ናግራም፡ ዕቡድ፡ ዘራጊቶ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብል ቅጽል ኣስማት ዝወሃቦም። ኩልና ከምዘይንስሕቶ “ሰላም” ኣብ ዓለምና መወዳድርቲ ዘየብላ ብቐጻሊ እትለዓል ቃል እያ። ሰላም ሰባት  ምስ ሕልናኦም ኣሳንዮም ዝነብሩላ ጥራይ ዘይኮነት ምስ ካለኦት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኩርነዓትን ዓውደ-ስረሓትን ኣሳንዮም ኣብ ውጽኢት ንክበጽሑ እተኽእል ጠማሪት እያ። ነዚኣ ንምውሓስ ነቲ ብዙሕ ዝመንቀሊኡ ዝበልናዮ ፍልልያት ምውጋድ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ምውጋድ ፍልልያት ግና እንተ ተደልየ’ውን ኣይከኣልን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ መዋጽኦ ንፍልልያት ከተመሓድርን ከተከኣእልን ምብቃዕ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ሰላማውን ርጉእን ኩነታት ኣሎ እንብሎ ትካላት ኮነ ከባብታት ፍልልያቱ ዘወገደ ዘይኮነ፡ ፍልልያቱ ንኹሎም ሰብ ጉዳይ ክጠምር ብዝኽእል ሕግን ውዕልን ዘመሓደረ ማለት እዩ። ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ምዃን፡ ነቲ ሓረጋት ደጋጊምካ ብምጽሓፍ ዘይኮነ ብግብሪ ከምኡ ክትከውን ብምብቃዕ እዩ። ንሕጊ ዘይተኽብር ክነስኻ ሕጋዊ ክትከውን ምፍታን ግና ኪኖ ድኻም ዋጋ የብሉን።

እዚ ካብቶም ፍልልያት ዘለዎም ብናይ ሓደ ወገን ድሌት ዘይኮነ ብናይ ኩሎም ወገናት ቅሩብነት፡ ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ብናይ ሕጊ ምእዙዝነትን ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ ምምሕዳሩ ዘጸግም ናይ ሓሳብ ፍልልይ ተፈጢሩ፡  ምርሕሓቕ ከጋጥም እንከሎ፡ ምክብባር ካልእ ናይ ሰላም መርእያ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ሓደ ኣካል “ኣነ ዝረገምኩዎ ርጉም ኣነ ዝመረቕኩዎ ምሩቕ” እንተዘይበልኩም ኢሉ መሬት እንተዘበጠ፡ ዘበጥበጡ ውጽኢት ዘይህልዎ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ከም ዝወድቕ ርዱእ እዩ። በቲ ብኣነነት ተሰንዲሑ ዝጠሓሶ ሕግን ስርዓትን ኣብ ክንዲ ዝጠዓስ ነቲ ጥሕሰቱን ዓመጹን ሕጋዊ ንምምሳል፡ ነቶም “የለን እቲ መንገዲ ከምኡ ኣይኮነን” ዝበሉ ከነውር እንከሎ ከኣ መሊሱ የገርም “ወይ ጉድ ቀታል ወድኻስ ለባም እንተዝኾነልካ” ዘብል’ውን ይኸውን።

ሓደ ጉዳይ በቲ ንስኻ ዝቐየስካዮ ከም ዝኸደልካ ንምግባር የኽእለኒ’ዩ ዝበልካዮ፡ ሓሳብ ምቕራብ ዝንጸግ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ግና ከምቲ በይንኻ ድዩ ጉጅለ ፈጢርካ ዝፈሓስካዮ ዝውዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ ክሓልፎ ዝግበኦ መስርሕን ናይ ካለኦት ሓሳብ ናይ ምቕራብ እጃምን ከም ዝጽብዮ ምግንዛብ ግድን እዩ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ውድባውን ሰልፋውን ኣሰራርሓ ዝቐርብ ሓሳብ ዝዕየረሉ ብዙሕ ደረጃታት ኣለዎ። ቀንዲ ከኣ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣሰራርሓ፡ ሰልፋዊ ቅዋምን ስርዒታዊ ሰንሰለትን ናታቶም ዘይስገር ግደ ኣለዎም። እዚ መዕቀንታት ኣብቶም ኩሉ ነገር ኣብ ትሕቲ ደሞክራስያዊ፡ ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ኣገባብ ክቃነ ኣለዎ ኢሎም ዝተቐበሉ እምበር፡ ሓንሳብ ካብዚ መስኖዚ ወጺኦም ዝበገጉ ዝበርገጉ ወገናት ኣይሰርሕን እዩ። እቶም ካብ ቀይዲ ዘፍትሑ ኩሉ ድሕሪኡ ዝወስድዎ ስጉምትታት  “ይምሕረልናዶ ኣየምሕረለይን?” እንዳበሉ ዝለብስዎ ፍንዊ እምበር ቀላሲ መዕቀኒ የብሉን። ነዚ ንክጥዕሞም ድማ ነቶም ፈላሊኻ ክረኣዩ ዘይክእሉ፡ ቅዋም፡ ነቲ ቅዋም ከተግብር ዝተመዘዘ ሕጋዊ መሪሕነት፡ ደሞክራስያዊ ጥርናፈ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብሉ መሰረተ-ሓሳባት ከባእሱን   ዘንተ-ምትእስሳሮም ክበትኩን  ሒዅ ይብሉ።

“እገለ ከምዚ እዩ” ክትበሃል ቀሊል እዩ። ከምቲ እትበሃሎ ኮይንካ ክትቀረብ ግና ከቢድ እዩ። ዘይከኣለሉ ኣጋጣሚ’ውን ኣሎ። በዚ መንጽር፡ ምሁር በዓል መዓርግ ኮይንካ  ንምሁር ዝምጥን ተግባር ምውናን ክሳብ ክንደይ ከም ዘጸገም ኣብ ሓደ ሓደ ምሁራን ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ኣብ ባህልና ምሁር ኣይጋገን እዩ ዝብል ግንዛበ ስለ ዘሎ፡ “ዝተማህረ ይቕተለኒ” ይበሃል እዩ።  ምሁር ለባምን መሓርን ስለ ዝኾነ ኣይቀትልን እዩ ካብ ዝብል ብምንቃል። እንተኾነ እምነት ዘንበርካሉ ኣካል እውን ክጠልም ከም ዝኽእል ንምምልካት “ለባም ክጋገ እንከሎስ መራግእቲ ነየብሉ” ከኣ ይበሃል። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ሕጂ ሕጂ ክንዕዘቦ እንከለና ነቲ “ካብ ምህሮስ ኣእምሮ” ዝብል ምስላ ቀዳሞት’ውን እውን ቦታ ትኸልኦ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቁምነገር እምበኣር ትዕዝብትና ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ንምሁራን፡ ከከም ውልቃዊ ተግባሮምን ኣበርክተኦምን እምበር ኣልማማ ብይን ምሃብ ኣብ ጌጋ ዘውድቕ’ዩ። “ብሰንኪ ንቑጽ ይነድድ ርሑስ” ከይከውን።

እቲ ካልእ ጸገም ገለ ወገናት ለባም ወይ ምሁር ዝብል ስም ይሕዙ። ከባቢኦም እውን ኣብዚ ስያመኦም ተመስሪቱ እምነት የንብረሎም። ብተግባር ግና ትሕቲ ስሞም ይኾኑ። ከምኡ ምዃኖም ስለ ዘይርደኦም ግና በቲ  ስኽራኖም ይቕጽሉ።  ተዓዛቢ ከኣ ጽሑፋቶምን መደረታቶምን  ትሕቲ ትጽቢቱ ምስ ኮኖ ኣብ ልዕሊኦም ዝነበሮ ግምት ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ እንዳተሸምቀቐ ይኸይድ። ምስ ከምዚ ወየተዕዛባይ ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ከምቲ “ባህ ንክብሎ ልባ ጽብሓላ ዱባ” ዝበሃል፡ ናይ ሓሶት እንዳሰሓቐ፡ ልቡ ዘይኮነስ እዝኑ ኣይነፍጎምን። እቶም ዕቡያት ግና ኣብቲ ዝብልዎ እምበር ኣብቲ ዝበሃልዎ ስለ ዘየቕልቡ ብናይ “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ስልቲ ይዕዘሩ። እዚ ጥራይ መዓስ ኮይኑ፡ ሕሉፍሓሊፎም ምስ ነብሶም ከይተመሃሃሩ ኣብ መድረኻት መምሃራን ክኾኑ ይደልዩ። እቲ ትምህርቶም ዝኾርኮሖ ተሳታፋይ “ነዓይ ነንጭዋስ ኣብ ለቖታ” ከም ዝብሎም ኣይስወጦምን። ኣብዚ  በቲ ዝደጋገም ዘይውርዙይ ኣቀራርባኦም፡  ንናይ ሰባት ሕልና ከም ዝኹርኩሕ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እንተኾነ “ክቡር የኽብረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ፡ ሕሱር ከኣ የሕስረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ” ስለ ዝኾነ ዘተዓዛዝብ  እምበር ካብ ጸኒዕካ ቃልስኻ ምቕጻል ዓዲ ዘውዕል ኣይኮነን።

By
February 16, 2018 06:25

Thursday’s ruling may provide a respite for thousands of men who received deportation notices earlier this month.

African asylum seekers line up to apply for a visa in Bnei Brak, Israel

 
  

African asylum seekers line up to apply for a visa in Bnei Brak, Israel. (photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)

Thursday’s ruling by a special appeals court that Eritreans who fled forced military service are now eligible for refugee status could prove to be a lifeline for thousands of the 20,000 men slated for deportation to an unknown third African country beginning April 1.

Noting that Eritrean army deserters make up over half of the 28,000 Eritreans presently living in Israel who were previously denied asylum, Ori Lahat, CEO of the African Refugee Development Center, deemed the ruling a “game changer.”

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While most Western nations have long considered conscription conditions in Eritrea to be slave-like and inhumane, Israel has refused to recognize it as such, instead derisively referring to those who fled its military as “evaders” and “infiltrators.”

“This was an important issue because in the Western world, if you look at the percentages, it was obvious in almost all the countries there that Eritreans who fled the military qualified for asylum – except in Israel,” Lahat said.

“This ruling is very relevant to the majority of asylum-seekers in Israel because the main claim by the majority of Eritreans was abusive military conditions. Thousands of these men were previously denied asylum out of hand, and those who are denied asylum are being deported, and now their cases can be reopened.”

To date, the Interior Ministry’s Population, Immigration and Border Authority has only reviewed 6,500 of the 15,000 African asylum requests submitted since 2013. Among the 6,500 it has reviewed, 10 Eritreans and one Sudanese national have been granted asylum status.

It remains unclear how many of the remaining 8,500 applicants are Eritreans who fled the military. Currently, there are approximately 38,000 Eritrean and Sudanese migrants living in Israel. The vast majority have been sequestered in ghettos in impoverished south Tel Aviv.

According to Lahat, Thursday’s ruling may provide a respite for thousands of men who received deportation notices earlier this month.

“For the moment, at least, we will have to see how to stop them from being deported because it shows the intent of the government of Israel to send deportation letters even though it knows that their cases should be reopened,” he said.

“The government knew that most countries accepted Eritrean army desertion as a qualification for refugee status, and [Israel] should not have been the one country that was different from all the others. So, I think it shows that Israel’s intent was to deport as many people as possible.”

In Canada, the US and EU nearly 90% of Eritreans qualify for asylum, while in Israel the acceptance rate is a fraction of a percent.
The appeal court’s ruling, Lahat said, warrants cautious optimism.

“This is a serious game changer, and we know there will probably be a next round because the government will appeal the ruling, but for now it is a big win,” he said.

MK Michal Rozin (Meretz) echoed Lahat’s contention that the ruling is evidence of the government’s biased asylum system.
“Today’s ruling is further proof that the asylum-screening system in Israel is failing and biased,” she said. “This is an important decision of the appeals court, which proves the lies of the government. For years, asylum applications for Eritrean refugees have been automatically rejected, unlike other countries in the world that recognize them as refugees.”

Accordingly, Rozin demanded that the expulsion process should be stopped since it contravenes the 1951 Refugee Convention, of which Israel was among the first signatories.

“The deportation process must be stopped immediately,” she said. “The State of Israel must reconsider the requests of Eritrean asylum seekers rejected by it – a decision now ruled by the court, which determined that it was not in accordance with the international standard required by the UN Refugee Convention.”

Meanwhile, Yonatan Jakubowicz of the Israeli Immigration Policy Center, which opposes the absorption of African refugees, said “the majority of evaders from national service in Eritrea are not refugees by the Geneva Convention standards.”

“According to multiple reports and sources, a great portion can return to Eritrea with no fear of reprisal if done so from their own volition, and after paying a 2% tax on their earnings while abroad,” he said on Thursday.

“Among these sources is a recent report by the European Asylum Support Office, an official European Commission think tank, and information from the Israeli Interior Ministry, proving that over 2,000 Eritrean migrants – many of whom are national service evaders – have chosen to return to Eritrea from Israel of their own volition,” he added.

Friday, 16 February 2018 09:56

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 15.02.2018

Written by

South African President Jacob Zuma resigns under pressure from ANC

South African President Jacob Zuma attends a session during the 30th annual African Union summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Jan. 28. Zuma resigned Wednesday. (Simon Maina / AFP/Getty Images)

South African President Jacob Zuma bowed to intense pressure from his party and resigned Wednesday, ending nearly nine years of rule marred by corruption scandals and fiscal mismanagement that shamed the party of Nelson Mandela and inflicted serious damage on one of Africa's biggest economies.

The 75-year-old leader's approval ratings had been sinking along with those of his ruling party, the African National Congress. In the end, the party turned against him and sided with his deputy, Cyril Ramaphosa, who unseated Zuma as party president in December and now becomes acting president of the country.

The ANC national executive committee issued Zuma an ultimatum Monday: resign or be recalled from office.

Zuma, who had already been resisting pressure from party leaders to quit, remained defiant at first. On Wednesday, he went on television and, in a lengthy statement, insisted that he had done nothing wrong.

"What is the rush? I have been asking this question all the time," he told SABC television. "You can't force a decision as is being done now."

"It's the first time that I feel the leadership is unfair," Zuma said. "It's 'No, you must just go.' The ANC does not run things that way. It's a kind of ANC that I begin to feel that there's something wrong here."

But late Wednesday, Zuma backed down and in a television address announced his decision to resign.

"I do not fear exiting political office," he said. "However, I have only asked my party to articulate my transgressions and the reason for its immediate decision that I vacate office."

He insisted the decision to dismiss him was unjustified, but said he decided to resign in order to avoid violence between members of the ANC.

"I am forever indebted to the ANC, the liberation movement I have served almost all my life," he said. "I respect each member and leader of this glorious movement. I have served the people of South Africa to the best of my ability. I am forever grateful that they trusted me with the highest office in the land."

Ramaphosa, now the acting president, is expected to be elected president at a meeting of the ANC parliamentary caucus in coming days.

Zuma had been due to leave office when his term ended in 2019. But Ramaphosa and his supporters wanted Zuma out well in advance of next year's presidential election in hopes that the ANC would have time to rebuild its support.

The opposition Democratic Alliance had said any departure deal should be made public and threatened to go to court if Zuma was given immunity from prosecution on corruption charges he is trying to fend off.

Zuma rose to power on the important role he played in the struggle against apartheid and on his charisma, often rousing party supporters, dancing and singing his trademark apartheid-era struggle song "Bring Me My Machine Gun." He ended a depleted figure, booed at party gatherings.

His method of governing — using the law to go after enemies, and state contracts and government jobs to enrich allies — is common in many African countries. But many South Africans, including sections of the ANC, were horrified at the scope of the scandals that followed him.

Soon after taking office in 2009, Zuma upgraded his mansion in the coastal province of Kwazulu-Natal, charging the state for "security upgrades," including a swimming pool, a visitor's center and an amphitheater. He was eventually forced to pay back $600,000 to the government.

Less than a year into his presidency, family members and friends had accumulated scores of companies, getting rich on the patronage that his political machine lavished.

Lawmakers and government officials have alleged that a powerful business family used its friendship with the president to manipulate cabinet appointments. Critics say the Gupta family — which has joint ventures with one of Zuma's sons, Duduzane Zuma, and has employed two other Zuma family members — "captured" the state in an effort to advance its commercial interests, which include mining, media and aviation.

The family and Zuma have denied the allegations.

In a sign that the political winds have shifted, a police anti-corruption unit known as the Hawks raided the home of the Guptas on Wednesday. The Hawks confirmed three arrests had been made and said two other people had agreed to hand themselves over to police.

The arrests related to a dairy farm project in the Free State province that was supposed to direct money to poor black South Africans. Instead, almost all the money is alleged to have been used to pay for a Gupta family wedding.

Under Zuma, many of the people shuffled into government jobs were unqualified, ill-equipped or corrupt. He drew widespread criticism in 2016 when he dismissed a reputable finance minister, Nhlanhla Nene, and tried to install a former mayor of a small municipality with little experience in finance.

That same year, a Chinese rhino horn trafficker claimed in a television documentary that he "did business" with the wife of David Mahlobo, a former state security minister and close Zuma ally. He claimed Mahlobo was his friend and displayed cellphone photos of them together.

Mahlobo denied either he or his wife had any connection with the trafficker and was never investigated. He remains in the cabinet as minister for energy. Zuma had been promoting a controversial $83-billion nuclear power plan that Ramaphosa says the country cannot afford.

The proposed deal with Russia was pushed hard by Zuma and Mahlobo, with critics accusing the government of undue haste in pursuing the deal.

Zuma was tainted by scandal even before voters elected him. He had been accused of rape, then acquitted, and charged with making over 783 allegedly corrupt payments as deputy president before prosecutors dropped the charges weeks before the 2009 election, clearing his way to become president after the vote.

But, popular in the party, he overcame the political damage from those episodes with a personal story that made him a hero in the fight against apartheid.

He grew up illiterate, forced to herd cattle as a child instead of going to school, after the death of his father, a policeman. His mother left him in the care of relatives and went to the city of Durban to earn money as a maid, and he began to teach himself to read, using other children's school books.

He joined the ANC in 1959 and was jailed for 10 years on Robben Island with Mandela, who went on to become the nation's first black president. Zuma never received a visitor; his mother was too poor to travel to see him.

Upon release, he rose through the ranks of the ANC to head the intelligence arm of its military wing.

His history and his outsized personality propelled him to the leadership of the party. He was a populist who exuded charm and warmth, unlike former President Thabo Mbeki, the cool and remote successor to Mandela.

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The pressure for Zuma to step aside began to mount last fall after a court ordered the reinstatement of corruption charges that had been dropped in 2009 — a decision he is now fighting — and the deepening scandals over the influence of the Gupta family.

Increasing that pressure were the effects of fiscal mismanagement.

Last year, global credit rating agencies downgraded South Africa's debt rating to junk. State-owned enterprises piled up debt, requiring repeated bailouts. Recently the finance minister warned that electricity provider Eskom was in such bad shape that it could topple the entire South African economy.

Zuma lost control of the party at a national conference in December, failing in a bid to ensure his ex-wife, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, succeeded him in a move designed to shield him from prosecution.

Instead Ramaphosa narrowly won the presidency of the party and the right to succeed Zuma as the nation's president if the ANC wins parliamentary elections next year. In South Africa, the majority party in parliament elects the president.

Zuma also lost control of the ANC's national executive committee, the only party body with the power to fire him — or in the parlance of the party, "recall" him.

Ramaphosa had started turning against his boss last year, telling a radio interviewer that he believed the president was guilty of rape, despite his 2006 acquittal.

At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, last month, Ramaphosa said that South Africa had been captured by corrupt elements close to Zuma.

As the sense of crisis deepened, the national currency surged at every suggestion Zuma would go.

His decision to resign saved the ANC the embarrassing spectacle of voting with opposition parties in parliament to oust him. The party had supported him in past no-confidence votes.

Zuma had been scheduled to deliver the state of the nation speech to parliament last Thursday. The address will now be delivered by Ramaphosa on Friday evening, after he is elected president that morning, the ANC has said.

After several days of negotiations between Ramaphosa and Zuma, the party's executive committee met in a marathon 13-hour session Monday to decide the issue. A letter of recall was delivered to Zuma by the party Tuesday.

Zuma is not the first South African president to be forced out of office. In a power play orchestrated by Zuma supporters, Mbeki resigned in 2008 after he was "recalled" by the executive committee, nine months before his term was due to end.

Many hope that Ramaphosa will clear out corruption in the ANC by appointing a strong chief of the National Prosecution Authority and empowering that person to go after powerful figures in the party — even at the risk of losing some key political allies.

 

Twitter: @RobynDixon_LAT

UPDATES:

2 p.m.: This article was updated with details of Jacob Zuma's resignation speech.

This article was originally published at 1:05 p.m.

Source=http://www.latimes.com/world/africa/la-fg-south-africa-zuma-presidency-20180214-story.html