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Sunday, 20 March 2016 14:21

The EU and Turkey Reach a Tenuous Immigration Agreement

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Analysis
March 18, 2016 | 20:34 GMT
 
The heads of EU member governments and their Turkish counterparts have agreed on a plan to stem the flow of migrants into Europe and encourage legal paths to asylum. (CARL COURT/Getty Images)

Analysis

After two days of negotiations, Turkey and the European Union reached a compromise agreement on a plan to reduce the flow of migrants from the Middle East to Europe. At a summit concluding March 18, the heads of government of the 28 EU members and their Turkish counterparts approved the plan, which should take effect March 20. While the deal could help reduce the number of migrants arriving in Europe, questions remain about the signatories' ability and commitment to fully enforce it.

With the March 18 agreement, Ankara agreed that all migrants arriving in Greece from Turkey will be sent back to Turkey. And for every Syrian migrant sent back to Turkey, a Syrian in Turkey will be given asylum in the European Union. The plan, however, caps the number of Syrians who can be sent to Europe from Turkey at 72,000. If that limit is reached, the European Union and Turkey would have to renegotiate.

The agreement makes partial concessions to Turkey. In exchange for accepting returned migrants, Turkey wanted to open five chapters of its accession negotiation with the European Union. (In EU accession talks, chapters represent aspects of an applicant country's policy that must be evaluated in comparison with EU standards before it can join the bloc.) The Cypriot government countered with demands for a stronger Turkish commitment to reunifying Cyprus, which was divided into distinct Greek and Turkish states after Turkey invaded in 1974. As a result of the talks, EU leaders compromised, agreeing to open only one mostly technical and not particularly controversial chapter.

The European Union also vowed to speed up the disbursement of 3 billion euros ($3.4 billion) in financial aid that was promised to Turkey last year, and to grant Turkey an additional 3 billion euros in the future. This funding will, of course, come with strings attached, and EU leaders asked their Turkish counterparts to present concrete proposals for the use of the funds within a week. Additionally, the European Union promised to grant Turkish citizens visa-free travel to Europe by the end of June, but Ankara must first meet a long list of requirements. This is a controversial issue for several Northern European countries, so this part of the deal could be derailed in the future. 

Some EU members pushed for a fast implementation of the deal, fearing that delaying its introduction would encourage migrants to cross from Turkey to Greece before the agreement takes effect. But this could be problematic. Before migrants can be legally returned to Turkey, the Greek Parliament has to recognize Turkey as a "safe third country." The Greek government must also improve its ability to register newly arrived immigrants and speed up its process for reviewing asylum applications. Since the beginning of the crisis, Greece has struggled to provide housing for an ever-growing number of asylum seekers and to reduce the time required to process their applications. And some EU members warned that expelling people without first analyzing their cases would be illegal.

Turkey's treatment of migrants is particularly controversial. The Turkish government has given some limited rights to Syrians. But there are questions about the situation for migrants from countries such as Iraq or Afghanistan who will also be sent to Turkey from Greece once the agreement is in place. Ankara promised the European Union that all migrants will be treated in accordance with international humanitarian law, which includes guaranteeing that the migrants not be sent back to their countries of origin. But to meet international standards, Turkey will have to pass new laws improving the quality of life for migrants. Failure to do so quickly could give rise to legal challenges to the EU-Turkey agreement.

If implemented properly, the new plan could discourage migrants from trying to reach Greece. The idea is to punish people who try to reach Greece illegally by sending them back to Turkey, relegating them to the bottom of the list of asylum applicants. At the same time, people who wait in Turkey and use official channels to pursue asylum will be rewarded for their patience. But for the deal to work, Turkey will have to better prevent migrants from reaching Greece, and Greece will have to become more efficient at processing asylum applications. So far, efforts to regulate the flow of migrants have been disappointing. On March 17, German media reported that German officials working on the recently approved NATO patrolling operation in the Aegean Sea are frustrated by its limited effect; human trafficking organizations are still managing to avoid controls and reach the Greek islands.

As the war in Syria continues, asylum seekers will probably continue to try to make it to Europe, even if their path is more difficult than before. Migrants from Syria and other Middle Eastern countries may even try to enter the European Union through more complicated routes, passing through Albania, Bulgaria or even the Caucasus. In addition, as the weather improves in spring and summer, migrants will resume taking the central Mediterranean route that connects North Africa with southern Italy. This will bring a growing number of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa to Europe in the coming months. The resulting renewed migratory pressure will test the stability of the EU-Turkey agreement and challenge the fragile consensus among EU members. 

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Sunday, 20 March 2016 14:13

ኣቦ መንበር ሰድህኤ ኣብ ፓልቶክ ክፉት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ

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ኣቦ መንበር ሰድህኤ ኣብ ፓልቶክ ክፉት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ

ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብ19 መጋቢት 2016 ኣብስመርሩም ቁጽሪ 1 ክፉት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ።ኣብዚ ንልዕሊ 7 ሰዓታት ዝቐጸለን ዝያዳ 600 ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያን ዝተሳተፍዎን ኣኼባኡ፡ ንራእዪ ሰዲህኤ፡ ንሕቶ ሓድነት ወይ ሓባራዊ ስራሕን ንጥፈታት ሰደህኤ ኣብ ዝምልከቱ ጉዳያት መበገሲ ሓሳብ ኣቕሪቡ።

ኣብዚ መበግሲ ሓሳቡ ቀንድን ኣገደስትን ነጥብታት ካብ ፖሊሲ እቲ ሰልፊ ኣብሪሁ። ኣብቲ ንሕቶ ሓድነት ዝምልከት ድማ እቲ ንሱ ዘመርሖ ሰልፊ ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ ክኽተሎ ዝጸሐን ዝኽተሎ ዘሎን ኣገባብን ዘካየዶ ጻዕርን ገሊጹ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ሕቶ ሓድነት ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ፡ ሰዲህኤ መዋጽኦ ኢሉ ዝርእዮን ንምዕዋቱ ዝቃለሰሉ ነጥብታትን ንተሳተፍቲ ኣብሪሁ። ንንጥፈታት ሰልፉ ኣብ ዝምልከት ድማ ብሓፈሻን ከም ሰልፊ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ናይ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ቤት ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚት ሽማግለ ንጥፈት ከመይ ከም ዝመስል ኣሕጺሩ ገሊጹ።

ድሕሪ እዚ ንኣስታት 45 ደቓይቕ ዝቐረበ መበገሲ ሓሳባት፡ መድረኽ ንሕቶን መልስን ተኸፊቱ። ኣብዚ መድረኽ ሕቶን መልስን “ዳርጋ ዘይተተንከፈ ጉዳይ ኣይነበረን” ብዘብል ኣገባብ ኣዝዮም ብዙሓት ጉዳያት ተላዒሎም። ብፍላይ ከኣ፡ መርገጽ ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣብ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ፡ ዘይምእኩል ምምሕዳር ክብል እንከሎ እንታይ ማለቱ ምዃኑ፡ መስርሕ ምርግጋጽ ሓድነት ሓይልታት ተቓውሞን ሕጂ’ውን ኣብዚ ጉዳይ ዘለዎ ኣረኣእያ፡ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ፡ ዝጸነሖ ሚዛንን መጻኢ ሚዛኑ ኣብዚ ዛዕባን፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ይበጋገሱ ብዛዕባ ዘለዉ ናይ ሓድነት ንቕሎታት፡ ግደን ተሳትፎን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን መንእሰያትን፡ ኣድላይነት ግሉጽነትን ተሓታትነት ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ በደላት፡ ሓደገኛነት ተርእዮ ስደት፡ ሚዛኑ ኣብ ዝምድና በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን፡ ዝምድናኡ ምስ ገረባብቲ ሃገራት፡ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ክብል እንከሎ እንታይ ማለቱ ምዃኑ፡.. ወዘተ ዘድሃቡ ነጥብታት ካብቶም ብስፍሓት ዝተላዕሉ ነይሮም። ኣቦመንበር ሰዲህኤ ነቲ ምስ ዝሓለፉ ተመኩሮታት እንዳተዘመደ እሞ ድማ ብዝተፈላለዩ ስምዒታትን ናህርን ተሰንዩ እንዳተደጋገመ ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ሕቶታት ተሳተፍቲ “ይኣኽለና ክሳብ ዝብሉ ብህዱን ሓላፍነታውን ኣገባብ ኣዕጋቢ መልሲ ክህብ ሓዲሩ። ተሳተፍቲ ብወገኖም መምስቲ ዘቕርብዎ ዝነበሩ ሕቶታት ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብቲ ሩም ቀሪቡ ብዛዕባ ሰልፊ ድሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከብርህን፡ ብዘይገደብ ዝቐርቡ ዝነበሩ ሕቶታት ክምልስን ድልዊ ብምዃኑ መጎስን ናእዳን ኣቕሪበምሉ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ በዚ ኣገባብ ቀሪብካ መብርሂ ምሃብን ሕቶታት ምምላስን፡ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ንክቕጽሎ፡ መራሕቲ ካልኦት ውድባት እውን ክኽተልዎ ከም ዝግባእ ዳርጋ ናይ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ሓታታይ ጠለብ እዩ ነይሩ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ሓው መንግስተኣብ፡ እቲ ኣኼባ ዝመስለካ መብርሂ ምሃብ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንታይ ከም እትበሃል ምስማዕ እውን ከም ዝነበረ ጠቒሱ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ብተመሳሳሊ ኣገባብ ምርኻብ ከም ዝከኣል ቃል ኣትዩ። ኩሉ ደላይ ለውጢ ኣብ ክንዲ መሰረታዊ ኣብ ዘይኮኑን ግዜ ዝሓለፎምን ጉዳያት ግዜ ምጥፋእ ኣብ ምክኣልን ምጽውዋርን ተመርኲስና ንመጻኢ ከነማዕዱ ኣተሓሳሲቡ። ርኢቶኡ ንዝደገፉ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንኹሎም፡ ንዓኣቶም ቅኑዕ ኮይኑ ኣብ ብዝተራእዮም ነጥብታት ዝተሳተፉ ከኣ ኣመስጊኑ። ምምሕዳር እቲ ሩም ንዝወሰዶ ሃናጺ ተበግሶ ድማ ንኢዱን ኣመስጊኑን።

Sunday, 20 March 2016 10:05

ተዘክሮታት ኲናት ቁሩሑ 1965

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ኣብ ታሪኽ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ክሳብ 70ታት እተን ክልተ ብርክት ዝበሉ ተጋደልቲ ዝተሰውኡለን ኲናት ቁሩሑን ሓልሓልን እየን። ክልቲአን ከኣ ኣብ ኣውራጃ ሰንሒት ይርከባ ። ኲናት ቁሩሑ ብ21 ብመስክረም 1965 ክካየድ እንከሎ ፣ ኲናት ሓልሓል ከኣ ብ6 መስከረም 1968 ተኻይዱ። ንሎሚ ከም ቴማ ክወስዶ ዝመረጽኩ ብዛዕባ ኲናት ቁሩሑ ክኸውን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ብሓደ ግዜ ክንድዚ ዝኣክል መስዋእትነት ክኽፈል ስለ ምንታይ ክኽውን ክኢሉ ዝብል እንተታትን ገምጋምን ክኽውን እዩ። ብዛዕባ ኲናት ሓልሓል ከኣ እቶም ኣፍልጦ ናይቲ ቅድመ ኲናት ዝነበረ ምቅርራባት እትዝክሩ ተራኹም ሓሊኹም ከተቕርቡልና ይጽውዕ ።

ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ክፍልታት ክምቀለሉ ዝተደልየ ኣብ መጀመርያ ወርሒ መስከረም 1965 ነይሩ።  ምክንያቱ ኣብቲ ግዜ እቲ ሰውራ ኣልጀርያ ብከምኡ ዝተዋደደ እስትራተጂ፡ ዓወት ስለ እተጓናጸፈ ከም ሞደል ተቐዲሑ ተወስደ ። እቶም ሓይልታት ኣብ ከባቢ ኩር ተኣኪቦም ኣብ 4 ክፍልታት ከም ዝምቀሉ ተገብረ ። ድሕሪ ኣብ ክፍልታት ምምቃል ፣ እታ ንሰምሃር እተመደበት ራባዓይቲ ክፍሊ ብዑማሮ እትምራሕ ጉዑዞ ትጅምር ። እንተኾነ ኣብ ክንዲ ንገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ገጻ ተምርሕ ፤ ንከበሳ ገጽ ኣንፈታ ጠወያ ተጓዓዘት ። ኣብ ገለብ ዝብሃል ዓዲ ከኣ በጸሐት ። ከምቲ ኣብቲ ግዜ እቲ ዝነበረ ናይ ጽላኢ መምርሒ፣ መግቢ ንሸፋቱ እንተ ኣቀቢልኩም ብቁልጡፍ ንመንግስቲ ኣመልክቱ ዝበሃል ዝነብረ ፤ ኣቶም ከንቲባ ዓዲ ፣ መግቢ ከም ዘቕርቡ ድሕሪ ምሕባር ፣ ብተዛማዲ ከኣ ሰብ ንዒላበርድ ንመንግስቲ ዝነግር ከም ዝገብሩ ሓበርዎም ። ኣብቲ ግዜ እቲ ጽርግያ ካብ ዒላበርዕድ ክሳብ ድብረሲና ይበጽሕ ስለ ዝነበረ ካብ ደብረሲና ንገለብ ብእገሪ ዳርጋ 3 ሰዓት ኣቢሉ ዝወስድ ርሕቅት ይኽውን።   እቶም ተጋደልቲ እቲ ከባቢ ናብ ጸላኢ ቅርበት ከም ዝነበሮ ብፍጹም ክርድእዎ ኣይከኣሉን። ስለዚ ከኣ እዮም ኣበው ክምስሉ እንከለዉ “ መገድስ ምስ ወዲ ዓዲ “ ዝበሉ ።

ኣብ ምሕላብ ቤት ትምህርቲ ካቶሊካዊት ቤት ክርስትያን ነይሩ ፣ ቁምስናኣ ከኣ ማርያም ጽዮን ትብሃል ። እግረ መንገደይ ፣ እታ ታቦት ማርያም ጽዮን ንገለብ መንሳዕ ደቂ ኣብርሄ ተባሂላ ምስ መጸት ፣ እቶም ዓዲ ኣይንድልያን ስለ ዝበሉ ክትምለስ ምስ ተባህለ፣  ከንቲባ መንሳዕ ደቂ ሻሕቀን ዝነበሩ መሓመድ ሓሳማ ዝበሃሉ ኣማኒ ምስልምና ንክወስድዋ ሓተቱ። በዚ ከኣ እቲ ቁምስና ምሕላብ ቆይሙ ። እዚ ከኣ ሕዝብና ክሳብ ክንደይ፣ ተጻዋርነትን ሕውነትን ኣብ እምነታቱ ከም ዝነበሮ ዝሕብር ህያው መረዳእቲ እዩ። ኣብዚ ቤት ትምህርቲ እዚ ከም ልማድ ሰንበት ሰንበት ኣብቲ ከባቢታት ናብ ዘለዋ ዓድታትን፣ ግርማ ዘለዎም ሰማይ ጠቀስ ባላሕቲ ጎቦታት ፓሳጆ ወይ ዙረት  ምኻድ ልምዲ ነበረ።

ስለዚ ኣብ 16 መስከርም 1965 ኣባ ብድሆ ዝብሃሉ ካህን መሪሖምና ንግሆ ንገለብ ንብገስ ፡ ድሕሪ 3 ሰዓት ኣቢሉ ጉዑዞ ኣብ ገለብ ንኣቱ። እዚ ማለት ንሰሜን ምብራቕ ሳሕል ገጽና ማለት እዩ። ኣብ ማእከል ዓዲ ኣብቲ ሕጻ ኣብ ትሕቲ እቲ ዓበይቲ ኣግራብ ከኣ ቦታ መዋዕሊ ሓዝና። ምጽእ ምስ በልና ድሕሪ ቁሩብ ግዜ ክልተ ተጋደልቲ መጺኦም ሓተቱና። ንተወሳኺ ሓበሬታ ከኣ ነቶም ካህን ወሰድዎም። እቲ ዝሃቡና ኣስተምህሮ እቲ ቓልሲ ጀመርቱ እምበር ወዳእቱ ከምዘይኮኑ ንሳቶም ሓለፍቲ ምኻኖም ድሕሪ ምግላጽ፣ ንሱን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰሉን ተመሃሮ ኣብ በይሩት ክምዝነበሩን ክቓለሱ ክም ዝመረጹን ኣብሪሁልና። እቲ ስስተምህሮ ዝሃበና መንእሰይ ብዓረበኛ ይዛረብ ነበረ። እቲ ካልኣዩ ከኣ ብትግርኛ ይቱርጉመልና ነይሩ ።ኣብቲ ከባቢ ምህላው ጅብሃ ፍሉጥ ስለ ዝነበረ፣ ዝተሰመዓና ፍርሒ ኣይነበረን። እቶም ተጋድልቲ ምስ ከዱ ኣብቲ ጥቓ ዓዲ ዝነበረት ኩጆት ቁሊሕ እንተ በልና፣ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ እታ ሰማያዊት ባንዴራና ክተንበልብል ተዓዘብና ። እቶም ተጋደልቲ ነቶም ካህን ጉዳዮም ድሕሪ ምጽራይ ንክምለሱና ገበሩ ። መግብና ሒዝና ስለ ዝተጓዓዝና ኣብቲ ቦታ ተመሲሕና። ክሳብ ሰዓት 3 ናይ ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ከኣ ኣብ ገለብ ጸናሕና። ኣብ ጫፍ ናይቲ ዓዲ ዝነበረ ሰፊሕ ናይ ኣቶ ክብረኣብ ብርሃነ ጀርዲን ከኣ በጽሓና ። ገለብ ካብተን ኣብ ኣውራጃ ሰንሒት ኣብ ጽቡቕ ጎደና ምዕባለ ትርከብ ዝነበረት ዓዲ ነይራ። እቶም ተጋደልቲ ድሕሪ ናይ ገለብ ውዕሎ ኣብ ከንዲ ንሺዕብ ንቀይሕ ባሕሪ ገጾም ዘምርሑ ዝገደደ ንምሕላብ ገጾም ኣምርሑ።

ንሕና  እውን ዽሕሪ ቀትሪ፣ ንዓድና ክንምለስ ተበገስና። ኣብ ባብሓራይሽ ዝብሃል ካብ ምሕላብ ሓደ ሰዓት ምስተረፈና ዓይኒ ኣብ ዝሓዘሉ ግዜ ወዮም ተጋደልቲ ኣብ ማእከል መንገዲ ብብዝሒ ክንርእዮም ዝኸኣልና ግዜ ነይሩ ። ዝበዝሑ መንእሰያት ነይሮም፣ ብግምት ክሳብ 150 ይግመቱ ነይሮም። ዕጥቆምን ክዳውንቶምን ሓደስቲ ካብ መዓስከራት ዝወጹ ይምስሉ ነይሮም። እቶም መራሕቶም 7 ሱዊድናውያን በጻሕቲ ንገለብ እናኽዱ ካብ በልታ ዝብሃል ቦታ ወሲዶም ይሓትዎም ነይሮም።  ኣብ ማእከል መንገዲ ስለ ዝነበሩ ንዓና እውን ደው ኣቢሎም ሓተቱና ፣ ምስሓበርናዮም ከኣ ክንክይድ ፈቒደሙልና። እቶም ምሳና ዝነበሩ ካህን ነቶም ተጋድልቲ፡ ነቶም ሱዊድናውያን ባጻሕቲ ጉዳዮም ምስ ወድኡ ንመሕደሪ ናብቲ ገዳም ከምጽኡሎም ሓተቱ። እቶም ተጋደልቲ ከኣ ሕቶኦም ምስ ወድኡ ፣ ሰዓት  11 ናይ ለይቲ ኣብቲ ገዳም ክሓድሩ ኣረከብዎም። እቶም ኣጋይሽ ኣብኡ ሓዲሮም ንጽባሒቱ ከኣ ብሰላም ንገለብ ክይዶም ።

 እቶም ተጋደልቲ ምሸት ምሕላብ ኣትዮም። መግቢ ክእዝዙ ከኣ ናብ እንዳ ከንቲባ ኣፍታይ መጹ ። ከንቲባ  ኣፍታይ እውን እዚ ቦታ ካብ ከረን ብመኪና ስለ ዝእቶ፣ ካብቲ ከባቢ ክርሕቑ ተማሕጸንዎም። ወዮም ተጋድልቲ ዕጅብ ኣይበሎምን። ክምዚ ክብሉ ከኣ ነቶም ከንቲባ መለስሎም  “ሓደ ቆልዓስ መሸኒቱ ኣውጺኡ፣ ነዲኡ ሑሕ በላ፣ ንሳ ከኣ ነዚ እንተ ዝፍርህስ ንዓኻ ኣይምወልድኩኻን” በለቶ። ንሕና ከኣ መንግስቲ እንተ ንፈርሕ ኣብዚ ኣይምመጻእናን ክብሉ መለስሉ። ከንቲባ ኣፍታይ ዓበይቲ ዓዲ ጸዊዑ ድራር ኣዘዘ። ከምቲ መንግስቲ ዝሓቶ ከኣ ሓበሬታ ዝህብ፣ ሰብ ንዒላበርዕድ ሰደደ።  እቶም ተጋደልቲ ተደሪሮም ካብቲ ከባቢ ዓዲ እንከለዉ፣ ንግሆ 75 ዝኾኑ ኮማንዶስ፣ ሓንቲ ዓባይ ሰበይቲ ሞይተን ስለ ዝነበራ ሓድ ክፋል ናይቲ ዓዲ ኣብ መቓብር እንከሎና ሓለፉና። ገለ ካብ ሓለፍቶም ከኣ እቶም ተጋደልቲ ዘለውዎ ሓበሬታ ሓተቱ። እቶም ብግቡእ ቁጽሪ  ናይቶም ተጋድልቲ ዝፈለጡ ከኣ፣ ነቶም ኮማንዶስ ከምዘይክእሉዎም ኣጠንቀቕዎም። ስለዚ ኮማንዶስ ተወሳኺ ሓይሊ ክመጾም ክጽበዩ ኲናት ከይኣተዉ ቀነዩ። ንጽባሒቱ  እቶም ተጋድልቲ ካብቲ ከባቢ ዓዲ ናብ ቁሩሑ ዝብሃል ቦታ ኣዝለቑ። ቁሩሑ ሓደ ዓቢይ ሩባ ማዩ ንሽዕብ/ንገድገድ ዝፈስስ ኮይኑ ብጎቦታት ዝተኸበ ዓሚቝ ቦታ እዩ። ሕጂ እውን እቶም ተጋድልቲ ናብ ሓደገኛ ዝኾነ ቦታ ከም ዘምርሑ ይፈልጡ ኣይነበሩን ወይ ከኣ ሚዛን ሓይሊ ጸላኢ ኣይነበሮምን ክኽውን ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ እቶም ዓዲ ወተሃደራት ጸላኢ መጺኦም ኣለዉ ምስ በሉዎም  “ፖሊስ ድዮም ወይስ ጦርሰራዊት” ክብሉ ሓቲቶም ነይሮም። ብኻልእ ወገን እውን  ቁሩሑ ካብ ደቀምሓረ ድምበዝን ብዋራ ኢራ ኣቢልካ እንተ በዝሔ 4 ሰዓት ዝወስድ ርሕቀት እዩ ነይሩ።

እቶም ተጋድልቲ ዓሪዶምሉ ዝነብሩ ሩባ ቁሩሑ ካብ ምሕላብ ብክልተ መገዲ ይኽየድ። ሓደ ሩባ ሩባ መንገዲ ኣጋር፣ እቲ ሓደ ከኣ እቛራጭ  ሰብ እምበር ጽዕነት ዘይኸዶ  መንገዲ ኣለዎ። እቶም ኮምንዶስ ኣብ ምሕላብ ምስ ኣተው፡ ዳርጋ ንሰለስተ መዓልቲ ኩነታት ክከታተሉን ተወሳኺ ሓይሊ ክጽበዮ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ፡ ረቡዕ 22 መስክረም 1965 ኲናት ክገብሩ ትእዛዝ ተዋህቦም። እቲ ኩናት ሰዓት 1 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ተጀሚሩ ኣብ ከባቢ ሰዓት 4 ድምጺ ናይ ተኹሲ እናጠፍአ ከደ። ኲናት ቁሩሑ ናይ መጀመርያ ኮማንዶስ ምስ ጀብሃ ዝገጠሙሉ ነይሩ ። ንጽባሒቱ እቶም ኮማንዶስ 21 እተሰውኡ ተጋደልቲ ኣብ መኻይን ጺዒኖም ንምሕላብ ተመልሱ። ተውጊኦም ዘንሰሓቡ እውን ዝተሰውኡ ምንባሮም ይንገር። እቶም ኮማንዶስ ንምሸቱ ከኣ ንከረን ተጓዕዙ። እቶም ዝተረፉ ተጋደልቲ ንባሕሪ ገጾም ኣንሰሓቡ፣ ኣብ ረበል ዝብሃል ቦታ ክተኣኻኸቡ ኣብ ዝፈተንሉ ጽላኢ ካብ ግንዳዕ ካሊእ ሓይሊ ሰዲዱ እንደገና ኲናት ከፈተ። ኣብዚ ኲናት እዚ ብዛዕባ ዝተረኽበ ክሳራ ግና ሓበሬታ የብለይን ።

ድሕሪ እቲ ኲናት ንቀዳም 25 መስከረም 1965 ምስቶም ካህን እንደገና ነቲ ኲናት ዝተገብሮ ቦታ ክንበጽሕ ተተሓሒዝና ከድና። እቲ ቦታ ኲናት ከምዝተኻየዶ እውን ዝሕበር መረዳእታታት ኣይነበረን። ማለት ኣብ ባይታ ገለ ምድላዋት ናይ ድፋዓት ኣይነበረን። ቁሩብ ኣእማን ኣብታ ዕላዊ ዋርድያ ዝነበሩዋ ኩጀት ናብቲ ሩባ ገጸ እትጥምት ጥራሕ ተዓዚብና። እቶም ኣብቲ ሩባ ዝነበሩ ክምልጡ ዝኽእልሉ ዕድል ጸቢብ ነይሩ። ብዝኾነ እቲ ዝተኽፍለ መስዋእትነት ብቀሊል ዝግመት ኣይነብረን ።  

ኣብ ሰብዓታት ጀብሃ ነቶም ንኮማንዶስ ወተሃደራዊ ምኽሪ ዝለገሰ ዜጋ ድሕሪ ምሓዝ፡  ብርቱዕ መግረፍቲ ኣውሪዶምሉ ግን ከኣ ህዝቢ ናይቲ ዓዲ ክምሕሩዎ ስለ ዝለመኖም ጀብሃ ምሒሮም ነጻ ኽከይድ  ኣፋንየምዎ። እዚ ከኣ መንነትን ሓልዮትን ናይቲ ዝነበረ ጀብሃዊ ኤርትራውነት ዝገልጽ እዩ ። ማለት ህዝቢ ክልምን እንከሎ ፣ ሰማዒ ምርካብ እውን ነይሩ እዩ።

ብድሕሪ እዚ ኣብ 1975 ኣብ ቁጽሪ 10 ምስ ተመደብኩ ኣብ ከባቢ ዓዲ ቀይሕ ምስ ተጋዳላይ ሱሌማን ዲኒ ሓላፊ ቁጠባዊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ዝነበረን ሓደ ካብቶም ኣብ ኲናት ቁሩሑ ዝተሳተፈ ተራኺበ ብዛዕባ እቲ ኩናታት ተወኪሰዮ ነይረ። ንሱ ከምዝበሎ “ኣቃማምጣ መሬት ይኹን፡ ናይ ጸላኢ ሓይሊ ዓቕሚ እኹል መረዳእታ  ኣይነበረናን” ይብል። ኣስዒቡ “ፖሊስ እምበር ኮማንዶስ ዝበሀሉ ሓደስቲ ዝሰልጠኑ ይመጹና ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣይነበረናን” ምስ በለ ። “ድሕሪ ኲናት ቁሩሑ ናብ ረበል ዝብሃል ቦታ እንደገና ክንራኸብ ፈቲንና። ኣብኡ እውን ምስ ሃረሙና ፋሕ ብትን ኣትዩና፣ እንደገና ክንራኸብ 6 ወርሒ ወሱዱልና” ኢሉ ። እቲ ኩነታት ክሳብ እቲ ግዜ ከም ዝሕዝኖ ገሊጹለይ ። ተጋዳላይ ሱሌማን ዲኒ ነቶም 1977 ብወገን ደንከል ክኣትዉ ዝፈተኑ ብየሚን ዝፍለጡ፣ ካብ የመን ዝሰደድዎ ስንቅን ዕጥቅን ተቀቢልካ ትኽዝን ጸንሒኻ ተባሂሉ ተኸሲሱ ናብ ባርካ ምስ ተወስደ ፣ ኣብ ጸጥታ ህይወቱ ከምዝሓለፈት ይፍለጥ ።

ለበዋን መተሓሳሰብን ።

ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ዝኾነ ወብሳይትን ጋዜጣን  እዞም 21 ስዉኣት ቁሩሑ ኣብ ዋርሻ ከተማ ክረን ተሰቒሎም እንከለዉ ንርኢ ወይ ንዕዘብ ። እንተኾነ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣስማቶም ኣሰኒዩ ዘውጸአ ወገን የለን። እዞም ስዉኣት ብወለዶም ዝተዋህቦም ኣስማት ኣለዎም። ወለድን ቤተሰብን  እውን ኣለዎም። ኣብቲ ቅድም ግዜ ፍርሒ ካብ ጸላኢ ስለ ዝነበረ ሓደጋ ከየስዒብ ፍርሒ ነይሩ ይኸውን። ሕጂ ግን ዝርዝር ኣስማቶም ክንፈልጥ ኣገዳሲ ይመስለኒ። ስለዚ እቶም መዛግብቲ ጀብሃ እትውንኑን፣ ብቐጥታ ይኹን ብተዘዋዋሪ በዚ  ጉዳይ እዚ እትገደሱን፣ ታሪኻዊ ሓላፍነት ክትወስዱ የማሕጽን። ልክዕ እዩ ኣሸሓት ተሰዊኦም ኣለው ፣ ግን ሓደ ስእሊ እንተ ሰቂልካዮ እቲ ሕቶ ዝመጽእ ብዓል መን እዮም ኢና ንብል ።

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣነ ናተይ ተዘክሮታት ኣቕሪበ ኣለኹ። እዚ ፍጻሜ እዚ 51 ዓመታት ዝሓለፎ ስለ ዝኾነ፣ ዝኾነ ዜጋ ክእረም ኣለዎ ዝብሎ እንተሎ እርማት ክሕበር የተባብዕ። ዝኾነ ፍጻሜ ብግቡእ ተሰኒዱ ንወለዶታት ክሰጋገር ተራ ናይ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ብሃገሩ ዝግደስ እዩ ። 

ዘለዓለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንስዉኣትና!

ክብሮም ግረነት

  

Friday, 18 March 2016 22:43

Africa’s $700 Billion Problem Waiting to Happen

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Argument

The Horn of Africa region is central to the world’s maritime trade. It’s also beginning to fall apart.

Africa’s $700 Billion Problem Waiting to Happen

Back in 2002, Meles Zenawi, then prime minister of Ethiopia, drafted a foreign policy and national security white paper for his country. Before finalizing it, he confided to me a “nightmare scenario” — not included in the published version — that could upend the balance of power in the Horn of Africa region.

The scenario went like this: Sudan is partitioned into a volatile south and an embittered north. The south becomes a sinkhole of instability, while the north is drawn into the Arab orbit. Meanwhile, Egypt awakens from its decades-long torpor on African issues and resumes its historical stance of attempting to undermine Ethiopia, with which it has a long-standing dispute over control of the Nile River. It does so by trying to bring Eritrea and Somalia into its sphere of influence, thereby isolating the government in Addis Ababa from its direct neighbors. Finally, Saudi Arabia begins directing its vast financial resources to support Ethiopia’s rivals and sponsor Wahhabi groups that challenge the traditionally dominant Sufis in the region, generating conflict and breeding militancy within the Muslim communities.

Fourteen years later, reality has exceeded Zenawi’s nightmare scenario; not only has every one of his fears come to pass, but Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Saudi King Salman bin Saud are working hand-in-glove on regional security issues — notably in Yemen and Libya — which has raised the stakes of the long-running Egypt-Ethiopia rivalry. If the worsening tensions in the Horn of Africa erupt into military conflict, as seems increasingly possible, it wouldn’t just be a disaster for the region — it could also be a catastrophe for the global economy. Almost all of the maritime trade between Europe and Asia, about $700 billion each year, passes through the Bab al-Mandab, the narrow straits on the southern entrance to the Red Sea, en route to the Suez Canal. An endless procession of cargo ships and oil tankers passes within sight — and artillery range — of both the Yemeni and African shores of the straits.

A crisis in the Horn of Africa has been a long time in the making. The regional rivalries of today date back to 1869, when the Suez Canal was opened to shipping, instantly making the Red Sea one of the British Empire’s most important strategic arteries, since almost all of its trade with India passed that way. Then as now, the security of Egypt depended on control of the Nile headwaters, 80 percent of which originate in Ethiopia. Fearful that Ethiopia would dam the river and stop the flow, Egypt and its colonial masters attempted to keep Ethiopia weak and encircled. They did this in part by divvying up rights to the Nile’s waters without consulting Addis Ababa. For example, the British-drafted Nile Waters Agreements, signed in 1929 and 1959, excluded Ethiopia from any share of the waters. As a result, Egypt and Ethiopia became regional rivals, intensely suspicious of each other.

The Nile remains a high-profile source of tension between the two countries to this day; Sisi’s state visit last year to Ethiopia failed to achieve much, in large part because of Egypt’s unease over a huge Ethiopian hydroelectric project on the Blue Nile. But another important source of friction between the two countries has centered for some time on two of Ethiopia’s volatile neighbors — Eritrea and Somalia — which Cairo has long viewed as useful partners to secure its interests along the Red Sea littoral. Ethiopia has shown it will resist what it views as Egyptian encroachment near its borders. From 2001 to 2004, for instance, Ethiopia and Egypt backed rival factions in Somalia, which prolonged that country’s destructive civil war.

These fractures in the Horn of Africa have been deepened by Saudi Arabia’s reassessment of its security strategy. Worried that the United States was withdrawing from its role as security guarantor for the wider region, it resolved to build up its armed forces and project its power into strategic hinterlands and sea lanes to the north and south. In practice, that has meant winning over less powerful countries along the African coast of the Red Sea — Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia — a region that Ethiopia has sought to place within its sphere of influence.

The Saudi presence along the African Red Sea coast has grown more sharply pronounced since its March 2015 military intervention in Yemen, which drew in Egypt as part of a coalition of Sunni Arab states battling Iran-backed Houthi rebels. The coalition obtained combat units from Sudan and Eritrea, and scrambled to secure the entire African shore of the Red Sea. Then in January of this year — under pressure from Saudi Arabia — Djibouti, Somalia, and Sudan all cut diplomatic ties with Iran. By far the most significant of these was Sudan, which has had long-standing political and military ties with Tehran. For years, Iranian warships called at Port Sudan, and Iranian clandestine supplies to the Palestinian militant group Hamas passed freely along Sudan’s Red Sea coast (occasionally intercepted by Israeli jet fighters). Now Sudan is part of the Saudi-led coalition pummeling the Iran-backed Houthis.

But the most important geopolitical outcome of the Saudi-led Yemen intervention has been the rehabilitation of Eritrea, which capitalized on the war to escape severe political and economic isolation. After it gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Eritrea fought wars with each of its three land neighbors — Djibouti, Sudan, and Ethiopia. It also fought a brief war with Yemen over the disputed Hanish Islands in the Red Sea in 1995, after which it declined to reestablish diplomatic relations with Sana’a and instead backed the Houthi rebels against the government.

After the Ethio-Eritrean border war of 1998-2000, Eritrea became a garrison state — with an army of 320,000, it has one the highest soldier-to-population ratios in the world — and Ethiopia led an international campaign to isolate it at the African Union, United Nations, and other international bodies. This was made easier by Eritrea’s increasingly rogue behavior, including backing al-Shabab militants in Somalia. The imposition of U.N. sanctions in 2009 brought the country to the brink of financial collapse.

But the war in Yemen gave Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki a get-out-of-jail-free card. He switched sides in the Yemen conflict and allied himself with Saudi Arabia and its Gulf partners. As a result, the Eritrean president is now publicly praised by the Yemeni government and welcomed in Arab capitals. His government is also reaping handsome if secret financial rewards in exchange for its diplomatic about-face.

But the fact that Eritrea has decisively escaped Ethiopia’s trap does not mean it has suddenly become a more viable dictatorship. On the contrary, the renewed geostrategic interest in the country and its 750-mile Red Sea coast make the question of who succeeds Afewerki, who has been in power for a quarter century, all the more contentious — especially since Ethiopia has long sought to hand pick a replacement for the Eritrean president. Already, Ethiopia mounts regular small military sorties on the countries’ common border to let Eritrea know who is the regional powerbroker. It would not take much for these tensions to explode into open war.

Saudi Arabia’s revamped security strategy has also meant a sudden influx of Arab funds into Somalia. The Saudis promised $50 million to Mogadishu in exchange for closing the Iranian embassy, for example, while other Arab countries and Turkey have spent lavishly to court the allegiance of Somali politicians. This is partly intra-Sunni competition — Turkish- and Qatar-backed candidates pitted against those funded by the Wahhabi alliance — but it also reflects Somalia’s increasing geopolitical importance. In the country’s national elections scheduled for September, Arab- and Wahhabi-affiliated candidates for parliament could very well sweep the board.

All of this has made Ethiopia very nervous — as it should. The tremors of the region’s shifting tectonic plates may not directly cause a major crisis. The more probable outcome is deeper divisions between Egypt and Ethiopia, which could cause a proliferation or deepening of proxy disputes elsewhere in the region, such as the two countries’ competing efforts to shape the future leadership of Eritrea and Somalia.

Still, it’s impossible to rule out the possibility of a dramatic security crisis stemming from the shifting regional balance of power. It could come in the form of renewed fighting over Eritrea’s still-disputed land borders, or spinoffs from the war in Yemen, such as the eruption of maritime terrorism. That would lead to a dramatic escalation of the militarization of the region. It would also threaten to entirely close the region’s sea lanes — the ones that are so central to global commerce.

Unfortunately, the international community is sorely unprepared for such an outcome. A well-established, multi-country naval coalition patrols the sea lanes off Somalia’s coast to combat piracy, but no international political mechanism currently exists to diffuse a regional crisis. In the relevant bureaucracies that might be called upon in an emergency — from the United Nations to the U.S. State Department — Africa and the Middle East are handled by separate divisions that tend not to coordinate. The EU’s special envoy for the Horn of Africa, Alex Rondos, has taken the lead in developing an integrated strategy for both shores of the Red Sea, but the EU’s foreign policy instruments are ill-suited to hard security challenges such as this that span two continents.

For its part, the African Union has developed a sophisticated set of conflict management practices for its region. It has taken a hard line against coups and pioneered the principle of non-indifference in the internal affairs of member states — foreshadowing the doctrine of “responsibility to protect.” Its summits serve as gatherings where peer pressure is used for the informal management of conflicts, with more success than is usually recognized. The Gulf Cooperation Council, the regional alliance of Gulf monarchies that would inevitably be involved in a major regional dispute of this kind, should learn from these African best practices. That would require a dramatic change in the mind-set of Arab royal families, which assume that their relationship with Africans is one of patron and client. Too often, the Africans reinforce that mind-set by acting as supplicants. For example, when the African Union sent a delegation to the Gulf countries in November, the agenda wasn’t strategic dialogue or partnership — it was fundraising.

But to prevent Zenawi’s “nightmare scenario” from coming to fruition, the Africans and the Arabs need to recognize the Red Sea as a shared strategic space that demands their coordination. A sensible place to start would be by convening a Red Sea forum composed of the GCC and the AU — plus other interested parties such as the United Nations, European Union, and Asian trading partners — to open lines of communication, discuss strategic objectives for peace and security and agree on mechanisms for minimizing risk. The fast-emerging Red Sea security challenge is well suited to that most prosaic of diplomatic initiatives — a talking shop.

The problem is, all these actors tend to start talking only after a crisis has already exploded. Here’s a timely warning.

Image credit: SIMON MAINA/AFP/Getty Images

Source=http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/03/17/africas-700-billion-problem-waiting-to-happen-ethiopia-horn-of-africa/

Friday, 18 March 2016 21:34

ኣየንኡ ይእመን፡ እቲ ዝበሃል ወይ ዝረአ?

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ኣየንኡ ይእመን፡ እቲ ዝበሃል ወይ ዝረአ?

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ

“እዝኒ’ውን ትእመን እሞ ግና ኣይከም ዓይንን” ክበሃል ንሰምዕ ኢና። እነሆ ከኣ ነዚ ኣበሃህላ እዚ ሒዝና ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ካብ ዝበሃልን ካብ ዝረአን ሓደሓደ ነጥብታት ክንጠቅስ ተገዲድና ኣለና። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰንኪ ዘይቅርዑይ ምምሕዳር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝፍጠሩ ጸገማትን ቅልውላዋትን፡ ብዙሓትን ንኹሉ መዳያት ህይወት ዝትንክፉን እዮም። ምድኻም ትምህርትን ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደትን ከኣ ኣብ ሕድሕድ ዝጸላለዉን ኣብ ቀጻልነት ኤርትራ ዘስግኡን ጸገማት እዮም።

ኩነታት ትምህርቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ኣዝዩ ዝተሓተ ደረጃ ወሪዱ ምህላዉ ኣብኡ ተመሃሮን መምሃራንን ዝጸንሑ ካብ ሰብ ሰሚዖም ዘይኮነስ ርእዮምን ባዕላቶም ተዋሲኦምን ዝምስክርዎ እዩ። ካብቲ ጠንቅታቱ ድማ፡ ተመሃሮ ካብ ወለዶም ርሒቖም ክመሃሩ ምግዳዶም፡ ትምህርታዊ ምምሕዳር ኣብ ኢድ ወተሃደራዊ ኣዘዝቲ ምውዳቑ፡ ከንብቡን ከጽንዑን ግዜ ዘይህብ ወተሃደራዊ ልምምድ፡ ዋሕዲ ትምርታዊ መሳርሕን መምሃራንን ብኣብነት ዝጥቀሱ እዮም። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ዋላ ሓንቲ ዩኒቨርስቲ ኣብ ዘየብላ 7 ውሱናት ኮለጃት ጥራይ ኣብ ዘለዉዋ ሃገር ክብደት ዝወሃቦ ናይ ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ምሁር ክፈሪ ዘለዎ ዕድል ኣዝዩ ጸቢብ እዩ። እቲ ሓቂ እዚ ክነሱ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኖርወይ ንላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ኤርትራ “ናይ ብቕዓት ኣፍልጦ ሂባ” ተባሂሉ ክውረ ሰሚዕና። እዚ ንበሃልቱ ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ዘውድቕን ንየዋሃት ሰማዕቱ ዘዳህልልን እዩ።

ብኲራት ስሩዕ ትምህርት፥ ግዱድ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት፡ ናብ ባርነት ዝዛዘወ ዘይክፈሎ ናይ ጉልበት ምዝመዛ፡  ምስኣን ውሕስነት ህይወት፡ ግህሰት ኩሉ መሰላት፡ ብኩራት ደሞክራሲያዊ ጸጋታት ኣብ ጠንቂ ስደት ብኣብነት ካብ ዝጥቀሱ እዮም። እቲ ኣብ መዳይ ቁጠባን ማሕበራዊ ውሕስነትን ዘጋጥም’ሞ ንስደት ዝድርኽ ምኽንያታት ተወሲኽናዮ ከኣ እቲ ዝርዝር ምኽንያታት ንስደት ነዊሕ እዩ።

 እነሆ ከኣ ጉዳይ መዋጽኦ ዘይተረኽቦ ስደትን ከም ሳዕቤኑ ህልቀት ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ኣጨናቒ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ናይዚ ስደት ኤርትራውያን ጠንቂ ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ጸኒሑ፡ ጌና ሕጂ’ውን ኣዛራብነቱ ኣይለቐቐን ዘሎ። ነቶም ሰሚዖም ዘውርዩ ዘይኮነስ ነቶም ናይቲ ጠንቂ ግዳይ ዝኾኑ ኤርትራውያን ግና ብሩህ እዩ። ሰሚዖም ዘይኮነስ ርእዮም ስለ ዝምስክሩ።

ነዚ ዝረአ ጸገማት ጓሲኻ፡ ኣብ ዝስማዕ ጥራይ  ተመርኲስካ፡ ጠንቂ ስደት ኣብ ኤርትራ ቁጠባዊ ኮይኑ ዝሓሸ መነባብሮ ኣብ ምድላይ ዝተመርኮሰ’ዩ ክትብል ምድንዳን፡ በቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ንሱ ብዘጋገዮም ኣካላት እውን ይቀላቐል እዩ። ነዚ ብዝመሳሰል ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ብመንግስቲ ዴንማርክ ተቐላቒሉ ዝነበረ ወስታ ከም ናይዚ ኣብነት ክጥቀስ ዝከኣል እዩ። እንተኾነ ነዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ኣብ ክንዲ በቲ ዝረአ በቲ ዝስማዕ ናይ ምምዛኑ ጉዳይ ዝእርም ኣካይዳ እንዳሓየለ ይመጽእ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ናይ ኤውሮጳ ፓርላማ ንኤርትራ ዝምልከት ዘመሓላለፎ ታሪኻዊ ውሳነታት ከም ኣብነት ዝውሰድ እዩ። ስለዚ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ነቶም ንኩነታት ኤርትራ በቲ ዝረአ ዘይኮነስ በቲ ዝስማዕ እሞ ድማ ቀንዲ ምንጩ ኣቲ ገዛኢ ጉጅለ ዝኾነ ዓይኒ ከይርእይዎ ብዘይምቁራጽ ስምዕታና ከነቕርብ ይግበኣና።

ህልውናን ቀጻልነትን ሓንቲ ሃገር ኣብ ህልውና ህዝባ እዩ ዝምርኮስ። ብዘይህዝቢ ብዛዕባ ሃገር ምሕሳብ ኣይከኣልን እዩ። ህዝባ ዝገደፋ ሃገር ካብ ምብራስን ምብዳምን ካልእ ዝጽበያ ዕድል የለን። ምእንቲ እዚ ከኣ እዩ እዚ ዝረአ ዘሎ ቀጥዒ ዘየብሉ፡ ብዙሓት ወገናት ፍልሰት ዝብልዎ ዘለዉ ስደት ዘሰክፍና። ሃገር ምስዚ ዘለናዮ ዓለማዊ ናይ ውድድር ኩነታት ኣብ ጐደና ምዕባለ ክትስጉም ክትክእል ቅርቡን ሓላይን ህዝቢ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ምሁር ዓቕሚ’ውን የድልያ’ዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኩነታት ኣብ ምቕያርን ዘበናዊ ምዕባለ ኣብ ምምጻእን ብሓፈሻ ህዝቢ ብፍላይ ድማ ምሁርን ክኢላን ወሳኒ ብጽሒት ስለዘለዎ። ምሁራት ዘየብላ ወይ ምሁራታ ብሰንኪ ኣብ ሃገሮም ዘጋጥሞም ዕንቅፋት ገዲፈምዋ ዝተሰዱ ሃገር ግና ኣይኮነንዶ ክትስልጥን ክትቅጽ’ውን ንጋዳ እዩ ዝኸውን። ካብዚ ነቒልና ኢና ከኣ ከምቲ ናይ ስደት፡ ውድቀት ትምህርቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ’ው ዘሻቕለና ዘሎ። ስለዚ ንኩነታት ሃገርና ኣብዞም ዝጠቐስናዮም ዛዕባታት፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ካብቲ ዝረአ ዘይኮነስ ካብቲ ዝስማዕ እንዳነቐሉን ናቶም ዋኒን ቅድሚት እንዳሰርዑን ዝህብዎ ግጉይ ሚዛናት ግቡእ መልክዑ ኣብ ምትሓዝ ክንጽዕት ይግበኣና ንብል።

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Thursday, 17 March 2016 20:41

UNSC Approves Arms Embargo Implementation Assistance Notice and Exemptions on Eritrea

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March 17, 2016

UN arms embargo on Eritrea
The Security Council Sanctions Committee approves updated version of Eritrea arms embargo restrictions, including exemptions to those restrictions.

By Security Council,

On 14 March 2016, the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea adopted its second implementation assistance notice entitled “Summary of arms embargo restrictions in place for Somalia and Eritrea, including exemptions”.

The implementation assistance notice is available on the Committee’s website in all six official languages of the United Nations at www.un.org/sc/suborg/en/sanctions/751.

The Committee adopted the arms embargo implementation assistance notice to assist Member States and other relevant actors to take the necessary steps to ensure the full and effective implementation and enforcement of the arms embargoes in place for Somalia and Eritrea.

The implementation assistance notice provides an overview of the scope of the arms embargoes and exemption procedures. It also provides guidance to Member States and other actors on how to engage with the Committee on notifications and exemption requests.

In order to assist Member States, international, regional and sub-regional organizations, other public and private entities, and natural persons to take the necessary steps to ensure full and effective implementation and as well as enforcement of, the arms embargo, the Committee established pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (“the Committee”) offers the following summary of the arms embargoes restrictions in place for Eritrea, including exemptions to such restrictions.

The Arms Embargo on Eritrea

31. The arms embargo on Eritrea was imposed by paragraphs 5 and 6 of resolution 1907 (2009). It requires all Member States to take all necessary measures to prevent the sale or supply to Eritrea by their nationals or from their territories or using their flag vessels or aircraft, of arms and related materiel of all types whether or not originating in their territories (paragraph 5, resolution 1907 (2009)). Member States also have obligations to seize and dispose of such items to prevent their sale, supply, transfer or export to or from Eritrea (paragraph 8, resolution 1907 (2009)).

32. Eritrea is prohibited from permitting materiel or assistance subject to the embargo from being supplied, sold, or transferred (directly or indirectly from its territory), or by its nationals or using its flag vessels or aircraft (paragraph 6, resolution 1907 (2009)).

33. The embargo also prohibits direct or indirect supply, sale or transfer of such materiel or assistance to individuals or entities designated by the Committee, including investment, brokering or other financial services related to military activities, or the manufacture, maintenance or use of weapons and military equipment by such individuals or entities. The list of individuals and entities designated by the Committee is found at the Committee’s website.

34. The materiel and types of assistance subject to the embargo comprises arms and related materials of all types, including weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary equipment (and spare parts); technical assistance; training, financial and other assistance related to military activities or to the provision, manufacture, maintenance or use of these items (paragraph 5, resolution 1907).

The Two Exemptions to the Arms Embargo on Eritrea

35. Supply of protective clothing : The temporary export to Eritrea of protective clothing, including flak jackets and military helmets, by United Nations personnel, representatives of the media and humanitarian and development workers and associated personnel (for their personal use only) is permitted (paragraph 13 of resolution 2111 (2013)).

36. Supplies of non-lethal military equipment intended solely for humanitarian or protective use : Supplies of non-lethal military equipment intended solely for humanitarian or protective use can be brought into Eritrea if the Committee has approved the supply in advance through a ‘request for Committee’s approval’ procedure (paragraph 12 of resolution 2111 (2013)).

37. ‘Requests for Committee’s approval’ must be submitted to the Committee in writing by the Member State or the international regional or sub-regional organisation or agency supplying the equipment. Details of how to make such a request are set out on the Committee’s website and in paragraphs 10 (b) and 10 (c) of the Committee Guidelines. Private entities may need to seek the assistance of a Member state or an international organization in order to ensure that the appropriate ‘request for Committee’s approval’ is made. If no member of the Committee objects to the proposed transfer within a five working day ‘no objection’ time period the transfer may go ahead.

Source=http://www.bellaafrica.net/eastern-africa/eritrea/unsc-approves-arms-embargo-implementation-assistance-notice-and-exemptions-on-eritrea/

Thursday, 17 March 2016 14:04

ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳ ንኤርትራ ዝምልከት ታሪኻዊ ውሳነ ወሲኑ

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ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳ ንኤርትራ ዝምልከት ታሪኻዊ ውሳነ ወሲኑ

ፓርላም ኤውሮጳ፡ ናብ ኮምሽን ኤውሮጳ፡ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳን ኣባል ሃገራትን ናብ መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ብዛዕባ’ቲ መጽናዕቲ ዘድልዮ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ ተሪር መልእኽቲ ዘመሓላልፍ ውሳነ ወሲኑ።

እዚ ብ10 መጋቢት 2016 ዝተወሰነ ውሳነ፡ ኤርትራውያን ሃገሮም ገዲፎም ዝስደድሉ ዘለዉ ምኽንያት፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ብባርነት ዝግለጽ መወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ምዃኑ ብንጹር ኣስፊሩ።. እቲ ውሳነ ኣተሓሒዙ ነቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኣብቲ ናይ ቤት ምኽሪ ጸጥታ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ውሳነ ዝተጠቕሰ ማህሰይቲ ስደተኛታት ኣዘኻኺሩ።.

እዚ ኤውሮጳዊ ፓርላማ፡ ኮሚተ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ ንኣሉታዊ ስኽፍታ ናይቲ ፓርላማ ኣብ ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ከይተወከሰ ናይ 200 ሚልዮን ዩሮ ፕሮጀክት ብምጽዳቑ ዝሓደሮ ስኽፍታ ገሊጹ።.

ኤርትራውያን፡ ናይ ኖበል ሕጹይ ካቶሊካዊ ቀሺ ሙሴ ዘርኣይን ናይ ቅድም ምክትል ገንዘብ ሚኒስተር ኤርትራ ክብሮም ዳፍላ ሆሰባይን ኣብቲ ውሳነ ዝተወሰነሉ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ፓርላማ ነይሮም።

ኣብቲ ኣጋጣሚ እዞም ኤርትራውያን ተወከልቲ፡ ኣባላት ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳ ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ጠንቂ ስደት ከጋድዶ ተዘይኮይኑ መፍትሒ ዘየምጸኣሉ ፕሮጀክት ንክቃወምዎ ጸዊዖም።

እቶም ኣባላት ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳ ብወገኖም ቅድሚ ናይ ውሳነ ድምጺ ምሃቦም፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ብዕምቆት ተመያይጦም። እዞም ኣባላት ፓርላማ ነዛ ከም “ናይ ኣፍሪቃ ሰሜን ኮርያ” እናተባህለት ትግለጽ ዘላ ኤርትራ ሓገዝ ምሃብ፡ ንህዝቢ ዘርብሕ ዘይኮነስ መሊሱ ንኩነታት ዘጋድድ ምዃኑ ሓቢሮም።

እዚ ናይ ኤውሮጳ ፓርላማ፡ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ ንኤርትራ ዝህቦ ሓገዝ ክቕጽል ከም ዝግባእ ጠቒሱ፡ እንተኾነ እቲ ዝወሃብ ሓገዝ ንረብሓ ህዝቢ ምእንቲ ክውዕል ነቲ መንግስቲ፡ ኣብታ ሃገር ዝካየድ ዘሎ ግህሰት መሰላት ጠጠው ከብልን ኣብ ቁጠባዊ ምምሕዳሩ ከመሓይሽን ቅድመ ኩነት ክግበረሉ ይግባእ ክብል ጸዊዑ።

እዚ ፓርላማ፡ ነቲ ብደረጃ ባርነት ዝግለጽ መወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ክቋረጽ እንዳጸወዐ፡ ደረት ዘየብሉ ኣገልሎት ምስቲ ግዱድ ጉልበታዊ ስራሕን፡ ኣብ ዶባት ተኲስካ ቅተል ዝብል ፖሊስን እሞ ብገበን ኣንጻር ሰብኣውነት ክግለጽ ዝኽእል፡ በቲ ብሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቖመ ኮሚሽን ዝጽናዕ ዘሎ ጉዳይ ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ።

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እቲ ውሳነ ነቲ ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ነዊሕ ኢድ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ነቲ ብኤምባስታትን ናይ መንግስቲ ኣካል ዝኾነ ናይ መንእሰያት ክንፍን ኣቢሉ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ዝገብሮ ጸይቅታት’ውን ኣስተብሂልሉ።

ሃገሮም ራሕሪሖም ዝወጹ ስደተኛታት 2% ግብሪ ክኸፍሉ ይግደዱ እዮም። ኣንጻር’ቲ መንግስቲ ዝቐርቡ ነቐፈታታት ንምዕጋት ናይ ዝግበር ፈተነ ምልክታት ኣሎ ምስ ኣበለ፡ እቲ ውሳነ ነቲ ኣብ ኔዘርላንድስ፡ ንመንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዘቃልዑ ሚድያታት ንምዕጋት ብቤት ፍርዲ ኣቢልካ ዝተፈተነ ከም ኣብነት ጠቒሱ።

እዚ ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳ፡ ኮሚተ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳን እቲ ኮሚሽንን ኣብ መጻኢ ቅድሚ ስጉምቲ ምውሳዶም ምስቲ ፓርላማ ንክመያየጡ ጸዊዑ። ትካላት ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ’ውን ብዛዕባ ኣብ በጀት ዘለወን ሓላፍነት እውን ኣዘኻኺሩ።

ብመሰረት እቲ ብማሪየ ክሪስቲንን ቀሺ ሙሴ ዘርኣይን ዝተዋህበ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጺ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ሕጋዊ ምሕደራ የለን ኢሎም። ብፍላይ እቶም ንሰብኣዊ መሰል ዝጣበቑ ቀሺ ሙሴ ዘርኣይ፡ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ ሓዳጋኦም እንታይ ምዃኑ ብዘየገድስ እዩ ንዲክታቶራት ገንዘብ ዝህቦም ዘሎ ኢሎም።

ምክትል ገንዘብ ሚኒስተር ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዝነበረ፡ ክብሮም ዳፍላ ሆሰባይ ብወገኑ፡ እቲ ጸገም ጉዳይ ቁጠባ ኣይኮነን፡ ናይ ገንዘብ ጉዳይ’ውን ኣይኮነን። እቲ ጸገም ጉዳይ መሰል እዩ። መሰረታዊ መሰል ኤርትራዊ ኣበይ ድዩ ዘሎ? ኢሉ።

ዋላ’ኳ ሕብረት ኤሮጳ ክቋረጽ’ዩ ዝብል ተስፋ እንተሃለዎ፡ ፕሮፈሰርን ተሓላቒት ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ሚርያም ቫን ረይዘን፡ ብወገነን ኣብ ዘስመዐኦ ቃል፡ “ኤርትራ ምስቲ ደረት ዘየብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ክትቅጽል እያ’ ኢለን።

Thursday, 17 March 2016 06:30

ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 05032016 إذاعة صوت الحرية

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ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 05032016 إذاعة صوت الحرية
Published in Radio
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Thursday, 17 March 2016 00:32

European Parliament Adopts a Historic Resolution on Eritrea

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European Parliament Adopts a Historic Resolution on Eritrea

STRASBOURG (IDN) - The European Parliament has adopted a resolution on Eritrea, which sends a strong signal to the European Commission, the EU Council, member states and the Eritrean government that human rights violations in the country need to be addressed.

The resolution approved on March 10 clearly identifies that Eritrean refugees are fleeing serious human rights violations and an indefinite national service which constitutes slavery.

The resolution also addresses the systematic extortion of refugees, a concern expressed earlier in resolutions adopted by the UN Security Council.

The European Parliament expressed concern that the EU Council had adopted a € 200 million aid package without reference to the Parliament’s negative advice.

Several Eritrean representatives, Nobel Prize Nominee Mussie Zerai, an Eritrean Catholic priesr, former Eritrean Vice Minister of Finance Kubrom Dafla Hosabay and a former refugee, Zekarias Kebreab, met with Parliamentarians.

The Eritrean representatives asked members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to oppose the European aid package, which will not benefit the Eritrean people, according to them, and will not alleviate the root causes of the refugee crisis but aggravate the causes of why people are fleeing the country.

MEPs spoke with a uniquely united voice cutting across the political spectrum during the debate on Eritrea prior to the vote.

MEPs stressed that giving aid to Eritrea, characterised as the “North Korea of Africa”, will not benefit the Eritrean people. On the contrary, it will make life harder for them, they argued.

The European Parliament resolution urges the EU to continue supporting Eritrea, but its aid must meet the needs of Eritrean people and should be conditional upon putting an end to human rights violations, enacting reforms and improving economic governance in the country.

The Parliament urges the government of Eritrea to put an end to the system of indefinite national service, which can be compared to a "form of slavery".

Indefinite National Service, combined with forced labour and shoot-to-kill policy at the border, may constitute "crimes against humanity", currently being investigated by the UN Commission of Inquiry.

The resolution addresses the ‘long arm of the Eritrean regime’. It pays particular attention to the role of the embassies and the youth wing of the Eritrean government party outside of Eritrea.

Refugees who flee Eritrea are pressured to pay 2% tax to the country. Critics are threatened – the resolution names as example the myriad of court cases which started in the Netherlands by regime supporters against the media, presumably to silence criticism.

The European Parliament urged the EU Council and Commission to deliberate with the European Parliament on any next steps on allocation, and reminded the EU institutions of its powers on Budget Control.

In a press conference organised by Marie-Christine Vergiat, Mussie Zerai stated: “there is no rule of law in Eritrea”. Eritrean catholic priest Zerai and defender of refugees said: “Europe is ready to pay a dictator in order to stop migration, no matter how dangerous the dictator is.”

The former Vice Minister of Finance of the Eritrean regime, Kubrom Hosabay, stated: “The problem is not economic, it is not about money, the problem is about the rights; where are the Eritrean fundamental rights?”

Dutch professor and human rights activist, Mirjam van Reisen, spoke about the broken promises of the Eritrea government. “Eritrea will continue with the indefinite National Service”, she said, “despite promising the EU that it will limit it.” [IDN-InDepthNews – 10 March 2016]

Thursday, 17 March 2016 00:26

الرئيس يجتمع بفرع أستراليا

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الرئيس يجتمع بفرع أستراليا

في الثالث عشر من مارس 2016م وخلال اجتماعٍه بفرع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بأستراليا عبر البالتوك شرح رئيس الحزب الأخ/ منقستئاب أسمروم للمجتمعين الأوضاع الراهنة علي صعيد الوطن عامة ومعسكر المعارضة والحزب بصفة أخص.

 

وبعد الشرح المفصل الذي استغرق ساعة كاملة تفاعل الحضور مع المطروح وقدموا الأسئلة والآراء والمقترحات والتوصيات البناءة لمدة ساعتين من الزمن.

 

الأخ/ دستا تخلي أعرب نيابة عن الفرع عن شكره لقيادة الحزب علي اهتمامها بالفرع وتخصيصها له جزءاً مقدراً من وقتها الثمين، وبهذه المناسبة أعلن تبرعه بمبلغ ألف دولار أسترالي دعماً لخزينة الحزب.  

 

هذا وقد تعهد المجتمعون بتكثيف جهودهم لتوسيع عضوية الحزب ونشر مبادئه وسط الارتريين هناك.

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