Eritrean forces struggling for positive change and democracy in the country have repeatedly shown the inclination of  reinvention the wheel, so to say, every now and then. The brilliantly written and re-written charters, working documents, unity proposals....what have you.... are almost the same. Yet, we keep meeting and drafting, re-drafting the same old ideas, the same old stuff.

This is what panelists from the EPDP pointed out at the recent Eritrean consultative conference in Nairobi. A clear mention was made of the EPDP transitional plan for Eritrea that was first introduced to a workshop of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) in July 2009, and again to the leadership of the EDA in February 2010 for their careful consideration as part of many issues that needed to be exhaustively discussed before going to a national "Waela".

The National Consultative Conference (NCC), which was organized by the Eritrean Forum for National Dialogue (Medrek/al-Muntadha) in Nairobi between 27 and 29 November 2015, received Arabic, English and Tigrigna translation of the old EPDP document for discussion.

As pledged, the www.Harnnet.org is pleased to post today the English version of its document which underwent a number of revisions in the past. Good reading:

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Transitional Plan for Eritrea* (TPE) Revised and Presented for 2nd Time To Be EDA Document -- the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), February 2010

Table of Contents

Letter from EPDP Chairman                                                                                3

Acronyms                                                                                                              5

Executive Summary                                                                                              6

Introduction to the Transitional Plan                                                                    7

EPDP's/EDA’s Commitment                                                                                9

Guiding Principles of the Transition                                                                     10

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan                                                           11

A Rundown of Bodies within the Transitional Process                                       11

National Conference                                                                                             13

National Council of Shimagles**/Elders                                                              14

The Executive Board                                                                                            15

Independent Auditing Board                                                                               16

Group of Experts                                                                                                   16 

Transitional Assembly                                                                                           17

Eritrean Transitional Government                                                                         17

Independent Task Committees                                                                             18

Elections and Referendum                                                                                   19

National Security                                                                                                  20

Economy                                                                                                               20

Demobilization                                                                                                      21

Civil Services                                                                                                        21

Judiciary                                                                                                                22

The Diaspora                                                                                                         22

Foreign Relations                                                                                                  23

* This document, prepared by EDP in March 2006, was revised in June 2009 and made a shared draft of the EDP and EPP and presented to the July EDA workshop as EDA draft and again edited as EPDP paper and presented to the EDA which did not give it due attention.

**In Eritrea, the word “Shimagle (s) in Tigre and Tigrigna signifies a group of   elders delegated by the community to accomplish a given task.

Letter from the EPDP Chairman

Dear Compatriots,

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), has, like other Eritrean opposition organizations, been engaged in a protracted process of searching for constructive ways and means of contributing its share in finding a peaceful and practical strategy that is designed to resolve the immense challenges facing the Eritrean people and the State of Eritrea.

We feel that the paramount crisis confronting our country revolves around peaceful assembling of a constitutionally anchored multi-party and democratic system of governance that replaces the current one-party system.

This is a formidable national task that demands the participation of all Eritreans. Unless we fully commit ourselves to finding a peaceful and creative way of managing our differences, we will not be able to build a just and prosperous nation for which our martyrs sacrificed their lives.

We present this Transitional Plan as a potential steppingstone towards building a democratic Eritrea. We hope for and look forward to receiving positive and critical input from all Eritreans that will help us polish and refine this plan and finally adopt it as a document of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA).  Through this plan, we believe our people will have a unifying strategy that will help bring to closure the tragic outcome of an authoritarian system which is presently controlling every aspect of their lives. Moreover, we believe this plan will help in guiding our people to be through a period of peaceful transition.

The task of building a democratic system and institutions that outlive individual leaders, political parties and recurring political and economic crises cannot take place unless we put our differences aside. As Eritreans, we need to agree to come together and identify the best solution from all possible options on the basis of mutual understanding and commitment to our national survival.  

With high hope and great expectation we present this Transition Plan for your consideration.  We earnestly invite every Eritrean to contribute to the enhancement of this endeavor.

A peaceful transition would be the crowning of our lifetimes that were spent in the struggle to bring not only independence but also democracy to our country. Our dreams are to see the establishment of real institutions and the rule of law that guarantees peace and freedom for our children and the children of every Eritrean citizen.

Let us reiterate that the EPDP believes that [If accepted by EDA as its draft] the success of this initiative will depend on everybody’s active participation and constructive feedback.

Woldeyesus Ammar,

Chairman, EPDP

Acronyms

EB                Executive Board

EDA             Eritrean Democratic Alliance

EDF              Eritrean Defense Forces

EDP              Eritrean Democratic Party

ENC              Eritrean National Charter

EPDP            Eritrean People’s Democratic Party

EPP               Eritrean People’s Party

ETG              Eritrean Transitional Government

FPC               Free Press Committee

GE                 Group of Experts

IAB               Independent Auditing Board

IEC                Independent Electoral Commission

IHRC             Independent Human Right Commission

IOC                International Observers and Consultants

ITC                Independent Task Committees

NC                 National Conference

NCS               National Council of Shimagles/Elders

NS                  National Security

NPCRB          National Police and Civilian Relations Board                                                                  

PFDJ               People’s Front for Democracy and Justice

PRC                Public Relations Committee

TA                Transitional Assembly

TCC               Transitional Civilian Commissioner

TDM              Transitional Defense Minister

TG                 Transitional Government

TPE                Transitional Plan for Eritrea

Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea

Executive Summary

The “Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea,” is divided into two phases where the structure and roles of the various bodies and institutions will be defined.

Phase I – Pre-Transitional - In the pre-transition phase we envision the following steps: (a) Call for a broad based and all-inclusive political First National Conference (NC) to lay the framework for the transition process and, (b) elect the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) from among those participating in the NC. An extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces, civic institutions, independent political activists, and others will be conducted on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The NCS will be the highest authority to guide and coordinate the debate and expert studies of the social, political and economic policies of the nation during the transitional period. To discharge these responsibilities, the NCS will elect an Executive Board (EB), whose role is to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) and to function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS.  The EB is accountable to the NCS and will present reports of its activities to the NCS. The EB is authorized to form Task Forces to assist it in fulfilling its mandate. One of the Task Forces shall a draft transitional laws and regulations that can be adopted for use in the transition period.

Phase II – Establishing a democratically elected Government in Eritrea. When the present Government is removed from its grip of power, the NCS will assume full responsibility until the Second National Conference is convened and a Transitional Assembly (TA) is formed, this time with the full participation of all sectors of the Eritrean people at home and in the Diaspora. The TA will function as a transitional legislative body, adopt transitional laws and regulations, and will carry out the process toward a constitutionally elected Government. But until a permanent constitution is adopted through popular referendum and an elected government takes power, the TA will appoint a transitional government of technocrats to conduct the day-to-day operations of the government.

Introduction to the Transitional Plan for Eritrea

The people of Eritrea are once again being put to an extraordinary test of character. They are being summoned to reaffirm their renowned resoluteness; this time by standing up against an indigenous tyranny that has imposed on them a cruel and despicable one-party system:

• Whereas, the values for which their sons and daughters paid with their precious lives, including thousands who are left physically disabled and emotionally scarred, have been betrayed and replaced with a new political order that benefits the few individuals in power;

• Whereas, in order to realize a free and democratic Eritrea, the material, physical and emotional sacrifices that were invested by every Eritrean family were misused and the benefits that were reaped during the post independence era were monopolized by the few in power;

• Whereas, the heroes who survived the armed struggle for independence, not only continue to live a life filled with poverty and repression, but also face a gloomy future;

• Whereas, many genuine and highly regarded cultures have been tarnished and their generational social values devalued by those in power;

• Whereas, young people have been forcibly conscripted to serve in the authoritarian regime’s militaristic adventures that are counter-productive to the country’s overall development;

• Whereas, the national treasury has been emptied to advance unsound economic policies and other misappropriations;

• Whereas, the lawless regime has imprisoned elders, journalists, national assembly members, politicians, women, religious individuals, teachers, students … etc. whose numbers reach in the thousands;

• Whereas, in the face of cyclical drought and the unwise rejection of critical and indispensable aid has rendered the nation in abject poverty;

• Whereas, the leaders’ lack of diplomacy and aggressive approach added towards Eritrea’s total isolation from the international community;

• Whereas, the war-mongering attitude of the regime has caused unimaginable damage inside the country and the region;

• Whereas, a constitution ratified under its sponsorshiphas been shelved for years while a self-appointed government continues to impose itself with a declared stance against a multi-party democratic style of government; and

• Whereas, the regime’s total disregard for basic human rights and elementary principles of rules of law has become world-renowned making Eritrea virtually, a failed state.

Therefore, the total sum of the above and other downward spiraling trends,   make it incumbent upon EDA [EPDP hoping the EDA will adopt this draft] and other opposition organizations to make strong efforts towards saving the country. It is EDA ’s belief that saving the nation from total destruction and despair must be given a higher priority over all other political activities. In order to realize this objective, EDA adopts this draft Transitional Plan for consideration, discussion and further development by all political organizations, civic organizations, concerned individuals and the people of Eritrea at large.

The EDA believes that the fate of Eritrea must not be left in the hands of such a cruel and irresponsible leadership. The reign of tyranny must come to an end. The era of individual liberty and pluralistic democracy must be built on the graves of our martyrs so their souls can find peace and solace. Constitutional governance and rule of law must prevail across the width and breadth of our young nation.

EDA’s (and EPDP's) Commitment

It is clear to all Eritreans that the present regime has failed to live up to the expectations of the people. The Eritrean people, including most members of the ruling party who are heroes of the struggle for independence, continue to suffer under this oppressive regime. Students, members of the armed forces, farmers, workers, the Diaspora as well as friends of Eritrea have been vocally and actively protesting against the dictatorial regime and demanding fundamental changes.

The combined struggle of member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance for change and democratization that will usher in the downfall of the one-party authoritarian system and the building of a constitutional and democratic Eritrea has been the cornerstone of the national umbrella. Since its inception, the alliance has been advocating that political sovereignty must be transferred to its rightful owner: the people of Eritrea.

EDA reaffirms its determination to live up to its commitment by playing its role in the democracy building process. It is taking the initial step by proposing a rational and practical transitional process in order to bring an end to the autocratic system imposed on the people of Eritrea. In order to facilitate a smooth transfer of sovereignty, EDA hereby adopts a comprehensive Transitional Plan to the people of Eritrea, at home and in the Diaspora, for their consideration and action.

Transitional Plan for Eritrea (TPE) is a work-in-progress that is open for all citizens, civic organizations, and political forces to participate in its development and finalization. The TPE is a preliminary attempt to set the general outline of the transition process as well as to prioritize specific tasks that must be accomplished in a defined period and sequence to smoothly expedite the transition.

The most critical thread interweaving the TPE is the fundamental national responsibility of making sure thatthe process is peaceful and does not threaten or endanger Eritrea’s national security.   Again, EDA strongly believes that anchoring our TPE on a secure Eritrea is the indispensable ingredient of the whole transition process. 

The national umbrella, EDA, fully acknowledges that the people of Eritrea must have the final say in all political changes.  However, given the prevailing political conditions inside the country, in which no one can freely express her/his wishes, EDA member organizations are forced to speak-up in defense of the people and the nation. Indeed, there is no substitute for the people’s direct involvement in the affairs of the nation in order to usher in a peaceful and sustainable democratic change. Nonetheless, we are confident that the people of Eritrea have enough experience and are endowed with rich accumulated wisdom to sort out their internal problems and build a just and peaceful nation that can endure the test of future generations

The EDA member organizations categorically state that it is not their intention to let the current regime perpetuate its criminal rule. They would also like to send a clear signal that deters any individual or group who may wish to repeat the same dictatorial rule in the future. Therefore, we are presenting this plan:

• To solemnly declare to our people inside and outside of the country that we are truly committed to democracy;

• To challenge our people to stand against anyone, military or civilian, that intends to usurp power through undemocratic processes and refuses to hand it over to the people;

• To appeal to our people to cherish democracy, rule of law and accept nothing short of total liberty;

• To help coordinate the efforts of the opposition forces;

• To openly declare our vision for Eritrea and let the international community know our ultimate goal is to support a peaceful transfer of power to the people of Eritrea.

Guiding Principles of the Transition Plan

The transition plan is guided by the spirit of peace, justice and human rights. It stands against rancorous and retaliatory measures and is fully committed to the wishes of the Eritrean people.  The guiding principles are based on the fact that:

• Every citizen should have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to the transition.

• Citizens are ensured that the process is legal and peaceful. 

• The independence and territorial integrity of the country are firmly secure.

• The transitional period shall not exceed two years

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan/Phase 1

The proposal assumes that a broad based and all-inclusive political National Conference (NC) will be held to lay the framework for the transition process. Participants should be willing to exhibit commitment, a nationalist vision and flexibility in order to translate the plan into practice within an agreed timeframe and with the highest spirit of collaboration.

All representatives attending the NC will abide by the final decision of the Conference. In case of a conflicting political stands between a member organization and the collective decision of the NC, the latter decision will supersede that of a given member organization’s stand.

EDA, and in consultations with other opposition groups, civil societies, independent individuals and community leaders in the Diaspora, will take the initiative of planning and executingthe National Conference (NC).

A Rundown of Bodies within the whole Transitional Process, Phase I and Phase II

The structure of the transitional institutions is envisioned to be as outlined below:

• The First National Conference (NC) abroad: The mandating body that elects the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC). This Charter is the final document that delineates the basic agreements reached during the pre-transition process by representatives attending the first National Conference.

• The National Council of Shimagles (NCS): By virtue of the mandate given to it by the National Conference (NC), NCS will be the highest authority during the pre-transitional phase.

• The Executive Board (EB): A body to be appointed by NCS which will function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS from the end of the first meeting of the National Conference until its next meeting.

• The Transitional Assembly (TA): The assembly that will be organized by the NCS with the cooperation and consultation of the EB immediately after the acquisition of power. 

• The Transitional Government (TG): The government that will be formed by the TA to govern the nation until a democratically elected National Assembly and Representative Government are in place.

The Second National Conference, inside the Homeland

The National Conferences (NC) will be instrumental in facilitating a peaceful transition that will lead the country towards democratization and accelerated progress and development.  EDA believes the experiences the opposition camp gained over the years should be strengthened by holding a second National Conference inside the homeland. This will give a positive signal to all Eritreans and the international community that Eritreans are determined to unite on all fronts to establish a democratic country where its citizens can enjoy peace and prosperity.

Cognizant of the fact that there is not even a modicum of rudimentary political freedom inside Eritrea, EDA feels that the extraordinary circumstance makes holding a genuine and full-blown National Conference inside Eritrea unattainable. Due to this circumstance, as stated above, there shall be a National Conference held in the Diaspora to frame the general outline of the pre-transition process.

Assisted by experiences of the work of the first National Conference and its institutions, the second National Conference to be held inside the homeland shall formulate a strategy that will expedite the struggle for democracy and rule of law as well as inducing the turning over of political power by the present authoritarian regime to the Transitional Government (TG).

This National Conference will work to secure smooth transition, delineate ways for the nation to regain a well-suited life style, to jump-start the economy and to maintain stability.

The National Conference should debate and build general consensus on the following strategic national issues.

• National Security - how best to maintain peace, stability and protect our national   security during the transition period.

• Constitution - coordinate a discussion on a permanent Constitution.

• Transitional Assembly - coordinate the establishment of the Transitional Assembly.

• Transitional Government – work towards the establishment of a Transitional Government.

• Judiciary – establish an independent, professional and competent judiciary.

• Monitor the election, formation of political parties, formulation of referendum laws and their pertinent procedures.

• Independent Task Committees - the NC will authorize the formation of independent task committees that will expedite the transition period.

• Economy – delve into both Macro and Micro levels.

• Foreign Relations - outline policies that will shape the country’s foreign relations.

• Demobilization – the gradual return of the young to a normal life.

• Reconciliation – democratic dialogue and the search for agreement among various sectors of the society.

• Mobilization of Eritreans in the Diaspora.

The above-mentioned issues should be further studied by different individuals or groups of experts and a working draft policy on each issue should be submitted to the National Council of Shimagles (NCS).

National Council of Shimagles/Elders (NCS)

At the end of the proceedings of the National Conference, it is hereby proposed that a body collectively known as the National Council of Shimagles (NCS), (numbers to be determined by the Conference) be elected to assume the responsibilities as outlined by the NC, to include ensuring that the regime is coaxed to open dialogue on a transition to democracy or forced to resign.

The NCS will be elected from among those participating in the NC.  There will also be a need to make room for those considered of national importance but could not attend the Conference. It will be helpful to conduct an extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The authority of the NCS will emanate from the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) adopted by the National Conference.

The NCS will also be in charge of implementing the resolutions and decisions adopted by the National Conference. Until a Transitional Assembly (TA) assumes its responsibilities and sets up a Transitional Government (TG), the NCS will be the highest authority to guide expert studies and formulations of social, political and economic policies that would best serve the people of Eritrea during the transitional period. It will also ensure that the aims and spirit of the NC are upheld and implemented by the EB.

The lifetime of NCS will be restricted to two years maximum. If the regime is not removed from its grip of power within two years, the NC shall convene to review strategies and elect a new NCS. The NCS will have legal existence for the pre-transition period - the period beginning from the adjourning of the NC up to the official opening of the TA - the beginning of the actual transition period.  Beyond the maximum of two-years - in Diaspora, the duration of the NCS’s authority, i.e. after the actual transition period, will not exceed a maximum period of 3 months past the resignation or removal of the present regime.

Other explicit duties and responsibilities of the NCS will be as follows:

• To appoint an Executive Board (EB) which will manage the day-to-day affairs until a Transitional Government (TG) is established.

• To help, in cooperation with the EB, ensure the formation of the Transitional Assembly (TA) by the Second National Conference inside the country.

• To create a peaceful and conducive political environment so that the people of Eritrea can fully participate in the political deliberations of the transition process.

• To hold either a face-to-face or remote conference at least once every quarter, but should meet at least once every year in person.

• To guide and monitor the work of the EB on a preset schedule and by calling an extraordinary meeting when circumstances warrant. NCS meeting will have a quorum which consists of a minimum of 2/3 of NCS members.

• To make all its decisions on the basis of 2/3 majority vote of a quorum present and voting.

The Executive Board (EB)

The NCS will appoint individuals to the Executive Board. The EB, whose membership size is to be determined by the NCS, will consist of highly respected and able professionals. Satisfactory and reasonable salary and allowance will be provided to the EB team when possible by the NCS.

The EB will:

• Implement the policies of the organization and execute the decisions made by the NCS on a daily basis.

• Report to the NCS, to which it is accountable.

• Lead the struggle for democracy until the regime is changed.

• Establish various committees and sub-committees as the needs arise. The EB will also appoint the members of the different committees and subcommittees and will guide and monitor their work.

• Have a lifetime of two years maximum and its decisions are made on 2/3 majority vote basis.

• Cease to exist with the establishment of the TG by the TA.

Independent Auditing Board (IAB)

The work of the NCS and EB is going to necessitate the solicitation of funds and the incorporation of an independent auditing structure.

• IAB will be appointed at the National Conference and they will report to the National Conference.

• IAB will work in close cooperation with the EB.

• The work of the IAB will adhere to international standards.

The Group of Experts (GE)

The GE unit will be composed of Eritrean and non-Eritrean experts. It will also include experienced and knowledgeable volunteers who will be asked to tackle specific tasks with regards to specific issues. Members of the GE will be appointed by the EB.

• The GE will provide ideas, comments and advice as requested by either the EB or its committees on various issues. Above all, it shall have a solid team of experts that drafts a transition constitution for use in the transition period until a permanent constitution is put to a popular referendum.

• It will pursue its tasks within the principles and interests of NC.

• The EB will closely liaise with the members of the GE with regards to all aspects of the tasks.

• The EB will consider requests for allocation by the members of GE.

• The GE will study and provide advice to the EB on matters related to security, economy, foreign relations, public administration, and educational policies and on any other issues as required.

The Transitional Assembly (TA)

The NCS, at the time of transition (as soon as the authoritarian regime’s surrender of political power becomes eminent), will organize and supervise the setting up of the TA. This body will be a broadly based and a diversified-transitional organ. The TA will reflect the widest cross section of the Eritrean society. The TA, as it will be an un-elected transitional institution, will be constituted for a specifically agreed period of time - a maximum of two years.

 The Transitional Assembly (TA) will:

• Function as a transitional legislative body, decreeing laws and controlling the budget during the transition.

• Carry out a thorough deliberation of the ratified Constitution and execute the resulting decisions.

• Organize a referendum on constitutional issues that cannot be settled within its tenure.

• Draft, deliberate and approve Party Laws.

• Draft, deliberate, and approve Election Laws.

• Organize the first democratic election of the Eritrean government (Legislative and Executive branch of government).

• Organize the establishment of an independent human rights commission.

• Elect its officers at its first meeting and conclude its work by handing over power to a popularly elected National Assembly.

The Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG)

As its first priority, the TA will organize the appointment of an Executive Board for the transitional period to run the routine affairs of the nation. This will be known as the Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG). ETG will be organized in such a way that it will be ready to automatically assume the day to day running of the government’s affairs under the supervision and with the cooperation of the TA.

ETG’s mandate ends upon the formation of a popularly elected National Assembly and the establishment of a Democratic Government, reflecting the outcome of the first National Assembly election.

ETG will:

• Be composed of educated and experienced professionals whose allegiance is not to the political parties but to the State of Eritrea. The vision is to establish a Government of Technocrats.

• Keep stability and build national institutions until a democratically elected government assumes power.

• Will study and implement means that will jump-start the economy.

Independent Task Committees (ITC)

The NC will authorize the formation of ITCs that will supply the necessary expertise and consultation in the process leading up to the beginning of the transition period. These task committees will cease to exist as soon as the Transitional Assembly is officially formed.  The TA can reactivate these committees at its own discretion.

To name few committees:

• A Public Relations Committee (PRC): to promote harmony and goodwill toward the Transitional Plan within the various players and the international community.

• Independent Auditing Board (IAB): See p. 17. IAB will be appointed by the National Conference.

• Group of Experts (GP): See p. 17. The GP will be composed of technocrats and experts appointed by the EB to address specific issues and contend with difficult subject matters.

• Free Press Committee (FPC): a committee set up by the EB to promote the revival and redeployment of a vigorous free and independent press which will eventually be an integral part of the transitional process.

• Independent Human Right Commission (IHRC):  a committee set up to coordinate the efforts of human rights activists, help facilitate and direct the future establishment of an independent  human rights institution.

• Reconciliation Committee (RC): a committee that will be tasked to study the causes and effects of the many differences and estrangements that exist between various groups of the Eritrean society. The RC will present its recommendations to the EB and then work towards harmonizing the differences.

Elections and Referendum

Until the establishment of an elected parliament, referendum can be held to settle open constitutional questions where the politicians could not reach agreements at earlier attempts. With the establishment of a democratic Eritrea, interested groups should have the right to voice their wishes including a call for referendums following established procedures and laws.

The TA and the ETG shall prepare all necessary logistics for the election and referendum i.e. Election laws, voter registration process, voter education, formation of electoral commission, arrangements for free participation of all political parties, unhindered participation of voters, facilitating means of communications, transportation, funding, security, assistance to the disabled …etc.

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), which will be established by the TA, will:

• Organize the process to freely elect the first Assembly in accordance with the Eritrean Constitution.

• Examine situations where special laws will be required to conduct free elections and without any pressure.

• Would be mandated to develop, with help from the international community, laws and a system of governance that are straight forward.

• Make the electoral process easily accessible to all citizens.

IEC’s mandate will cease to exist upon the establishment of a democratically elected government. The new National Assembly will legislate the necessary laws to establish the IEC as a permanent institution.

National Security

In the interest of national security, it is important that members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) and Police be given the assurance of their safety and respect for their basic rights so they embrace the peaceful change and become part of the process and not against it.  During the transition period, the TA will select a qualified civilian to the office of the Transitional Defense Minister (TDM) in order to depoliticize and institutionalize the army. 

The Transitional Defense Ministry, with the consultation of the Transitional Cabinet, will guide the integration, de-politicization, and modernization of the forces.

The ETG will:

• Prepare studies outlining the benefits and disadvantages of having a professional army, a mandatory national service or a combination of the two options.

• Take into consideration how to restructure and reorganize the national militia. 

• Urgently incorporate military organs of the opposition groups into the national defense forces.

• Ensure that the police force is led by Transitional Civilian Commissioner (TCC) until the police force is reorganized.

• Provide broad reorientation and retraining of the police force that highlights the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights to the policing process.

• Ensure the development of a culture of cooperation between the civilians and the police by establishing a National Police and Civilian Relations Board (NPCRB) to facilitate the necessary progress towards better working relationships.

The Economy

In order to transform the devastated, highly centralized and PFDJ-controlled economy to a free market economy, one of the primary duties of the ETG will be to launch debates and formulate policies based on the studies submitted by the GE and ITC.

In order to do this both the EB and later the ETG will work together with international institutions such as IMF, UN and World Bank etc. in order to inform them of the complex challenges and solicit their direct input and advice in rehabilitating the Eritrean economy.

Demobilization

ETG will assume the responsibility of demobilizing hundreds of thousands of members of the armed forces and helping them join their families and reintegrate them into society.

One of the GE committees will be expected to study the proposal provided by the international community concerning demobilization and conduct further studies of its own before submitting its findings to the ETG.

ETG will:

• Make basic necessities available to the demobilized and their families in order to help them integrate into the society.

• Provide training and employment opportunities.

• Solicit financial and other aid from the international community to facilitate the transition.

Civil Services

The foundation of the future Eritrean Civil Service should be based upon the establishment of a merit-based civil servant system that promotes highly qualified and dedicated individuals. Civil Service should assume its rightful place in the Eritrean society and every endeavor should be made for the public to respect and appreciate the benefits of civil service to society. In order to enhance the works of the politicians and policy makers, the civil servants will be expected to maintain a high standard of cooperation, integrity and work ethic.

During the transition period, the ETG must make sure that:

• Government services are not interrupted.

• The structure of the present Civil Servants remain intact until necessary changes are implemented.

• All civil servants are paid their salaries on time.

• Civil servants continue to collect revenues, and make sure all proper fees and taxes are collected.

• Funds are made available to mitigate the financial squeeze for the first twelve months.

Judiciary

Justice and the rule of law should be the foundation of a future Eritrea. To this end, the setting up of an independent, professional and competent judiciary is paramount.  A comprehensive study should be commissioned and presented to TA for ratification with a proposal for a way forward.  Intellectual and material support should be sought from the international community to facilitate the development of the justice system.

The judiciary should:

• Employ judges who are highly skilled and non-partisan in their dispensation of justice.

• Have a system that is fair, transparent and accessible to all citizens.

• Set up a system that is trusted by the general public.

• Provide no room for special courts that function outside its legal perimeter.

• See that justice is served in time without any delays.

The Diaspora

The ETG will reach out to the vast Eritrean communities presently residing around the world in order to revive the historic commitment and engagement of Diaspora in the affairs of their young nation. The ETG will devise a mechanism that will encourage those in the Diaspora to invest their knowledge, experiences, skills and talents in multitude of ways to help both the transition process as well as the overall effort of constructing a democratic society.

Since the size of the Diaspora is quite large, the ETG will make use of their expertise and experiences in various ways that will promote the reconstruction, maintenance and development processes of Eritrea. 

The ETG will:

• Send delegates to all parts of Africa, Europe, America, the Middle East and Australia to conduct face to face dialogues with the Diaspora community about the transition process and to solicit political, material and moral support for the transition.

• Create incentives for the Diaspora to actively participate in the social, economic and political development of Eritrea.

• Persuade them to invest knowledge as well as financial capital in Eritrea.

• Encourage the Diaspora to function as good ambassadors and as bridges to connect Eritrea with the outside world.

• Send envoys abroad to consult with the Diaspora regarding the economy, politics, justice and other components that make up a nation.

• Dispatch various groups to explore knowledge, creativity and fresh ideas that exist amidst Eritrean citizens living abroad.

• Recognize and respect the achievements of the Diaspora and use their successes in setting up models for the present and coming generation.

Foreign Relations

Eritrea will be a serious and responsible member of the world community once the proposed changes take effect. It is unfortunate that the current regime’s foreign policy has isolated Eritrea. The nation’s foreign policy should be based on respect for the sovereignty and independence of all states located in close proximity to and far from Eritrea. The policy is to promote the interests of global peace, trade, cooperation, stability and orderly development.

The ETG, as its priority, should make the effort to:  

• Mend the strained relationships with our immediate neighbors.

• Pronounce and publicize widely to the world that the new government is democratic and will lead the country to peace and prosperity.

• Solicit the assistance of all friendly countries and international bodies to help the country jumpstart its economy.

• Request for the allocation of funds for immediate use of alleviating poverty.

• Dispatch delegates all over the world to explain the plans and aims of ETG.

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)

De-Institutionalizing Eritrea

Rewinding back to the 1950s when the UN resolved to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia, the arguments against federating Eritrea with Ethiopia included that a conflict between Eritrea with its more advanced socio-economic and legal institutions, and Ethiopia with its feudal monarchical system would be inevitable.  It would be a marriage of irreconcilable differences.   

Eritrea, enjoying the economic investments of colonial Italy, and the growth of the socio-political institutions during the 10-year British administration, which by the way dismantled many of the Italian investments, had created a rare budding parliamentary institution in Africa, while its legal system, labour unions, and other form of institutions were growing at the same time.  Eritrea’s institutions were the envy of not only Africa but much of the developing world, which consisted the vast majority the world’s nations at that time.  Unfortunately, the federation with Ethiopia began the process of dismantling Eritrea’s institutions as Emperor Haileselassie feared that it would weaken the monarchical system in Ethiopia. Hence began the Eritrean independence movement.

The very essence of our independence movement was to rebuild and grow our national institutions, and most importantly laws, but also customs, and traditions are intricately woven into fabric of institutions. 

When we gained our independence in 1991, the one issue that kept coming up in discussions about building the future of Eritrea was to how to build institutions in Eritrea.  We thought Eritrea’s independence would resume the interrupted path of the wide institutionalization of the 1950s. Instead, twenty-four years after independence, Eritrea finds itself on unabashed path towards annihilation of all forms of institutions. 

The worst irony is it is the monarchical and feudal Ethiopia that is on a path towards building its institutions.  Its parliamentary system, albeit at its infancy, is growing at natural pace.  Its civil service, private sector, public media, legal, and other institutions are growing, albeit still a long way.  But it is a clearly defined journey, rather than an elusive destination that gives hope.  Institutions and democracy don’t grow overnight, rather they go through infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood - and may even face adolescence or middle-age crisis.  After all, the learning curve is part of life, and Ethiopian politics of the visionary late PM Meles Zenawi is on that learning curve, and is still at toddler stage.  As it stands today, its civil administration, social, economic and legal systems are now significantly more advanced than DIA’s Eritrea.  What DIA is doing is tantamount to infanticide of Eritrean institutions.  

Civilization is more than the invention and adoption technological advancements – or digging more illusionary dams.  That is “Animal Farm’s” windmill.  Rather it is primarily the adoption of advanced laws that bind a society, and it is institutions that foster wider public involvement in national matters.  Every Eritrean society has thousands of years of rich history and tradition that was built and sustained on the rock foundation of their socio-legal institutional systems.  DIA’s destructive assault on this proud and civilized behaviour is the single biggest threat to the very existence of Eritrea as a viable and cohesive nation.

It is not just laws - or worse decrees spewed out at the whims of one-man - and their enforcements that makes a nation law-abiding.  Rather, it is a legitimate government’s and people’s deep respect for law and rule-of-law that builds a law-abiding nation.  If government and people don’t respect the rule-of-law, and if the only factor that binds people together are harsh enforcement laws and cruel punishments, then that nation WILL fall apart.  When one says ‘Ziban Higi’ and the other person and you head straight to adjudicator or law enforcer, which is respect for law.  If one feels that one can violet any laws and can buy justice by bribing a policeman, a prosecutor, or a judge - which is becoming very pervasive in DIA’s Eritrea - there can NOT be harmony within a community, and by extension a country.  

When a large group of Eritrean elders followed the traditions of their prudent forefathers to ask DIA to pursue reconciliation and prudence in dealing with colleagues who had different political views from DIA, he arrested some and threatened the others of incarceration.  Moreover, they were told that if they met again that they would be arrested for illegal gathering.

The breakdown of law, rule-of-law, due process of law, and institutions has been gradual since independence but has become unbridled lawlessness since 2001. 

Although the illegal treatment of Jehovah Witnesses in the mid-90s was a tell-tale sign of the regime’s illegal behaviour, the first major departure from the proper functioning legal system was DIA’s decree of the ‘Special Courts’ in 1996.  Ostensibly, the ‘Special Courts’, a variant of Military Courts, was established to root out corruption.  The ‘Special Courts’ were presided by military officers with little or no legal background, and their decisions were ‘final and binding’, i.e. with no rights of appeal.  That is unparalleled legal travesty both in our traditional law and modern law.  The right of appeal is an inherent right designed to give the accused a recourse against possible injustice.  This decree, in essence, made the one to three presiding military judges the law of the land over civilian matters.  If this wasn’t a blatant invitation for legal chaos and unbridled corruption, nothing else is.     

‘Special Courts’ was NOT designed to root out corruption.  Rather, it was DIA’s way of buying the loyalty of military officers - and entrench lawlessness into Eritrean system.  It would be the opening salvo to de-institutionalize Eritrea in full throttle.   Lawlessness meant that if one needs to eliminate a pesky neighbour, a business competitor, or someone that insulted you - dole out some cash under the table to these judges and suddenly verdicts are guaranteed.  If this is not an utter betrayal of what over 100,000 of our precious brothers and sisters sacrificed their dear lives for, what is?

When arrested by police for unknown reasons, one should have the absolute right to file a writ of habeas corpus to regular courts.  Instead, in Eritrea, one finds that it is ‘Special Courts’ that issued the arrest and that regular courts do NOT have jurisdiction.  The arrested person doesn’t know the reasons for the arrest until appearing in ‘Special Courts’ and with no rights of representation to mount any defence, one is found guilty before one even drops a word.  One can languish in prison for months without even appearing in Special Court - just long enough to put one of business or give an advantage to a competitor, then released without any explanations.

A variation of ‘Special Courts’ is the ‘military courts’.  As all able-bodies between 18 and 40, but in reality up to 60, are prisoners of national service subject to military courts and military justice, they have no recourse to properly functioning and accountable legal system.  This is further degradation of Eritrea’s already weak institution and the entrenchment of injustice in Eritrea, which is a frontal assault on a key institution of any viable nation state.

Institutions

Institution is generally defined as organizations, societies, establishments and other similar groupings brought together for promotion and advancement of particular cause or program.  Most of these groupings are established for the purpose of advancing legal, educational, religious, political, cultural, and other major causes.

Institutions have many functions such as,

• Maintaining continuity from past, to present, to the future - especially important for tradition, religion, law/legal,

• Maintaining stability in civil service, politics, and legal systems,

• Distribution of power - especially important in distributing political power which is critical in forestalling dictatorships,

• Organized, inclusive, methodical, and predictable method for bringing about change,

• Allows the accumulation, transmittal, and leverage of knowledge and know-how - thus the very foundation of civilization.

  Institutions have tendency to resist change, might be bureaucratic, and may favor the status-quo. However, like everything in life, the challenge remains finding the middle way. Change is good, and even nature’s law, but it must be done not too fast, nor too slow. It is like fire - too far from fire and one gets cold; too close, and one gets burned.

  Very few, i.e. a drop in the bucket, examples of DIA’s de-institutionalizing Eritrea,

• Disbanding of unions, including teachers

• Unlawful persecutions of Jehovah Witnesses [chipping away from the edges towards the middle of all religious institutions]

• Unethical and corrupt practices in its business ventures, weakening much of the economic institutions

• ‘Special Courts’ and the weakening of Eritrean legal system. This not only weakened modern laws, but also traditional laws – destroying Eritrea’s traditional laws, the very foundation of its old institutions

• Refusal to implement the 1997 Constitution, which would have been the launching pad for political institution

• Refusal to convene EPLF/PFDJ Congress last held in 1994, and disbanding of the EPLF/PFDJ Central Committee, last held its meeting in 2000, which further weakened our launching pad for political institutions.

• Interference in religious institutions subjecting all major religions into total servitude to a point where their religious legitimacy may be questioned.

• Weakening the civil service through deliberate policy that forced unpaid ‘national servicemen’ serving in the civil service to engage in bribery to survive.

• Bypassing government ministries and concentrating all power in the president’s office. All political and diplomatic decisions are made by one man, instead of spreading out decision making - which is key to building institutions. For example, Central Bank of Eritrea is in name only, with all the country’s hard currency reserves managed by DIA himself through Hong Kong accounts. All Central Bank of Eritrea’s activities should be documented and available to the public, my rights as a citizen, which would only confirm that it is an institution in name only.

  Rule by Decree

  According to Wikipedia, it is defined as a style of governance allowing quick, unchallenged creation of law by a single person or group, and is used primarily by dictators and absolute monarchs.

  In a properly functioning democratic states, and even those pretending to be one, have legislative bodies responsible for promulgating laws. A constitution may provide head of state some powers to

  New Civil and Penal Codes

  The regime recently announced a new civil and penal code. The ‘good news’ was conveyed to us through, among others, wedo-geba.com (aka meskerem.net) and tesfa-less.com as if, i.e. insinuating, that the regime was unable to work with the old civil and penal codes and that with the new laws that our tireless and well-meaning government would start upholding laws. What a fantasy, or rather selling a fantasy!

  DIA has made a mockery of the transitional civil and penal codes that was supposed to serve Eritrea until the ‘new’ codes were promulgated. Frankly, I haven’t had an opportunity to look at the new codes, but I can assure my readers that the basic rights and working laws in the new codes can’t be any different than the transitional or now old codes.

  DIA, or Special Court judges, have not upheld any of the key provisions of the 1991 transitional penal codes. For instance,

  Title III Chapter I. – Offences Against Official Duties

  Article 410. – Principle

  1) All persons who are to any degree repositories of the power or authority of the State, such as members of the public authorities, government officials and agents and servants of the government and public administrations of any kind or members of the armed or police forces (hereafter referred to as "public servants"), are subject to the punitive provisions which follow where, in the discharge of their office, duties or employment, they commit any of the offences under this chapter.

  (2) Where the act which they have done or omitted to do in the discharge of their duties, and in respect to which they are charged, comes within the scope of ordinary criminal law, but there is aggravation due to the offenders' public position and the breach of the special responsibility resting upon them by virtue of the trust placed in them, the relevant provisions of the other titles of this Code shall apply.

  Art. 412. —Breach of Official Duties.

  Art. 414. —Abuse of Power.

  Art. 415. —Abuse of the Right of Search or Seizure.

  Art. 416. —Unlawful Arrest or Detention.

  Art. 417. —Use of Improper Methods.

  Art. 702. —Exclusion of Ordinary Criminal Penalties.

  Art. 703. —Arrest.

  Art. 704. —Ordinary or Police Arrest.

  Art. 705. —Home Arrest.

  Delving into detail, this penal code provides the most basic rights accorded to the accused,

• Right to be brought to court judge within 48 hours after arrest and for the police to present their evidence

• Right to bail hearing

• Right to seek legal advice

• Right of visit during incarceration

• Right of appeal, and many other rights.

  I can assure my readers that no law abiding citizen in Eritrea wants any of these rights taken away because they don’t to fall victims to unscrupulous and dangerous people that live amongst them.

  Invariably, those who support the regime’s illegal behaviours are those who are beyond its reach, i.e. those who live abroad and enjoy full rights accorded in well-functioning legal systems - at least, one can be assured that one doesn’t get thrown into jail incommunicado and without knowing the charges for indefinite time.

  As such the new civil and penal codes are meaningless. As some would say, it ain’t worth the paper it is written on.

  New Constitution

  It is a cruel joke! Suffice to say one would have died from laughter if it wasn’t about the tragedy of our people.

  Illegal House Destructions -- Illustration of how unaccountable governments can be the single biggest threats to people’s rights

  Recently, DIA has started destroying housing throughout Eritrea claiming that they were built illegally. The only other ‘government’ known for destroying, instead of building, is the Taliban, and now its monstrous clone, IS. The recent panel discussion by Minister of Local Government, Mr.Woldemichael Abraha,regarding the illegal use of land is yet another illustration of the twisted understanding of the functioning of a government, its policies, its laws (by decree), and remedial actions.

  This is travesty of tremendous proportions. At a time when there are severe housing shortages, it is unfathomable how a regime resorts to destroying new houses. Especially considering that the regime has banned any new housing construction since 2009, this is a deliberate policy of sowing social and legal chaos in the country - as if we don’t have zillion other issues to deal with.

  No one is above the law, i.e. in a country that is governed by the rule-of-law!

  The regime supporters excuse the regime’s illegal house destruction claiming that these houses were built illegally. This has been going on for over 15 years. However, the truth of the matter is that if the regime was truly concerned about illegal housing, adverse impact on urban planning or safety, the regime should acted sooner to prevent others from building.

  The regime supporters make excuses for the Eritrean dictatorial regime as follows:

1. The regime has been warning for years against such behaviours

   In reality: instead of just warning, it could have destroyed the very first, or second, or tenth house built ‘illegally’ 15 years earlier which would have sent unequivocal message to future builders. This is not impossible task, or requiring a whole army to do the job; rather it just takes one bulldozer to do the job.

2. The regime is destroying illegal houses

   In reality: in properly functioning legal system, depending on the type of violation, there is a statute limitations on bringing legal action against any violation.

   Building a house is NOT a criminal activity, it could be a violation of municipal law or other government law. In such violations, government authorities and bodies have a HIGHER legal responsibility to enforce their laws within a reasonable time - usually not more than two years after they became aware of such violations.

   1. The regime was well aware for over 18 years that such activities were taking place and chose to do nothing. In not enforcing its laws, regardless of its ‘laws’ on paper, it is implicitly condoning such activities, and abrogating the law in question.  

   2. Any competent law would ask why the regime couldn’t take such actions earlier. Did it have the resources to take such actions? The answer would have been unequivocally - ‘yes it did have the resources all these years.’ It would have taken, as it did now, one bulldozer to do the job and all others would have been discouraged from doing the same over the last 18 years.

   3. Although municipalities may have administrative rights to destroy illegal houses within a reasonable time, owners/builders do also have the right to seek legal redress or injunction to stop home destructions. Once a house is identified for destruction by a municipality, owners should have the right to seek recourse from a competent courts of law, which may find the municipality of acting illegally. Without such legal recourse, who can control the illegal actions of municipalities or other authorities?  

      CRITICAL LESSON: To reiterate, if there is anything I want my readers to take from this article is that governments are and should be held to higher standards.

1. Relationships between individual persons and the State (or government) is inherently legal in nature

2. This legal nature of the relationship between individuals and governments can NEVER be abrogated unilaterally by governments. Even emergency laws of their limitations. Governments or presidents are not infallible Supreme Beings or endowed with infinite wisdoms.  

3. Where there is a dispute between a citizen and the State, only a competent court of law can adjudicate on the matter. The State or government is just like any other plaintiff in court of law - no more, no less; with one caveat - it carries the higher burden of proof. The fact it carries bigger stick doesn’t give it free hand to bully individual citizens.

4. Any properly functioning court of law should in most cases put the burden of proof on the government because it promulgate laws and should know better, have more resources to effect and enforce laws.

   The current ongoing destruction of houses is yet another manifestation of the total breakdown of the rule-of-law in Eritrea - something unheard of in the history of our precious motherland.

   Case of the late Naizghi Kiflu (For illustration)

   Many may not have the best opinion of Mr. Naizghi Kiflu who was one of DIA’s key henchmen during the struggle for independence and later during DIA’s brutal administration. Mr. Naizghi is no less brutal than DIA, just that he wasn’t a leader of the nation.

   Regardless, refusing the repatriation of his body for burial in his homeland is yet another manifestation of DIA’s illegal acts. It shows that today’s Eritrea is being run on vindictive political acts of one man than attempting to build a nation based on a continuation of our rich traditional respect for law and rule-of-law. This is where the breakdown of law-and-order starts. If DIA refuses to abide by the rule-of-law, what message is he sending to others? We will leave this to Profs. Asmerom and Ghideon to give us their spins on this one.

   Destroying the Rule-of-Law and Institutions in General

1. Transitional Government of Eritrea (TGE)

   TGE was proclaimed in April 2013 and was formed to govern the country until May 1997 (4 years), when a Constitution would be proclaimed and a new constitutional government was to be established soon after. It was supposed to be a transition from ‘a liberation front’ to ‘legal government’. Instead, DIA chose to ignite a destructive war with Ethiopia and freeze or even reverse the progress towards a more legally representative government.

   In doing so, DIA chose to trample on any progression towards the rule-of-law, and instead pursuing arbitrary rule based on the whims of one individual supported by corrupt officials bought to maintain their loyalties. The ever pursuit of an absolute discretionary and unconstrained power is the first cause of all the political illnesses, breakdown in rule-of-law, and all the problems afflicting the country today.

   Until such time that an accountable government ruled by a Constitution, enforced through strong and independent judicial system, prudent opposition, strong public media, and civil societies, the challenges will remain. Even Ethiopia’s benevolent dictatorship is a universe away from our destructive dictatorship.

   How can a nation that is NOT governed by publicly and legally sanctioned processes, and refuses to abide by any legal norms become the very vanguard of a national legal system? How can the wolf itself become the Sheppard of a flock of sheep?

   If we are to build a nation, we can’t allow folks with the longest stick to govern, lest we encourage outlaws to get funny ideas. The future of Eritrea - the very foundation of our values - is being erected today.

2. PFDJ

   Regime supporters pledge their allegiance to it. Opposition blame for it for the nation illness. Foreign media label the country as a one-party, PFDJ, state.

   On a recent interview on Al Jazeera, one young interviewee even labelled PFDJ as a movement.

   In reality, PFDJ is defunct. It longer exists. PFDJ, the successor of EPLF, had decided in 1993 to hold its congress in 1997, which is now almost twenty years ago. According to PFDJ’s Constitution, the PFDJ Central Committee should hold regular meetings every six months. The last time it met was over 15 years ago. Most of its members are either in jail or in political limbo. Similarly, the executive committee is a rubber stamping body for the whims of one man.

   Even Communist China, Soviet Union - even North Korea and the Derg held regular party member meetings, albeit rubber stamping ones. The Chinese Communist party in particular was very dynamic in fact, esp. before the Cultural Revolution.

   How can a regime that refuses to uphold its own organizational laws claim to hold others accountable to the laws of the nation? Isn’t this a blatant manifestation of a separation between those who are above the law and those who are below it?

   This is in utter contrast to TPLF (Woyane) and EPRDF in Ethiopia, which has been holding regular organizational meetings throughout the last 24 years, since it took over power. The last meetings were held last month (August 2015), with affirmation of new political and economic directions, while replacing veteran members with new ones.

   Why TPLF and EPRDF are succeeding although they have significantly more challenges in managing complex socio-economic, legal and political challenges in Ethiopia. Idol worshippers try to sell us that Ethiopia is ‘about to fall’, ‘division within ranks’, and other doom and gloom and yet they seem to go from strength-to-strength? Who is smoking ganja and suffering hallucinations?

3. Succession Law

   Like all regimes with insecure leaders, potential successors are not named for fear that they may seize power. Until 2000, the Minister of Internal Affairs was assumed the second man in command. Post-2000, this position (which has been recently filled) has been largely left doldrums. In fact, there is no formal provisions in non-existing Eritrean laws that would tell anyone is second person in charge.

   I would challenge any idol worshippers and canon fodders to pin point any specific law in Eritrea that would tell them such a succession law or provisions.

4. Civil Service

   Governments come and go, but a stable civil service is a hall mark of a stable system of government. For instance, governments used to change every six months in Italy, but the civil service continued without much interruption. The civil service, overall the structure and most of the staff, continued largely intact from the Derg regime to the EPRDF regime.

   In Eritrea, the civil service composed of ex-Ethiopia and EPLF/PFDJ went through uneasy period in the early stages of independence as it tried to integrate both. However, by the late 1990, it had found its equilibrium and was progressing towards more efficient system under the most capable guidance of the G-15.

   Tellingly, DIA commented in the early 1990s that the root cause of corruption in Africa is that civil servants were not paid salaries commensurate with cost of living. So what does DIA do? But of course!

   Today’s civil service in Eritrea is corrupt, probably out of forced necessity at the beginning, but now becoming entrenched as accepted norm - thus assaulting, weakening and eroding our social values.

   Moreover, by refusing to give pensions to veteran ‘tegadelties’ who deserve comfortable retirements, they are tied to their jobs until they drop dead, thus unable to transfer their experiences, knowledge, and positions to younger generations. This is also a form of wilful destruction of the civil service.

5. Military Institution

   Some may argue that the military institution is an alternative to political institution, and even possibly as a vanguard against breakdown in rule-of-law, sectarianism or internal religious conflicts. Some countries that were or are ruled by military strongmen, or civil leaders with the military two steps away, include Egypt, Turkey, Burma, and Thailand. Turkey, and probably now Burma, have seen dwindling inference of the military institution in politics. Other notable ones include, i.e. Until 1970s and even 80s, many South and Central American countries, Franco’s Spain, Portugal, and many others, were also led by military strong men.

   The fact that DIA has turned the entire country in one army base doesn’t necessarily mean that he is building military institution at the expense of all other institutions. DIA’s military institution itself has become the single biggest source of corruption and epicentre of bitter power rivalries. In addition it is being turned into a mercenary-for-hire in direct competition with Blackwater USA.

   Whereas DIA has strangled all other institutions, the military institution is being destroyed through the opposite modus operandi - through unbridled corruption, breakdown in discipline, defiling young women in national service, hopelessness among rank-and-file, and encouraging rivalries.

6. Other Institutions

   Other institutions, from educational to legal to organized labour, local non-governmental organizations (local NGOs) and others have been systematically destroyed. All the symbols of our struggles of the 1950s, the very essence of our cry for independence from ‘backward’ Ethiopia, is now being bleach washed by DIA.  

       

   The utter destruction of the rule-of-law and all institutions, leaving only a corrupt military as a sole institution, is the second biggest existential threat, i.e. after the utter destruction the social fabric of the nation, to the unity, peace, and prosperity of the nation. A house divided through breakdown of the rule-of-law and intolerance can’t stand for too long.

   DIA has shown his inability, unlike the visionary and prudent (late) PM Meles in Ethiopia, to foster institutions in Eritrea and to work with international institutions, such as AU, UN, IGAD, and many others. His invariable derision of all national and international institutions, coupled with total disengagement as manifested in his absence from all international meetings from many years, is at the root of all Eritrea’s ills. Unfortunately, this disengagement coupled with angry public rhetoric has led regime cohorts to resort to violence previously unheard of for Eritreans, as manifested in the threats to the members of COI. What a shame!  

   It will take the next regime and the people Eritrea tremendous efforts to reverse the utter destruction of institutions in Eritrea.

   We shall overcome!

   Berhan Hagos

   December 7, 2015