ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ደንበ ታቓውሞ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዞባና ብዝፍጠር ምዕባለታት ክጽለው ከም ዝጸንሐ ንኹላትና ብሩህ እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ክሳብ ክንድቲ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ ኣብ ቱንዚያ፡ ግብጺ፡ የመን፡ ሱዳን ደሓር ከኣ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝተጋህዱ ፖለቲካዊ ምዕባለታት ኣይተጸለናን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ብፍላይ ከኣ እቲ ኣብ ናይ “ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ” ደረጃ ዝጸንሐ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን፡ ናብ ትካላውን ግሉጽን ዘይኮነ ዝምድና መራሕቲ ክልቲአን ሃገራት ጥራይ ኮይኑ ምስ ተረፈ ብቀረባ ተጸሊና ኢና።

ካብዚ ዘይመትከላዊ ዝምድና ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ነናቶም ትጽቢት ነይርዎም። ንሕና ሓይልታት ለውጢ ኤርትራ እውን ከምኡ። ኣብዚ ትጽቢታት  “ኩነታት ኤርትራ ድዩ ንኩነታት ኢትዮጵያ ክጸልዎ፡ ወይስ ብኣንጻሩ እዩ ክኸውን?” ዝብል ናይ ብዙሓት ሕቶ ነይሩ። ኣብቲ እዋንቲ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ከምቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ’ውን ዘለዎ፡ ወጽዓን ጭቆናን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ሱር ዝሰደደሉ፡ ኩነታት ኢትዮጵያ ከኣ ለውጢ ዘድበንብነሉ መድረኽ ብምንባሩ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ጽልዋ ከሕድር እሞ ህዝብና ዝርበሓሉ ለውጢ ትንፋስ ክሰኩዕ ናይ መብዛሕትና ግምት ነይሩ። ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ እውን ምስቲ ዶባት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ቀጥዒ ብዘይነበሮ ተኸፊቱ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብን ናብን ኢትዮጵያ ክውሕዝ እንከሎ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ቀረባት ከኣ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ  ናብ ኤርትራ ምስ ወሓዘ ወዮ ግምትና ሓቂ ዝኾነ ይመስል ነይሩ።

እንተኾነ እዚ ክጅመር እንከሎ እውን ብፍላይ ብወገን ኤርትራ ካብ ምስ ሓደ ወገን ተፋቒርካ ነቲ ሓደ ምግላልን ሕነ ምፍዳይን ሓሊፉ፡ ግቡእ መልክዕ ዝሓዘን ኣብጽኑዕ ባይታ ዝተሰረተን ኣይነበረን። ነታ ብቐረባ ምስ ኤርትራ ኣብ ብዙሕ መዳያት ኣዝያ እትጸላሎ ክልል ትግራይ ዝጓነየ ዝምድና፡ ንጸቢብ ረብሓኡ ከምዘይውዕል ዝተረደአን ካብቲ ምጽልላው ዝሰገአን ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ   ዘይብሩህ ምስምስ ፈጢሩ ተቐላጢፉ ነቲ ተኸፊቱ ዝነበረ ኣፍደገታት ዓጽይዎ። ቀንዲ ዕላማ ናይቲ መሊስካ ምዕጻው ከኣ እቲ ናይቲ ምጽልላው ኣቕጣጫ ቀይርካ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝነበረን ጌና ዘሎን ጸረ ህዝቢ ምምሕዳር ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ እውን ጸላዊ ዝኾነሉ ኩነታት ንምፍጣር እዩ ነይሩ።

እዚ ምህዞ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ምስቲ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተራእየ እሞ ብዙሓት እምነት ኣንቢረምሉ ዝነበሩ ለውጢ  ከምቲ ዝድለ ምስ  ዘይምጉዓዙ  ተደሚሩ እቲ ኢሳያስ ዝደረሶ ድራማታት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ድሌቱ ዝስዕሰዓሉ ጓይላ ኮይኑ። ናይ ኤርትራ ልኡላውነት ኣብ ስግኣት ምውዳቕን ለውጢ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ምኹላፍን ከኣ ናይዚ ምልክታት እዮም። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ለውጢ ኣቕጣጭኡ ክቕይር እንከሎ ብዓብይኡ ሃስያኡ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ዘገድስ ኮይኑ፡ ብመንጽርቲ ንኢሳያስ ኣብ ዝሰፍሐ ሜዳ ንከኹድድ ዕድል ዝህብ ምዃኑ ከኣ ኣብ ኤርትራ’ውን መሊሱ ለውጢ ረጊጡ ዝዓጹ ብምዃኑ  ዘስዓቦ ኣሉታ እዚ ንርእዮ ዘለና እዩ።

እዚ ካብ ኮነ እምበኣር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታቱን ቃልሲ ሎሚ እውን ከም ዝቕጽል  ርዱእ እዩ። እቲ ቃልሲ ነዚ ዝተናኸፍናዮ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ ክኸውን ከኣ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ሎሚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝረአ ዘሎ ኩነታት ናይ ኢሳያኣስ ንከባብና  ብመዕቀኒኡ ናይ ምውዳብ ህርፋን ተወሲኽዎ፡ ኣብ ቀጻሊ ውግእ ምእታው ጀሚሩ ኣሎ። ብዙሓት ብኣልማማ ይእሰሩ ኣለዉ። ዓሌታዊ ጐንጽታት መመሊሱ ይገድድ ኣሎ። ንምርጫ ወሲኽካ ብዙሓት ዲሞክራስያውን ሰብኣውን መሰላት ይጠሓሱ ኣለዉ። ሕገመንግስቲ ይጨራረም ኣሎ።  ብፍላይ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝረአ ዘሎ  ደማዊ ውግእ ዘስዓቦ ሞት፡ ምምዝባል፡ ስደትን ጥሜትን ነዚ ዘርኢ እዩ። እዚ ሎሚ ኣይኮነንዶ ንዓና ከም ናይ ቀረባ ጐረቤትን ሳዕቤኑ ዝጸልወናን ንዓለም እውን ዝተነጸረ ርኡይ ሓቂ እዩ። ነዚ ክዉን ሓቂ  ካብ ቅድም እውን ኣይኮነንዶ ንሕና ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዕድል እንተረኺቡ ከምዘየናሕሲ እንግምት፡ እቶም ክሳብ ሕጂ ነቲ ጉጅለ “ኣለናልካ” ክብልዎ ዝጸንሑ ወገናትና እውን ከምቲ “ኣደስ ትሓብእ እሞ ሓበላ ዓይኒ ነይትሓብእ” ዝበሃል ዘመኻንይሉ ኣይኮነን።

ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና ነዚ ኣብ ከባብና ዝርአ ዘሎ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ግምት ብዘእተወ ክንሕዞ ኣለና ክንብል እንከለና፡ ዝያዳ ክንደፍኣሎም  እምበር ንድሕሪት ክንመልሶም ካብ ዘይግብኡና ዋኒናት ሓደ ሓቢርካ ናይ ምቅላስ ኣድላይነት እዩ። ስለዚ ንሓድነትና ኣብ ዝምልከት ክሳብ ሕጂ ተደኲኖም ዘለዉ ናይ ምሕያል፡ ተጀሚሮም ዘለዉ መስርሓት ከኣ ናይ ምቅልጣፎም ጉዳይ ግዜ ዝህብ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ ካብቲ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ምዕባለታት ንድግፎን ዘይንድግፎን ተርእዮታት ክፍጠር ውሁብ እዩ። ክንድግፍ ኮነ ክንነጽግ እንከለና እምበኣር፡ በቲ ኣብ ኣዝዩ በሊሕ ምንሕናሕ ዝርከብ ዘሎ ወገናት ዝህቦ ዜናታት ከይተሰለብና፡ ንርትዓውነት ከይጓዕጸጽና፡ ንናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣጠማመትና ከይዘንጋዕና ክኸውን ናይ ግድን እዩ።

 ኣቦመንበር ሰዲህኤ ብጻይ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ)፡ ኣብ መኽፈቲ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኣብ ዝተኻየደ  ጉባአ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ “ ንሕና ከም ሰልፊ፡ በቲ ማእከላይ ባይቶና ዝወሰኖ መሰረት፡  ብንጹር ክንጐዓዝ ጸኒሕና ኣሎና። ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝዀነ ኩነታት  ኢደ ጣልቃነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንቕበልን ኣይንፈቅድን “ ዝበሎ ከኣ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ግምት ብዘእተወ እዩ።  እቲ ቀንዲ መዕቀኒ ማእከልና ከኣ ናይ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ረብሓ ምዕቃብን  ካብ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ተዓቂብካ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና ንቕድሚት ምድፋእን ክኸውን ይግበኦ። ኣብ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኣሰላልፋና እውን ቦታና ነዚ ኣብ ግምት ብዘእተወ ዝቕየስ ክኸውን ተመራጺ’ዩ። ዝያዳ ኩሉ ከኣ ነዚ ኣብ ዞባና ዝረአ ዘሎ  ብደቂቕ ከነጽነዖን ክንመሃረሉን የድሊ።

ነቶም ኣብ  ዝለዓለ ጐንጽን ውግእን ኣትዮም ዘለዉ ክንሕግዝ ብኡ ኣቢልና ድማ ናይቲ ክፍጠር ዝኽእል ህድኣት ተረባሕቲ ምእንቲ  ክንከውን፡  ናይቲ ጸገም ኣካል ቅድሚ ምዃን፡   ክልቲኦም ሰዓርቲ ዝኾንሉ ኩነታት ምፍጣር  ናይ “ከንበርክኸካ እየ” ኣምር ከምዘየዋጽኦም ከነርእዮም ክንጽዕር ይግበና። ውግእን ህልኽን ግና ካልእ ጐንጺ ዘስዕብ እምበር መፍትሒ ከምዘይኮነ ምርኣይ እውን ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ኣብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኩልኻ ተዓወቲ እትኾነሉ  ህሞት ክነብር ባህሪኡ ስለ ዘይፈቕደሉ፡ እንታይ ይገብር ከም ዘሎ ንዕዘቦ ኣለና። ከምቲ ውግእ፡ ውግእዩ ዘስዕብ ዝበልናዮ፡ ኣብ ትግራይ ውግእ ምስ ተጀመረ፡ እቲ ቅድም እውን ዝተለምደ ምልክታ ዝነበሮም ዶብ ኢትዮጵያን ሱዳንን ናበይ ከም ዝዓረገን ንጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ወሲኽካ ናይ ብዙሓት ናይ ጐንጺ ኣምለኽቲ ድሌት ከም ዝሰሓበን ንዕዘቦ ኣለና። ድሕሪኡ እንታይን ብመንን ከም ዝስዕብ ምግማት እውን ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ንሕና እውን፡ ካብዚ ማዕበልዚ ከምዘይንርሕቅ’ኳ ርዱእ እንተኾነ፡ ምስ መንን እንታይን ንገብር ግና ብህድኣት እሞ ከኣ ካብ ኣካይዳ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ብዝተፈልየ ክንርደኦ ይግበኣና

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ቀዳም 16 ጥሪ 2021 ዕዉት ጉባኤ ኣሰላሲሉ። እቲ ኣብ ሚያዝያ 2020 ኣብ ኣትላንታ ጆርጂያ ክካየድ ተመዲቡ ዝነበረ፡ ብሰንኪ ንዓለምና ኣሻቒሉ ዘሎ ሕማም ለበዳ ኮሮና ቫይሩስ ብዙም እዩ ተኻይዱ።

ጉባኤ ዞባ ኩለን ጨናፍር ዘሳተፈን ምልኣት ዘረጋገጸን ኮይኑ ቀዳም ሰዓት 7 ናይ ንግሆ ብምዕራብ ሰዓት 10 ድማ ብምብራቕ ኣብ ትሕቲ “ንኹሉ ጽንኩር መድረኻት ብዉሽጣዊ ሓድነትን ተወፋይነትን ክንሰግሮ ኢና” ዝብል ጭርሖ እዩ ጀሚሩ። ኣቦ መንበር ዞባ ሓው ደስበለ ካሕሳይ ብዝኽሪ ስዉኣት ድሕሪ ምኽፋቱ ናይ እንቃዕ ደሓን መጻእኹም መልእኽቲ ኣመሓላሊፉ። ብድሕሪ’ዚ ጉባኤ እትመርሕ ብኣርባዕተ ብጽት ማለት ያሲን ዑስማን, ግደይ መሓሪ ወልዱ, ግርማይ ኣብርሃን ፍስሃየ ሓጎስን ዝቖመት ሰክረታሪያ መድረኽ ተረኪባ ሓው ያሲን ዑስማን ነባራይ ጉባኤ መሪሑ። ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው ተስፋይ ደጊጋ ቃል ሰልፊ ከቕርብ ዕድል ተዋሂቡ መስርሕ ቀጺሉ።

       

ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መጻእኩም እንቋዕ ድማ ኣብ’ዚ ዓለምና ብሕማም ለበዳ ትሳቐየሉ ዘላ እዋን ጉባኤ ዞባ ክተካይዱ በቓዕኩም ድሕሪ ምባል ዕዉት ጉባኤ ዞባ ክኸውን ዘለዎ ትምኒት ገሊጹ። ቀጺሉ ድሕሪ’ቲ ኣብ ነሓሰ 2019 እተሰላሰለ ዕዉት ሳልሳይን ሓድነታውን ጉባኤ ሰልፍና፡ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ብዘይ ገለ ሓጎጽጎጽ ልሙጽ መስርሕ ምትሕንፋጽ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ጉባኤ ምብጽሑ ዘኹርዕ እዩ ኢሉ። ብዘይካ’ዚ ካብ ሓድነታዊ ጉባኤና ክሳብ ሕጂ ብመሰረት እቲ ዝጸደቐ ሰልፋዊ ፕሮግራምን ፖሊሲታትን ሰልፍና ዓበይቲ ዓወታት ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ኣመዝጊቡ እዩ። ኣብ ኩሎም እተመዝገቡ ዓወታት ድማ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ዓቢ ተራ ነይሩዎ ክብል ገሊጹ። ገለ ካብ ዓወታትና ንምጥቃስ ኣቦ መንበር ነዞም ዝስዕቡ ነጥብታት ኣልዒሉ፡

  1. ድልዱል ውሽጣዊ ሓድነቱ ዘዕቆበ፣ ህዝባዊ ተሰማዕነት ዘለዎ፣ ውድባዊ ሕግታቱን ስነ ስርዓቱን ዝሓለወ፡ ንቑሕ ኣባል ዝውንንን፡ ድሕሪ ህልዋት ኣባላቱ ንውሉድ ወለዶ ዝቕጽልን ሰልፊ ምህናጽ፡
  2. ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምሕያል ብዘይምቁራጽ ምስራሕ፤
  3. ምስቶም ብፕሮግራምን፡ ስልቲ ኣሰራርሓን ዝመሳሰሉና ኣብ ምሉእ ምጽንባራዊ ሓድነት ምእታዉ፤
  4. ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ፡ ዜናዊ፡ ፊናንሳውን፡ ማሕበራውን መዳያት ሰልፋዊ ዕዮ በቲ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈታቱ ተወኪሉ ዕዉት ዕማም ከነሰላስል ጸኒሕናን ኣሎናን። ከም ሰልፊ ዕቤት ከነርኢ በቂዕና ኢና።
  5. ኣብ ውደባዊ ጉዳያት፡ መዳያት ደቂ ኣንስትዮን መንእሰያትን፡ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ዘሎ ስርርዓት ሰልፍና ናብ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ይጐዓዝ ምህላዉ፡ ብመዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ጉባኤ ምትእስሳር ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ሰልፊ ክካየድ ዝበቕዐ ምዃኑ፣ ብወገን መንእሰያት እውን ኣብ ዘተፈላለየ መዳያት ኣውራ ድማ፡ ኣብ ምትርጓም ሰነዳት ሰልፍን፡ ተሳትፎ ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መድያን ምርኡይ ተራ ምህላዉ ዘሕብን እዩ ድሕሪ ምባሉ ዘቕረቦም ነጥብታት ሓፈሻዊ ሚዛን ንምሃብ እምበር ዝርዝር ጸብጻብ ከምዘይኮነ ኣዘኻኺሩ። ቀጺሉ ኣብ ፖሊቲካዊ መዳይ፡ ብደረጃ ኤርትራን ከባቢናን፡ ኣብ ምዝዛም ዓመት 2020 ብፍላይ ሓያሎ ምዕባሌታት ከም ዝተራእየ ገሊጽ። ነዚ ንርእዮ ዘሎና ሓድሽ ምዕብልና ድማ ብኸምዚ ዝስዕብ ገሊጹዎ።

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ መንጎ ማእከላይ መንግስትን ክልል ትግራይን ዝተባርዐ ወግእ፡ ነቲ ዞና ብምሉኡ ኰነ ንመላእ ዓለም ዘሻቐለ ምንባሩ ኩልና እንርድኦ እዩ። እዚ ውግእ’ዚ ዕንወት፡ ስደት ህልቂትን ምፍሳስ ደምን ከምኡን ከቢድ መበቆላዊ ጽልእታት ዘከተል ኣሰራት ከም ዝነበሮን ከም ዘልውዎን እውን ካብ ኩልና ስዉር ኣይኰነን። ሃገርና ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሓቲ ሓላፍነት ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ምስቲ ብዶር ኣብዪ ኣሕመድ ዝምራሕ ስርዓት ኢትዮጵያ ወጊና ናብቲ ኲናት ከም ዝኣተወት ንሕናን ዓለምን ዘረጋገጾ እዩ። እቲ ውግእ ዞባዊ ርሕቀት ይወስድ ምህላዉ ዘርኢ ድማ፡ ብወሰናስን ዶባት ኣሳቢቡ ዝተላዕለ ናይ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ወግእን ናይ ከባቢ ሃገራት መርገጻትን ምድግጋፍን ኣሎ። ንሕና ከም ሰልፊ፡ በቲ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝወሰኖ መሰረት፡ ብንጹር ክንጓዓዝ ጸኒሕና ኣሎና። ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝዀነ ኩነታት ኢደ ጣልቃነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንቕበልን ኣይንፈቅድን ። ነቲ ብምሕዝነት ኢሳያስን ኣብይን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝተፈነወ ናይ ህልቂት ወራር እናኰነንና፡ እቲ ውግእ ብዘይካ ዕንወት ሞትን ስደትን ካልእ ረብሓ ሰለ ዘይብሉ፡ ንዘተን ሰላምን ዕድል ከወሃብ እዩ ጸዋዒትና። ኣህጉራዊ ማሕበረ ሰብ ከኣ ኣብ መንጎ ተጓንጸቲ ሓይልታት ዘተ ክካየድ ኣብ ልዕሊ ምጽዓር፡ ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ምሉእ ምክልኻል ክገብረሎም ጸዋዒትና ምቕራብ እዩ ክብል ኣብሪሁ። ቃል ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው ተስፋይ ደጊጋ ብምሉኡ ከንብቡ ንዝደልዩ ግዱሳት ኣብ’ዚ ዝስዕብ ብምጥዋቕ ክረኽብዎ ይኽእሉ። ቃል ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ ናብ ዞባዊ ጉባኤ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ 16 ጥሪ 2021 (harnnet.org)

ስዒቡ ኣቦ መንበር ዞባ ሓው ደስበለ ጸብጻብ ምንቅስቓስ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ካብ ሳልሳይን ሓድነታውን ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ማለት ነሕሰ 2019 ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣቕሪቡ። ሓው ደስበለ ኣብ መደብዕዮ ሰልፊ ሰፊሩ ዝርከብ ተልእኾ ሰልፊ ብምቃስ፡ ዓላማና “ሓርነት ህዝብና ዘውሓሰት፡ ልዑላውነታ ዘረጋገጸት፡ ሓድነት ህዝባ ዝዓቀበት ንድኽነት፡ ንሕማምን ድንቁርናን ዝሰዓረት፡ ብልጽግቲ፡ ቅዋማዊትን ዲሞክራስያዊትን ሃገርምህናጽ እዩ።ብምባል እዩ ጀሚሩ። ጉባኤና ኣብ ድሮ በዓል ሲቪካው መራሒ ዶክተር ማርቲን ሉተር ኪንግ ይካየድ ምህላዉ ብምዝካር፣ እነኽብሮን ካብኡ ንመሃሮጽንዓት ከምዘሎ’ውን ዘኪሩ። ኣብ ጸብጻቡ ዞባ ዘመዝገቦ ዓወታትን ዘጋጠሞ ብድሆታትን ዘርዚሩ። ሓድነታዊ ምጽንባር ብደረጃ ዞባ ንምትግባር ክሳብ ዞባዊ ጉባኤ ዝካየድ ክልቲኡ ናይ ዞባ ሽማግለታት ተጸንቢሩ ክሰርሕ ምስ ጀመረ፡ ስኒት ዝዓሰሎ ልሙጽ መስርሕ ምኻዱ ኣብሪሁ። ብኹሉ ኣባል ዞባ ንዝተለገሰ ሰፍ ዘይብል እምነትን ምትሕብባርን ኣምስጊኑ።

ቀጺሉ ንጹርን ጽፉፍን ናይ ገንዘባዊ ጉዳያት ጸብጻብ ሓው ፍስሃየ ፍትዊ ተወሳኺ ዝሃበሉ ብሓው ቦኽረጽዮን ጉብሳ ቀሪቡ። ኣታዊ ሰልፊ ካብ ወርሓዊ ዉጽኢት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ስልፊ ንምሕያል ዝተኻየደ ወፈያ ዕዉት ምንባሩን ብኹሎም ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዝተራእየ ተወፋይነት ዕዙዝ ምንባሩን ኣብሪሁ። ብዘይካ’ዚ ካብ ብዙሓት ዘይኣባላት ፈተውቲ ሰልፊ ዝተወፈየ ሓገዝ ዓቢ ምንባሩ ምግላጹ ናይ ጉባኤኛ ሞራል ሓፍ ዘበለ ዘኹርዕ ሓብሬታ እዩ ኔሩ። ኣስዒቡ ብዞባ ሽማግለ ዝተዳለወት ላፕ ቶፕ ኮምፑዩተር ንዕጫ ወዲቓ ዝነኣድ ኣታዊ ከምዝገበረትን ኣብ ምዝዛም ጉባኤ ከምእትወድቕን ሓቢሩ።

ስዒባ ሓፍቲ ኣስገደት ምሕረትኣብ ጸብጻብ ምንቅስቓሳት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ኣቕሪባ። ሓደስቲ ኣባላት ከምእተጸንበራን ስሩዕ ወርሓዊ ኣኼባታተን ብግቡእ ከምዝካየድን ኣብሪሃ። ኹሉ ግዜ ቐዳማይ መደብ መሰረታትና ምስፋሕ እዩ። ነዚ መደብ’ዚ ንምዕዋት ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ኣባላት ሓላፍነት ከምዘለዎም ድሕሪ ምግላጽ፡ እንተወሓደ ሰብ ሓዳሮም ክውደባ ክተሓባበሩ ከምዘለዎም ኣተሓሳሲባ። ኣብ ኩሉ ዝለዓል ክትዓት ናይ ኣረኣእያ ሓድነት ምርግጋጽ ቀዳምነት ሂበን ኣብ ስሩዕ ኣኼባታት ከምዝመያየጣ ገሊጻ። ብዘይካ’ዚ ኣብ ቤት-ትምህርቲ ወዲ ሸሪፈይ ንዘለዋ ተመሃሮ ንምሕጋዝ ኣብ ህዝቢ ዝተኻየደ ወፈራ ብጣዕሚ ዘሕጉስ ዉጽኢት ከም እተረኽቦን ገና ድማ ይቕጽል ከምዘሎን ሓቢራ። እዚ ቅዱስ መደብ እዚ ከም ናይ ግብረሰናይ ተግባር መጠን፡ ኣብ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ጥራሕ ከይተሓጽረ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ዝሳተፍዎ ዘለዉ ምዃኑ ዘሓጉስ እዩ ኢላ። ኣብ’ቲ ናጻ ማሕበር ደቅ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ EWANA (Eritrean Women’s Association in North America) ወይ እዋና ብዝብል ስም ንኽቐዉም ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ቓልሲ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ይነጥፋ ምህላወን ገሊጻ።

ድሕሪ’ዚ ብዞባ ሽማግለ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻባት ብጉባኤ ጸዲቑ። ግባኤኛታት ኣብ ኣገደስትን እዋናውያንን ኣርእስትታት ምክብባር ዝመልኦ ክትዓት ኣካይዶም። ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን ቀሪቡ። ጉባኤ ካብ ዝዘተየሎም ነጥብታት ገለ ንምጥቃስ፡

  • ሚዛና ኣብ’ቲ ኣብ ሃገርናን ከባቢናን ዝተራእየ ምዕብልናታትን ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ዉግእን
  • ከም ሰልፊ ኣብ እነካይዶ ዘሎና ሓድነታዊ ቓልሲ ከም ዞባ ኣወንታዊ ግደና ከመይ ይረጋገጽ
  • ዝምድናና ምስ ኣብ ዞባና ዘለዉ ሓይልታት ተቓዉሞ ከመይ ነደልድል
  • ምስ ሰበስልጣን ሰሜን ኣሜሪካን ትካላት ግብረሰናይን ዝምድና ከመይ ንፈጥርን ዘሎ ነመሓይሽን
  • መሰረታት ስልፍና ከመይ ነስፍሕ
  • መንእሰያትን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮን ብዝያዳ ከመይ ነሳትፍ
  • ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፍና ከመይ ነዕቢ ዝብሉ ኔሮም።

ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ቐንዲ ጸገምና ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ምልኪ ምዃኑን ኩሉ ዓቅምታትና ኣወሃሂድና ምልኪ ኣፍሪስና ፍትሓዊ ስርዓት ክንተክል ቀዳምይ ዋኒንና ምዃኑ መሰረት ዝገበረ ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ኣርእስቲ እኹል ምይይጥ ተኻይዱ። ሃናጺ ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን’ውን ተመዝጊቡ።

ቀጺሉ ኣምራጺት ሽማግለ ስርሓ ክሳብ ትድምድም፡ እታ ተዳልያ ዝነበረት ኮምፑተር ኣብ ዕጫ ወዲቓ። ኣርባዕተ ዕጽፊ ናይ ዋጋኣ ኣታዊ ዝገበረት ኮምፑተር ናብ ውፉይ ተቓላሳይ ብጻይና እስቲፋኖስ በራኺ በጺሓ። ሓውና እስቲፋኖስ ብወገኑ ነታ ኮምፕዩተር ኣብ ቤት-ትምህርቲ ወዲ ሸሪፈይ ዘለዉ ተመሃሮ ካብ ቀዳማይ ክሳብ ሻሙናይ ቀዳማይ ወይ ቀዳመይቲ ብልጫ ዝወጹ ተመሃሮ ኣብ ዕጫ ወዲቃ ንሓደ ወይ ሓንቲ ክትወሃብ ኣወፍዩዋ። ብዘይካ’ዚ ነቲ ዝሰዓረ ወይ ዝሰዓረት ናይ ማዕዶ ወላዲ ክረኽበሎም ተመባጺዑ። ጉባኤኛ ብምሉኡ ሓው እስቲፋኖስ ንዝገበሮ ሰናይ ተግባር ኣድናቖቱን ምስጋንኡን ገሊጹ።

ጉባኤ እናተኻየደ ናይ ምምራጽ ዕድል ተኸፊቱ ስለዝነበረ ኣምራጺት ሽማግለ ዘመናዊ ተክኖሎጂ ብምጥቃም ዉጺኢት ምርጫ ንጉባኤኛታት ሓቢራ። ተወዳደርቲ ብሓጻዪት ሽማግለ ቐሪቡሎም ንዝነበረ ሕቶታት ስእሎም ኣሰንዮም ሰዲዶሞ ዝነበሩ ጉባኤኛታት ከምዝርእይዎ ተገይሩ። እቲ ሕቶታት፡ ሕጹያት መን ምዃኖም ድሕሪ ምልላዮም መሪሕነት ማለት ንዓዓቶም እንታይ ማለት ምዃኑን እንተተመሪጾም ከ ንዞባ እንታይ ክገብሩሉ መደብ ከምዘለዎምን ሓጺር መግላጺ ከቕርቡ እዩ ኔሩ። እዚ ሓድሽ ዝተእታተወ ባህሊ እዩ። ኣምራጺት ሽማግለ ዉጽኢት ምርጫ ማለት 7 ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለን 2 ተጠባበቕትን መን ምዃኖም ኣዊጃ።

ኣብ መደምደምታ ጉባኤኛታት በብተራ በቲ ዝወዓለ ጽፉፍ ኣገባብ ሓጎሶም ገሊጾም፡ በቲ ኹሉ ዕዉት ጉባኤ ንክኸዉን ብኣሰናዳዊት ሽማግለ ዝተገብረ ጻዕርታት ኣመስጊኖም። ሞራልን ፍናንን ኣባላት ዞባ ሓፍ ዘበለ ጉባኤ ኮይኑ ድሕሪ 13 ሰዓታት፡ ሰዓት ሾሞንተ ናይ ምሸት ብምዕራብ ጉባኤ ተደምዲሙ።

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ልዑላዊት ኤርትራ ንዘልኣለም ትንበር!

ዝኽርን ክብርን ንስዉኣትና!

ቤት-ጽሕፈት ዜና ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

19 ጥሪ 2021

JANUARY 19, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: UNHCR

UNHCR finds dire need in Eritrean refugee camps cut off in Tigray conflict

This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Babar Baloch  to whom quoted text may be attributed  at today’s press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

Children are playing in a street of Adi Harush refugee camp.  © UNHCR/Chris Melzer

UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, regained access to two refugee camps in Tigray and found Eritrean refugees in desperate need of supplies and services two months after conflict forced humanitarian workers to withdraw from the region.

UNHCR led the first humanitarian mission to Mai Aini and Adi Harush refugee camps since the start of the conflict in November, after being granted one-time access by the Ethiopian authorities to conduct a needs assessment.

The assessment, which concluded last week, found help is urgently needed for the tens of thousands of Eritrean refugees in northern Ethiopia. Refugees were cut off from any supplies and services for more than two months. Wells were not functional without fuel for the pumps – leaving refugees to use water from a nearby creek for washing, cooking and drinking, resulting in diarrhea like illnesses.

The only assistance refugees received since the start of the conflict was a one-time food distribution conducted by the World Food Programme (WFP) almost a month ago. Plans are underway for a second distribution.

Thankfully, teams found that in both Mai Aini and Adi Harush camps, buildings and structures remain intact, including refugee homes, schools and clinics, with little damage observed.

However, refugees told our staff that while they were not impacted directly from the fighting, they were threatened and harassed by various armed groups. The refugees told us they continue to have safety concerns, reporting that armed gangs roam the camps at night stealing and looting.

UNHCR is working with the government and partners to re-establish a regular presence at the camps and launch a response based on the information collected. We have called on the government to strengthen security in both camps.

Further north in Tigray, we have not had any access to the Shimelba and Hitsats refugee camps since November. As highlighted in the High Commissioner’s statement last week, we continue to receive a number of reports of significant damage to those camps and indications that many refugees have fled in search of safety and food. We remain deeply concerned about them.

Some 5,000 Eritrean refugees have made their way to the town of Shire and are living in dire conditions, many sleeping in an open field on the outskirts of the town, with no water and no food.

UNHCR reiterates the UN wide call for full and unimpeded access to all refugees in the Tigray region and remains committed to work with the Ethiopian government to seek solutions together. We stress again that swift action to restore safe access are needed now to save thousands of lives at risk.

Tuesday, 19 January 2021 14:23

Is Ethiopia coming together or falling apart?

Written by

JANUARY 19, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Ethiopia Insight

January 18, 2021

Abiy and his Amhara supporters are in the ascendancy—but Ethiopia’s future is by no means assured.

Nominally in an effort to restore law and order, the federal government led by Ethiopia’s peace prize-winning premier is engaged in a brutal conflict with the defiant erstwhile leaders of Tigray region.

Tens of thousands of refugees have fled, militias have hacked civilians to death, and an unknown number of lives have been lost.

Despite Abiy Ahmed’s quick-win claims, he has plunged the country into what is likely to be a prolonged civil war that may exacerbate others and even tear the country apart.

Late on 3 November, with the world glued to the U.S.’s electoral theatrics, Abiy said Tigray’s forces attacked the military, and he adapted the Powell Doctrine for limited war. He informed Ethiopians that he sent federal forces in with clear, limited, and achievable objectives to restore the rule of law and constitutional order.

While sudden, the outbreak of full-blown conflict did not surprise observers of Ethiopian politics.

The long-simmering tensions between the premier and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) were there for all to see. The parties had openly prepared their forces for armed confrontation.

The question is, why has Ethiopia returned to war to settle political disagreements?

Mismanaged transition

Two years ago, a popular uprising, mainly in Oromia and Amhara regions, brought the country to the brink of collapse. To avoid the Ethiopian state’s disintegration, the reform architects agreed for the transition-to-democracy to be led by the ruling party itself, with new faces taking the helm.

Hence, from the outset, it was apparent that the change would be nothing but ‘old wine in a new bottle’.

“Reform from within” was preferred to “revolution” to avoid a state collapse since TPLF controlled the national intelligence, military, and various state apparatus. Hence, if “revolution” was chosen, the architects, such as Jawar Mohammed, believed, it would have proved to be bloody, tearing apart Ethiopia.

The 2018 (s)election of Abiy as coalition leader and prime minister initially engendered hope. Impressive steps were taken to open the political space, suggesting the country was finally on the road to democracy.

However, the premier failed to reconcile and reintegrate the Tigrayan political, security, and economic elites into the ruling structure, and thus they felt disenfranchised and targeted.

Hence, the trust deficit between the federal government and Tigrayan elites complicated the fragile relationship, embroiling the country in armed conflict.

Is that all? No. Reasons abound.

The trust deficit between the federal government and TPLF boils down to two crucial factors: power and ideology.

Both Abiy and TPLF want to shape Ethiopia’s future but they have clashing visions—hence, the power struggle.

Although the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was a coalition of four parties, the TPLF, representing under 10 percent of the Ethiopian population, had been in the driving seat since 1991. Unwilling to accept its new junior status in Ethiopian politics, the party embarked on an attempt to discredit Abiy.

According to the government, TPLF undermined Abiy’s rule, incited conflict and peddled hatred, conducted regional elections (for right or wrong), and, more importantly, showed interest in reclaiming the power they lost in the name of championing a federalism they had trampled upon.

Abiy, perhaps convinced by his mother’s prophesy, was also in pursuit of power at all costs.

Naturally, they clashed.

The following Amharic adage captures the situation:

ሊሆን የማይችል ነው ሁለት ጌታ ከቤት፤

አንዱ ተሸንፎ ካላለ አቤት አቤት!”

“No possibility, under the same roof,

 Housing dual powers, being led by masters

 Unless one defeated and a subject he becomes.”

The second contradiction stems from the type of government system. Again, there exist two irreconcilable camps.

MEGA Camp—the right wing

The right-wing group, primarily drawn from the Amhara and urban elites, wants to bring back a centralist system. They consider the current system as the mother of all political problems and the cause of its instability. Abiy, especially after losing his Oromo nationalist credentials, subscribes to this camp, and both are associated with the “Make Ethiopia Great Again” “የኢትዮጵያ ከፍታ” slogan.

MEGA is for Abiy a means to an end: his self-aggrandizement. For other elites, MEGA is a return to yester-year, to Ethiopia’s cultural and political monopolization by Amhara. Ethiopia`s continuity, unity, and stability depend on cleansing it from TPLF and its political legacies, meaning the ethno-federal system.

Make Ethiopia a Real Federal State Camp—the federalists

The federalist group, favored by nine out of the ten regional states, firmly supports the current federal arrangement that gives regional governments autonomous power.

When Amhara elites shout the MEGA slogan, federalist forces hear “Make Ethiopia Amhara Again.”

Members of this camp trace Ethiopia’s political quagmire to its imperial roots and see the constitution and federal system as right for establishing Ethiopia as a democratic state since most Ethiopians never attained full citizenry status under past systems due to formal discrimination. They see a call to past “greatness” by the right-wing camp as an invitation to renewed servitude and dispossession.

For them, Ethiopia’s stability, unity, and continuity depend on the full implementation of the constitution and the federal system.

Abiy tacks right

Abiy went through two phases since coming to power.

In the first, he was the champion of Oromo nationalism. “Oromo not only knows how to lead a nation but also how to build it. Together, we can build East Africa and the entire Africa. No force on earth can stop us (from doing this),” said Abiy, speaking to his Oromo comrades in Jimma on  18 March 2019.

Hence, Oromo elites started to think of themselves as the saviors of not only Ethiopia but also the Horn. The troubled Horn of Africa will heal by “Kushitic” panacea, the Oromo elites asserted.

But alas, their hopes were dashed quickly following the killing of the famous singer Hachalu Hundessa and Jawar Mohammed’s arrest, a heavyweight politician who challenged Abiy’s leadership of the transition.

Oromo elites are now among Abiy’s fiercest critics, costing some their lives and others their freedom.

Displaced from the Oromo camp by politicians with better nationalist credentials such as Lemma Megersa and Jawar, Abiy pitched up in the right-wing camp. He embraced the pan-Ethiopian agenda and tipped the balance of power in favor of the anti-multinational federalists, starting his second phase.

To this end, Abiy established the Prosperity Party (PP)  in 2019 by dissolving three ex-EPRDF parties and five allied parties ruling the so-called “developing” states. The death of EPRDF, established by TPLF largely to do its bidding, sealed the end of TPLF hegemony.

One might also argue that Abiy has not joined any of the camps but has his own agenda.

For instance, as the Amhara inherited the Tigrayan thesis of Ethiopianism and wrote their antithesis; similarly, the Oromos synthesize the modern-day Ethiopia of the Menelik II mold. Maybe Abiy is infusing new Oromo energy into the synthesis again, so that what Oromos lost could be reclaimed, mutating Ethiopia into a new Oromo-tinged kaleidoscope.

Why crush TPLF?

Unsatisfied with prominent Oromo politicians’ jailing, the right-wing camp eyed their most significant prize—to crush the TPLF, a force behind the federalist camp.

Three motivations stand out.

  1. Control of contested lands

The Amhara thought it was an opportune time to re-control contested areas they lost to TPLF in the last three decades: Raya and Welkait. This Amharic expression aptly describes their intent “ተከዜ አፋፍ ላይ ካልሰራኹኝ ቤቴን

እኔም አልተወለድኩ መሀን ናት እናቴ”  (Equivalent poetic translation could be as follows)

Until built by all means,

My house towering on Tekezze hills,

Higher up, till standing on its cliffs,

Consider I, never been born,

Appraise my mother arid and barren.

  1. Erasing TPLF and its legacies

The Ethiopian ethno-federal constitution is the key target of Amhara elites. For them, TPLF introduced it to undo the nation-building project of their ancestors, pit Amhara against other nationalities, and sow the seeds for the undoing of the country.

  1. Return to glory

The Amhara elites are determined to avenge the humiliation they suffered at the hands of the TPLF and its cronies for the last three decades and take their ‘rightful’ position in Ethiopia`s politics.

A replay of 1979?

Who thought Abiy would survive after imprisoning Jawar? And after taking on his biggest threat, the TPLF?

Now, it seems a rerun of 1979 with Abiy taking Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam’s role. Colonel Mengistu emerged victorious from both internal and external threats against his rule. However, the initial victory did not save Mengistu from his final defeat; and it prolonged Ethiopians’ misery.

Similarly, Abiy and Ethiopia’s future has not been sealed by the federal control of Mekelle, nor by the capture and killing of TPLF leaders. Instead, it all depends on how Abiy plays the emerging multi-dimensional chess game, taking into consideration:

  • the interests of the West that does not want a failed state in Ethiopia
  • forging an alliance with Eritrea, thus amalgamating the military and intelligence machinations of both countries
  • decimating the pro-TPLF forces, and;
  • building it on empowering the Oromo alliance under the Shewa Oromo mould. This approach will either prolong his reign or hasten his demise—with the possibility of both Ethiopia’s integration or disintegration.

Potential Scenarios 

Ethiopia’s ideal case would be to bravely look the facts and for the warring political tribes to reach a consensus before the 5 June election. That is, however, unlikely given the current context.

Instead, below are the three most likely scenarios for Ethiopia’s future under Abiy:

  1. PP and new party-state

Abiy’s government will manage internal rivalries and mitigate external pressure.

The election will take place amid high security and some turmoil, especially in Oromia, Tigray, and Southern Nations. Opposition parties will likely share around a quarter of federal seats to make the election plausible and enhance the government’s legitimacy.

However, there is also now the likely non-participation of the main Oromo opposition parties. If this happens, the legitimacy of the state suffers a big dent.

Regardless, with any kind of majority, Prosperity Party would probably attempt to negotiate a new federal arrangement not based on ethnicity so that the empire state of Ethiopia shall continue with the ‘right’ amount of change and continuity.

  1. Expansion of civil war

The second scenario would emerge alongside genuine regional state power. The shift of power from the north to south Ethiopia would contribute to the early retirement of the Abyssinian empire

Another factor pushing this scenario is the Amhara reaction to incidents. The Amhara, the self-proclaimed custodians of Ethiopia’s empire state, are nervous, for instance, about the existence of paramilitary security forces that they think empower regions to defy the central government. But if there is federal over-reach in this area, it could well cause a violent and destabilizing backlash.

More so, Amharas, unlike other major ethnic groups, live in all parts of Ethiopia. Emotions stemming from the targeting killings of Amharas in other regions, if not tamed, would re-energize other groups’ grievances, pushing the country closer to widespread civil war.  We can see this playing out in Benishangul-Gumuz already. Further instability may also be prompted by the sorry state of the Ethiopian economy, with youth unemployment rising even pre-pandemic.

  1. State of Emergency

An internal power struggle coupled with external pressures from Sudan and Egypt may develop into a wider regional war that urges the country to proclaim another national State of Emergency (SoE), leading to the incumbent’s continuation for an unspecified time.

The risk here is unbearably high. However, the war would be an excellent chance for Abiy to stay in power and crush remaining opponents

The result of this would be unpredictable but has comparable opportunities for disintegration and unity. For instance, what if the army takes control to ‘save’ the country from collapse, as happened in Egypt in 2013?

 

by Eritrea Hub

Source: Associated Press

Report: Images show latest 'attack' on Ethiopia refugee camp

By CARA ANNA, Associated Press Jan. 17, 2021 Updated: Jan. 17, 2021 5:20 a.m.

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — New satellite images of a refugee camp in Ethiopia’s embattled Tigray region show more than 400 structures have been badly damaged in what a research group believes is the latest “intentional attack” by fighters.

The report by the U.K.-based DX Open Network nonprofit, shared with The Associated Press, says “it is likely that the fire events of 16 January are yet another episode in a series of military incursions on the camp as reported by (the United Nations refugee agency).”

The Shimelba camp is one of four that hosted 96,000 refugees from nearby Eritrea when fighting erupted in early November between Ethiopian forces and those of the defiant Tigray region. The fighting has swept through the camps and two of them, including Shimelba, remain inaccessible to aid workers. Many refugees have fled.

On Thursday, U.N. refugee chief Filippo Grandi cited recent satellite imagery of fires and other destruction at the two inaccessible camps as “concrete indications of major violations of international law.”

On Sunday the U.N. refugee agency urged that it be given access to the camps.

“Until November, 8,700 refugees were registered in Shimelba. We have no information on how many refugees were still in the camp last week,” U.N. refugee agency spokesman Chris Melzer said in an email. “We still have no access to the two northern camps, Shimelba and Hitsats (25,248 refugees registered in November). We demand access since the refugees are without supplies for two and a half months now and we are extremely concerned. We also saw satellite pictures and heard frightening reports. But since we don’t have access we cannot confirm them.”

The new report says the satellite images show “smoldering ruins, blackening of structures and collapsed roofs.” The structures, it said, “match the profile of mud-brick dwellings constructed by the refugees themselves. The attackers likely split into multiple groups going door to door to set fires inside buildings," consistent with previous attacks on the Hitsats camp, which also is inaccessible.

Neither the U.N. nor DX Open Network has blamed anyone for the attacks, but the presence of troops from Eritrea, a bitter enemy of the Tigray region’s now-fugitive leaders, has caused alarm. Grandi noted “many reliable reports and firsthand accounts” of abuses including the forced return of refugees to Eritrea.

The day after Grandi’s statement, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel tweeted that “UNHCR seems to indulge, yet again, in another bout of gratuitous & irresponsible smear campaigns against Eritrea.” He said Eritrea rejects the “forced repatriation of ‘refugees.'"

Eritrea has been described by human rights groups as one of the world's most repressive countries. Thousands of people have fled the country over the years to avoid a system of military conscription.

Fighting continues in parts of the Tigray region. Thousands of people have been killed and more than 2 million displaced.

JANUARY 17, 2021  NEWS

Source: VOA

Journalist Amanuel Asrat, seen in this 1996 graduation photo, has been detained in Eritrea since September 2001. (Photo courtesy of family)
Journalist , seen in this 1996 graduation photo, has been detained in Eritrea since September 2001. (Photo courtesy of family)

They haven’t heard from their loved ones in nearly two decades, but the families of imprisoned journalists in Eritrea still hold out hope after authorities freed several prisoners after 26 years.

One of the journalists held incommunicado for nearly 20 years is Amanuel Asrat. The editor of Zemen, a newspaper that covered the arts and literature, has been detained since September 2001, without any contact with the outside world. No charges have been made public against him or other journalists jailed at the same time.

His brother, Robel Asrat, said the family has demanded answers from Eritrean officials about Amanuel’s whereabouts but have heard nothing concrete.

“The government just wants those people to be erased from the memory of everyone just to keep silent,” Robel told VOA. “Like they never existed. We don’t have any other information about them besides the rumors. But his work and legacy live on.”

Amanuel is one of several journalists arrested in a widespread crackdown on independent media in 2001. The group were detained after publishing a letter to President Isaias Afwerki that called for government reform.

A group of Eritreans gathered at an event in Alexandria, Virginia, May 28, 2016, to share stories about the journalists and advocate for their release.
Remembering Eritrea’s Disappeared Journalists
In September 2001, Eritrean authorities launched an unprecedented crackdown on the free press. Seven of the country’s independent newspapers were shut down. At least 11 journalists were arrested in the roundup, and several more were jailed the following month. None of them have been heard from since that time, and their whereabouts are unknown to this day.

Eritrea’s Minister of Information Yemane Gebremeskel did not respond to VOA’s emails asking about Amanuel and the other jailed journalists. The Eritrean Embassy in Washington, D.C., did not respond to VOA’s call seeking information.

Prior to the crackdown, Eritrea had a relatively vibrant news scene, with seven independent newspapers. Now it ranks 178 out of 180, where 1 is the most free, on Reporters Without Borders’ press freedom index.

After the arrests, independent news outlets closed and today the only media allowed are government-controlled, with the main access to media being the state-run radio stations and outlets EriTV, the Tigrigna-language Hadas Eritrea and English-language Eritrea Profile.

Writer of courage 

As well as being a journalist, Amanuel is a celebrated Eritrean poet whose poem “The Scourge of War” was translated into 15 languages.

The poem is an unflinching look at the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia that lasted from 1998 to 2000 and that, reports from the time say, left tens of thousands dead.

“The ugliness of this thing, war,/ When its spring arrives unwished-for,/ When its ravaging echoes knock at your door,/ It is then that war’s curse brews doom, But … You serve it willy-nilly,” he wrote in 1999, capturing the devastation in Tigrigna.

Amanuel last year was awarded the “Writer of Courage” by PEN International, which promotes freedom of expression and literature around the world. The award is given to writers persecuted for their beliefs.

“The situation of forced disappearance aims to silence. It aims to create silence and to create fear, not just for the individual who has disappeared, but for their families, for their entire community around them,” Daniel Gorman, director of English PEN, told VOA.

“The family of Amanuel Asrat and the family of many others who’ve been disappeared have been incredibly brave in speaking out,” Gorman said. “And I think what we need to do at PEN, as individuals and as people who care about this situation, is to try and amplify the voices as much as we can.”

Advocates who follow Eritrea have seen some glimmers of hope related to political prisoners and those imprisoned for religious reasons. In December, the country released 28 Jehovah’s Witnesses after they completed lengthy prison sentences of up to 26 years.

But there has not yet been a similar opening for imprisoned journalists. Data from the Committee to Protect Journalists show that 16 Eritrean journalists remain behind bars, one of the highest numbers on the African continent.

Although there is little reliable news about the health or whereabouts of these journalists, Robel and other family members refuse to give up hope. In 2010, a prison guard who escaped to Ethiopia said that some of the journalists died in custody, but others were still alive.

FILE - A shipping container bearing the slogan
Rights Groups Urge Release of Journalists in Eritrea, Years After Disappearances
Aaron Berhane, a former editor-in-chief and cofounder of Setit, once Eritrea’s largest independent newspaper, highlights the plight of colleagues who disappeared after being detained

Amanuel is among those believed to have been alive.

“We cannot forget him and his colleagues easily. These people are treasures, the treasures of this era and the generation,” said Robel, who studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. “He’ll be free to see how the world loves him.”

JANUARY 17, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Somalia Guardian

Unfortunately the post above cannot be copied. Please use the link to read in full.

These screenshots gives the story.

European Union directly accuses Eritrean troops of fighting in Tigray War

JANUARY 16, 2021 ERITREA HUB ETHIOPIANEWS

“There are regional spill-over effects of the conflict, with for instance Eritrean troops being involved in the military operations in Tigray and with Ethiopian troops being withdrawn from Somalia.” Josep Borrell, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President of the Commission

Source: European Union

We need humanitarian access to Tigray as urgent first step towards peace in Ethiopia

15/01/2021 – 01:02

From the blog

15/01/2021 – HR/VP Blog – For more than two months, conflict has been raging in the Tigray region in Ethiopia. The situation is desperate for the local population and the conflict is unsettling dynamics both within Ethiopia and the whole region. I have passed a clear message to the Ethiopian leadership: we are ready to help, but unless there is access for humanitarian aid operators, the EU cannot disburse the planned budget support to the Ethiopian government.

Without deliberate efforts of de-escalation, conflicts tend to worsen, as Ethiopia’s bloody conflict in the northern Tigray region is reminding us. What started two months ago as an internal matter between an autonomous region and the federal government has become a fight affecting the whole region.

“While people are in dire need of aid, access to the affected region remains extremely limited, which makes it very difficult to deliver humanitarian assistance.”

The situation on the ground goes well beyond a purely internal ‘law and order’ operation. We receive consistent reports of ethnic-targeted violence, killings, massive looting, rapes, forceful returns of refugees and possible war crimes. More than 2 million people have been internally displaced. And while people are in dire need of aid, access to the affected region remains  limited, which makes it very difficult to deliver humanitarian assistance.

Moreover, there are regional spill-over effects of the conflict, with for instance Eritrean troops being involved in the military operations in Tigray and with Ethiopian troops being withdrawn from Somalia.55.000 refugees have fled to Sudan and tensions grow dangerously at the border between Sudan and Ethiopia. By affecting or involving other countries, the conflict is also a direct threat to the stability of the whole region.

Just over a year ago, in October 2019, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. It was a recognition for his firm efforts to achieve peace, in particular with neighbouring Eritrea, and for promoting peace and reconciliation in the country and in the East and Northeast African regions. Today the world needs Ethiopia’s Prime Minister and his government to live up to this prestigious recognition – by doing all it takes to end the conflict. As an immediate first step, the Ethiopian authorities must comply fully with international humanitarian law and ensure that people in need get access to life-saving aid. This applies to all states in conflict.

When I spoke to the Ethiopian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Demeke Mekonnen last week, I underlined that the European Union has been and will remain a reliable partner of Ethiopia. We strongly support the democratic and economic reform agenda of the authorities. Just in terms of bilateral development cooperation, we have provided € 815 million over the last 7 years (2014-2020). On top of this, Ethiopia is benefitting from € 409 million worth of projects under the EU Trust Fund for Africa, focused mainly on support to refugees and host populations.

“I stressed that in the absence of full humanitarian access to all areas of the conflict, we have no alternative but to postpone the planned disbursement of €88 million in budget support.”

To help Ethiopia face the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU mobilised € 487 million to support the government’s Health Preparedness and Response Plan. And several budget support operations were fast-tracked to enable the country to face the economic strains of the pandemic. However, I also stressed that, under the current circumstances, in particular in the absence of full humanitarian access to all areas of the conflict, we have no alternative but to postpone the planned disbursement of €88 million in budget support.

It is in the best interest of Ethiopia and the wider region to allow humanitarian access and to resume the path towards an inclusive and sustainable peace. Regional experiences are relevant here: Sudan stared into the abyss of civil war two years ago, before the parties to its political dispute stepped back and chose a peaceful transition instead. Ethiopia was the midwife to that transition, together with the African Union and the United Nations. Maybe Khartoum can now return the important effort. But this requires that there first be a de-escalation of tensions between the two countries.

I hope we will be able to work out swiftly a favourable outcome with the authorities and we are ready to meet government representatives in Addis Ababa very soon. As EU, we will continue to do our part, in cooperation with the African Union. As we often say, we support ‘African solutions to African problems’. It is urgent, now, to find these solutions.

 

TWD A140

ክቡር ኣቦ መንበርን ክቡራት ኣባላትን መሪሕነት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ!

ክቡራት ኣባላት ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ጉባኤ ዞባ!

ክቡት ኣባላት መሪሕነት ሰልፍን ዕዱማት!

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣባላት ሰክረታርያን ተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤን! 

ብስም ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡  እንቋዕ  ናብ ምስልሳል ዞባዊ ጉባኤ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ኣብቅዓኩም እናበልኩ፡ ሰላምታን ሰናይ ምንዮትን ኣመሓላልፍ። ነዚ ጉባኤ’ዚ ምክያድ ምብቃዕኩም ንባዕሉ ብስራት ዓወት’ዩ እናበልኩ ድማ’የ ዝጅምር።

ብምቕጻል፡ እቲ ንሚልዮናት ለኺፉ ናይ ኣማእታት ኣሽሓት ህይወት ዝወስደ፡ ኣብ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባዊን ህይወት ደቂ ሰባት ሓያሎ ዕንወታት ዘኽተለ ሕማም ለበዳ ኮሮና ቫይሩስ፡  ንሰልፍና እውን ከም ዓለሙ  ተንኪፍዎ፡  ንምንቅስቓስና ከኣ  ደሪትዎ ጸኒሑ እዩ።  ብሰንኪ’ዚ ሕማም ኮሮና ዝሓለፈት ህይወት ብጻይናን ዝተጐድኡ ስድራቤታትን ኣለዉና። ካብ መድረኽ ናይዚ ጉባኤ፡ ንኩሎም ዝሓመሙ ምሕረት የውርደሎም ነቶም ህይወቶም ዝኸፈሉ ከኣ መንግስተ ሰማይ የዋርሶም እናበልና ንዝክሮም። ምስ’ዚ ኩሉ ኣንጸላልዩና ዝጸንሐ ሓደጋታት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ፡ ዋላኳ’ቲ ኣብ ኣትላንታ ብኣካል ከካይዶ መዲቡ ዝነበረ ዞባዊ ጉባኤኡ እንተተዓንቀፈ፡  ምስ ዝተረኽበ ሓድሽ ምዕባሌታት ብምትዕጽጻፍ  ስርሓቱ ከካይድ ምብቅዑ፡  ኣውራ ድማ  ድሕሪቲ ብሓምለ 2019  ዝተኻየደ  ሳልሳይን ሓድነታውን ጉባኤ ሰልፊ፡ ንመላእ  ጨናፍር ዝሓቖፈ፡ ልሙጽን ዕዉትን መስርሕ ምጽንባር ምክያዱ፡  ኣዝዩ ዕዉት ምንባሩ ክንምስክረሉ ዝግባእ እዩ።

ሕጂ ከኣ እኹል መጽናዕትታቱ ድሕሪ  ምክያድ፡ ብኤለክትሮኒካዊ መንገዲ ናይ መላእ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ዞባዊ ጉባኤ ከካይድ ምብቅዑ፡ ዮሃና እናበልኩ፡  ንኣባላት መሪሕነት  ዞባ ሽማግለ፡ ንኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ፡ ንሓጻይት ሽማግለን ንኩሎም እቶም ነዚ ዕዉት ስራሕ ንምስልሳል ዝወፈርኩም/ክን ኣባላት ዞባን፡ ብሓፈሻ ንኩለን ጨናፍርን፡  ኣባላትን ናይ  ዮሃና መልእኽተይ አመሓላልፍ።

ብማዕዶን ብመስኮት ኮምፑተርን  ዝካየድ፡ ዞባዊ ጉባኤ፡ ኣብ ምድላው ሰነዳቱ፡ ኣብ ኣሰታትፋኡን  ኣመራርሓኡን ፡ ኣብ ሕጸታቱን ምምራጽ መሪሕነቱን፡ ከምቲ ዝለመድናዮን ንዓመታት ዝሰራሕናሉን ዘይኰነ፡ ሓድሽ ባህሪ፡ ሓድሽ ጠባይ፡  ሓድሽ  ኣገባብ ሒዙ ከም ዝገዓዝ፡ ንህልዊ ተክኖሎጂያዊ መኽሰባት  ተጠቒሙ ከም ዝሰርሕ ርዱእ እዩ። ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ንጉባኤኡ በዚ ኣገባብ ክወስዶ ከሎ፡ ንባዕሉ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ፡ ንመላእ ሰልፊ ተመክሮን ኣብነትን እዩ። ምስኡ ድማ፡ ክሳብ ክንደይ ንተዓጻጸፍ፡  ክሳብ ክንደይከ ኣሰራርሓና ምስ ህልዊ ኩነታት  ብዘሳኒ መንገዲ ነካይዶ ንምምዛን ዘብቅዕ ፈታኒ ተመክሮ እዩ።  ነዚ ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ኩሉ ኣባል ሰልፊ ኣዒንቱ ቋሕ ኣቢሉ፡ ብሃንቀውታ ዝጽበዮ ዘሎ  ጉባኤ ምዃኑ ምዝኽኻር ዘድልዮ ኣይመስልንን። ስለ’ዚ ድማ ጉባኤኛታት ነዚ ሓቂ’ዚ ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ብዓቢ ሓላፍነት ከም ዝሰርሑን ከም ዘዐውትዎን ምሉእ እምነት ኣለኒ።

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበኩምን ኣባላት ጉባኤ!

ንእግረ መንገደይ ጠቒሰዮ ከም ዝነበርኩ፡ ድሕሪ ሳልሳይን ሓድነታውን ጉባኤ ሰልፊ፡ ብመሰረት እቲ ዝጸደቐ ሰልፋዊ ፕሮግራምን  ፖሊሲታት ሰልፍን፡  ናይ ስራሕ ቀዳምነታት እናሰራዕና ክንንቀሳቐስ ጸኒሕና ኣሎና። ካብ ዝተረኽበ ኣወንታዊ ምዕባሌታት ብሓጺር ነዚ ዝስዕብ ከነዋጽእ ንኽእል፥

  1. ድልዱል ውሽጣዊ ሓድነቱ ዘዕቆበ፣ ህዝባዊ ተሰማዕነት ዘለዎ፣ ውድባዊ ሕግታቱን ስነ ስርዓቱን ዝሓለወ፡ ንቑዕ ኣባል ዝውንንን፡  ድሕሪ ህልዋት ኣባላቱ ንውሉድ ወለዶ ዝቕጽልን ሰልፊ ምህናጽ፡
    • ኣብዚ መዳይዚ  ናይ ምጽንባር መስርሕ ብልሙጽ ኣብ ርእሲ ምክያድ፡ ናይ መላእ ኣባላት ተሳትፎ ኣብ ምሕያል ሰልፊ ምርኡይ ነይሩ። እቲ ምጽንባር ንፍልልያት ክልተ ድሕረ ባይታት ኣዝዩ ዘህሰሰ፡ ሓድነት ዘረጋገጸ ብሓቂ ዕዉት ነይሩ። ‘ንድሕሪት ዘይምለስ ሓድነት’ ንዝብል ጭርሖ ዘተግበረ ነይሩ። ብተወሳኺ ሓያል ሰልፊ ንምፍጣር ዘብቅዐ ዕዉት ፊናንሳዊ ወፍሪን፡ መዘና ዘይብሉ ተወፋይነት ኣባላትን ተራእዩ። ሓያሎ ኣባላት ዘይቅሉዓት ኰይኖም ምስ ሰዲህኤ ወጊኖም ክቃለሱ ዝመርጹ ምህላዎም ተጋሂዱ። እዚ ጥራይ ዘይኰነ ናይ ተደጋገፍቲ ኣባላት ሓያል ኣበርክቶ ኣመዝጊቡ።
  2. ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምሕያል ብዘይምቁራጽ  ምስራሕ፤
    • ኣብዚ መዳይዚ እቲ ብስምምዕ ለንደን ዝፍለጥ ንሓያሎ ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዝሓቖፈ ምውህሃዳዊ ውዕል ተዓዊቱ። ብኡ መሰረት ሓባራዊት ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለን ሓይልታት ዕማምን ቆይመን። ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ፡ ሕዝባዊ፡ ዜናዊ፡ ፊናንሳዊ  መዳያት ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ክካየድ ጀሚሩ ኣሎ።  እቲ ምውህሃድ ናብ ዝበረኸ መድረኽ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ንምስግጋር ከኣ ናይ መጽናዕቲ ሽማግለ ቆይማ ትዋሳእ ኣላ።
  3. ምስቶም ብፕሮግራምን፡ ስልቲ ኣሰራርሓን ዝመሳሰሉና ኣብ ምሉእ ምጽንባራዊ ሓድነት ምእታዉ፤
    • ኣብ ጉዕዞ ምጽንባራዊ ሓድነት ምስ ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓስ ሓርነት ኤርትራ (ህዲምሓኤ) ዕዉት ልዝብ ድሕሪ ምክያድ ኣብ መነጎ ክልቲኡ ውድባት ምጽንባራዊ ሓድነት ተኻይዱ። እዚ ድማ ነቲ ውድብ ዘጽንሖ መቃለሲ ባይታ ዘስፍሐ፡ ንንያትናን ንያት ደገፍትናን  ክብ ዘበለ ምንባሩ  ዘይሰሓት ሓቂ እዩ። እዚ  ሓድነት’ዚ ንዕዮታትና  ኣብ መዳይ  ውሽጣዊ  ጉዳያት ኣዝዩ ዝሓገዘ ኣወንታዊ  ምዕባሌ ምንባሩ ከይጠቐስናዮ ዘይንሓልፍ ሓቂ እዩ።
  4. ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ፡ ዜናዊ፡ ፊናንሳውን፡ ማሕበራውን መዳያት  ሰልፋዊ ዕዮ በቲ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈታቱ ተወኪሉ ዕዉት ዕማም ከነሰላስል ጸኒሕናን ኣሎናን።  ከም ሰልፊ  ዕቤት ከነርኢ በቂዕና ኢና።
  5. ኣብ ውደባዊ ጉዳያት፡ መዳያት ደቂ ኣንስትዮን መንእሰያትን፡ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ዘሎ ስርርዓት ሰልፍና ናብ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ይጐዓዝ ምህላዉ፡ ብመዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ጉባኤ ምትእስሳር ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ሰልፊ ክካየድ ዝበቕዐ ምዃኑ፣ ብወገን መንእሰያት እውን ኣብ ዘተፈላለየ መዳያት ኣውራ ድማ፡ ኣብ ምትርጓም ሰነዳት ሰልፍን፡ ተሳትፎ ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መድያን ምርኡይ ተራ ምህላዉ ዘሕብን እዩ።

ክቡራት ኣባላት ጉባኤ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ

እዚ ብሓጺሩ ዝቐረበ ኣወንታዊ ውጽኢታት ሰልፋዊ ምንቅስቓስና፡  ሓፈሻዊ ሚዛን ንምቕራብ እምበር  ዝርዝር ጸብጻብ ንምቕራብ ዝሕልን ኣይኰነን። ኣብ ፖሊቲካዊ መዳይ፡ ብደረጃ  ኤርትራን ከባቢናን፡  ኣብ ምዝዛም ዓመት 2020  ብፍላይ ሓይሎ ምዕባሌታት ከም ዝተራእየ ኣይሰሓትን።

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ  ኣብ መንጎ ማእከላይ መንግስቲን ክልል ትግራይን ዝተባርዐ ወግእ፡ ነቲ ዞና ብምሉኡ ኰነ ንመላእ ዓለም ዘሻቐለ ምንባሩ ኩልና እንርድኦ እዩ። እዚ ውግእ’ዚ ዕንወት፡ ስደት ህልቂትን መፍሳስ ደምን ከምኡን ከቢድ መበቆላዊ ጽላታት ዘከተል ኣሰራት ከም ዝነበሮን ከም ዘልውዎን እውን ካብ ኩልና ስዉር ኣይኰነን።  ሃገርና ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሓቲ ሓላፍነት ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ምስቲ ብዶር ኣብዪ ኣሕመድ ዝምራሕ ስርዓት ኢትዮጵያ ወጊና ናብቲ ኲናት ከም ዝኣተወት ንሕናን ዓለምን ዘረጋገጾ እዩ። እቲ ውግእ ዞባዊ ርሕቀት ይወስድ ምህላዉ ዘርኢ ድማ፡  ብወሰናስን ዶባት ኣሳቢቡ ዝተላዕለ ናይ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ወግእን ናይ ከባቢ ሃገራት መርገጻትን ምድግጋፍን ኣሎ።  ንሕና ከም ሰልፊ፡ በቲ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝወሰኖ መሰረት፡  ብንጹር ክንገዓዝ ጸኒሕና ኣሎና። ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝዀነ ኩነታት  ኢደ ጣልቃነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንቕበልን ኣይንፈቅድን ። ነቲ ብምሕዝነት ኢሳያስን ኣብይን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝተፈነወ ናይ ህልቂት ወራር እናኰነንና፡ እቲ ውግእ ብዘይካ ዕንወት ሞትን ስደትን ካልእ ረብሓ ሰለ ዘይብሉ፡ ንዘተን ሰላምን ዕድል ከወሃብ እዩ ጸዋዒትና።  ኣህጉራዊ ማሕበረ ሰብ ከኣ  ኣብ መንጎ ተጓንጸቲ ሓይልታት ዘተ ክካየድ ኣብ ልዕሊ ምጽዓር፡ ንኤርትራውያን  ስደተኛታት ምሉእ ምክልኻል ክገብረሎም  ጸዋዒትና ምቕራብ እዩ።  

ተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ!

ኣብዚ  ዝሓለፍናዮ መድረኽ፡ ሓያሎ ኣወንታት ከም ዘመዝገብና ጠቒስና። በዚ ዓይኒ ክንርኢ ከለና፡ እወ ብሓቂ ሰዲህኤ ምዃን ክብሪ እዩ፡ ኩርዓት እዩ።  ሰዲህኤ ቤት ትምህርቲ እዩ። ኣብ ሰዲህኤ ምህላዉ  ዓውደ ፍልጠትና  ምምዕባል እዩ። ሰዲህኤ ማለት ናይ ፖሊቲካ ስድራቤት ማለትዩ። ስድራቤት ማለት ድማ ብሓባር ንትንስእ፡ ብሓባር ንወፍር፡ ንደጋገፍ ብሓባር ድማ ንዕወት ማለት’ዩ። ስለዚ ድማ መሰረታዊ ምስጢር ሓይልና፡ ሓድነትና፣ መሰረታዊ  ዕጥቅና ድማ ፕሮግራምናን ሓድሕድ ምትሕልላይናን እዩ።

እዚ ክበሃል ከሎ ግን ንሰዲህኤ ብድሆታት ኣይገጥሞን፡ ኣይምከትን፡  ወይ ድማ ኣይጽገምን ማለት ኣይኰነን።  ኣብ ዝሓለፈ መድረኽ  ፈተናታት ነይሮምና እዮም። ኩሎም ንሓድነት ዝበሃግናዮም፡ ዘይተዓወትናሎም፡ ክረጋገጽ ብማለት ዝጸዓርናሉን ግን ዘየሰለጠና ኣሎ፡፡  ምሳና ክጐዓዙ ጀሚሮም ኣብ መንገዲ ዝወደቑና ኣለዉ። ብሓጺሩ  ከምቲ መቐረት ዓወት ዝጠዓምና፡ ናይ ውድቀት ምረት እውን ብመጠኑ ቀሲምና ኢና። ኩሉ ዝደለናዮ ከይኑልና ማለት ኣይኰነን። ብዓቢኡ ከኣ እቲ ምሉእ  ዓወት ኤርትራ፡  ማለት ውድቀት ምልካዊ ስርዓትን ምህናጽ ዲሞክራስያዊት ሃገርን፡ “እዋእ! ደንጉይና’ምበር”  ዘይበልና ኣይኰንናን። ግን ዘይገሃስ ቅዋም ረጊጽና፡  ዘይደክም ጽንዓትን ዘይመውት ተስፋን ተቐኒትና፡ ዘይልህልህ ጉዕዞ ሓርነት ክንምርሽ ስለ ዝመረጽና  ስጊርናዮ።  ሕጂ ድማ፡  ኣብ ፈታኒ መድረኽ ኣቲና ኣለና። ሓድነትናን  ጽንዓትናን ኮታ ብቕዓትና እውን ከይተረፈ  ይፍተን ኣሎ።  ንሕና ጥራይ ዘይኰንና መላእ ደምበ ተቓውሞ እውን ኣብ ፈተነ ኣሎ።  ኣብ ዞባና ፖሊቲካዊ ዳግመ ስርርዓት ክኸይድ ድዩ? ሰልፋዊ ናጽነትና ከመይ ክትንከፍ እዩ? ሕጂ’ኸ ዓለም እንታይ ትደሊ ኣላ? ዝብሉ  ሕቶታት ፈተንቲ  ኰይኖም፡ ንምልኣት ሓድነት  ህዝብና፡ ከምኡውን  ንልዑላውነትን ናጽነትን  ኤርትራ፡ ዝፈታትን ወስታታት  ይገሃድ ኣሎ። ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበለ ኩነታት፡ ንሕና ከም ሰልፊ  እቲ መጀመርታን ልዕሊ ኩሉን ክንሰርሓሉ ዘለና ውሽጣዊ ውድባዊ ሓድነትና  ምሕላው እዩ።  ሓድነት ሰልፍና ድማ ነቲ ዘጽደቕናዮ መደብ ዕዮን፡ ቅዋምን ብምኽባርን  ኣብ ትሕቲኡ ምእዙዝነት ብምርግጋጽን እዩ ዝሕሎ። እዚ ጉባኤ’ዚ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ  ዞባ ዘርኣዮ ሓላፍነታዊ ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳያት ከም ዝቕጽሎን ዘማዕብሎን እምነት ኣሎኒ።

ክቡራት ኣባላት ጉባኤ

 ኣብ መደምደምታ፡  ጉባኤኹም፡  ኣብ መደብ ዕዮታትን ቅዋምን ሰልፊ ተመርኲሱ ንዞባ ኣመሪካ ዝምልከት ኣገዳሲ ውሳኔታት ከሕልፍን ንመጻኢ መድረኽ ብብቕዓት እትመርሕ ሽማግለ ብዕዉት መንገዲ  ክመርጽን፡ ኣብ ቀጻሊ ዕቤት ሰልፊ  ከምቲ ዝለመድናዮ ሓድሽን ኣድማዒን ግንባር ክኸፍትን  ልባዊ ትምኒተይን ትጽቢት ሰልፍናን ምዃኑ እገልጽ።

ብተወሳኺ ከምቲ ኣቐዲመ ዝጠቐስክዎ እዚ ጉባኤ’ዚ  ሓድሽ ኣገባብ ምጥቃሙ፡ ብመላእ ሰልፊ ዝውረስ ተመክሮን ከበርክትን፡ ናይ መጻኢ ተመሳሳሊ ዕዮታት ኣብነት ክኸውንን ትጽቢት ዝንበረሉ ዘሎ ብምዃኑ፡ መላእ ኣባላት ጉባኤ ተወሳኺ ሓላፍነት ከም ዘለኩም እናስመርኩ፡ ብዓወት ዕማማትኩም  ክትዛዝሙ እምነየልኩም።

 ሰዲህኤ  ንዲሞራስያዊ ምሕደራ፡ ዲሞክራስን ምዕባሌን!

ኤርትራ ብነጻነት ትንበር!

ዝኽርን ዘላለማዊ ክብርን ንስዉኣት ኤርትራ!

ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል

ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፍፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

16 ጥሪ 2021

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