ብ29 መስከረም 2023 ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ ብጻይ ገረዝጊሄር ተወልደ ኣብ ዘተ ንሓባራዊ ንቕሓት ዝተባህለ መራኸቢ ንልዕሊ ሓሙሽተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ። ሰሚናር ኣገዳስነት ውጽኢት ዕዉት ራብዓይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊን ዝሓለፎ መስርሕን ንተሳተፍቲ ንምብራህን ክውረስ ዘለዎ እወንታዊ  ልምድታት ንምሕባር ዝተጸውዐ እዩ ነይሩ።

ኩሉ’ቲ ኣብ ምስንዳኣ ጉባኤ ዝተኻየደ ዕማም ኣብ ሓደ ሰሚናር ገሊጽካ ክጠቓለል ዘይኽእል ብምዃኑ ግን፣ ብጻይ ገረዝጊሄር ነቲ ቀንድን መሰረታውን ዝኾነ ትሕዝቶታት ቅዋምን ሓደስቲ ውሳኔታትን ጉባኤ እዩ ብድምቀት ኣቕሪቡ።  ኣብ  መገለጺኡ ብቕዋም መሰረት ቅድሚ ዓmeት ብዝጸንሐ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝቆማ ኣሳናዳኢትን  ሓጻይትን ሽማግለታት ካብ ምድላው ሰነዳት ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ብኣባላት ሰልፊ ዝተረቑሑ ልዕሊ ቴስዓ ዝኾኑ ሕጹያት ንምጽራይን ዝሓለፈ ቅዋማዊ መስርሕ ሓቢሩ። ብዘይካ’ዚ፣ ኣብቲ መስርሕ መሪሕነታዊ ሕጸ ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ንዘይቀረቡ ባእታታት፣ ጉባኤኛታት ክረቑሑዎም ከምዝኽእሉን ንቕቡልነቱ ክማላእ ዘለዎ ዓንቀጻት ካብ ሕግታት ሰልፊ ምህላዉ’ውን ኣብሪሁ።

በዚ መስርሕ’ዚ ዝሓለፈ መረጻ መሪሕነት ድማ 35 ኣባላት ምስ 5 ተጠባበቕቲ ዝቑጽሩ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ከምተበርጸን፣ ነፍሲ ወከፍ መራጺ ግን፣ እቲ ንሱ ዝደልዮ እዩ ተመሪጹ ክብል ከምዘይክእልን፣ ዲሞክራሲ ድማ ንዝደለኻዮ ዘይኮነስ፣ ንዘይደለኻዮ እውን ኣኽቢርካን ተቐቢልካን ክትጓዓዝ ምስትኽእል’ያ ትረጋገጽ ምባሉ ይጥቀስ። በዚ ከኣ ኩልና ኣብ ነፍስናን ኣብ ውድባትናን ንዘቆምናዮ ሕግታትን ስምምዓትን ኣኽቢርና ክንከይድ ምስእንኽእል እዩ ድማ፡ ጽባሕ ኣብ ሃገርና ዲሞክራስያ ከነተግብር ዝካኣል ክብል ኣብሪሁ።

ንውሳኔታት ጉባኤ ብዝምልከት ብዝርዝር ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ሓርነት ብምሉእ ስለዘሎን ከይነውሓናን ብዛዕባዚ ዘሎ ህልዊ ኲነታት ንምጥቃስ፣ ሰዲህኤ፣ኣብ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ/ምንቅስቓስ ብሪጌድ ንሓመዱ ዘለዎ ኣመለኻኽታ፡ „ነቶም ነቲ ህዝባዊ ማዕበል ዘበርኽዎ ዘለዉ ኤርትራዊ ወገናትን እቶም ኣብ ሕጋዊ መድረኽ ኣብ ጐድኒ ደላይ ለውጢ ኤርትራዊ ዝተሰለፉ መንግስታትን ሰዲህኤ የመጉስ። እዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ በቲ ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ መንገዲ ሕጋዊ ኣገባቡ ዓቂቡ፡ ንህግደፍ ካብ መንግስታትን ህዝበንን ብዝንጽል፡ ብዘይምዝመዝ ኣገባብ ክቕጽል የተባብዕን፡ ዝኽእሎ ዘበለ ክገብር ቅሩብ ምዃኑን የነጽር። ናይቲ ኩሉ ዘጋጠመ ማህሰይቲ፡ ጠንቅን ተሓታትን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምዃኑ ይኣምን። እዚ ንለውጢ፡ ንሕጋውነትን ዲሞክራስን ዝጠልብ ህዝባዊ ማዕበል ኣብ ወጻኢ ተደሪቱ ዝተርፍ ዘይኮነ ናብ ኤርትራ ክላባዕ ዘለዎ እምነት ይገልጽን። ነቲ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኣብቲ ኣዝዩ ዘሕሞን ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርን ምምካቱ እዋኑ በጺሑ እዩ’ሞ ኩሉ ክፍልታት ህዝብና እጃሙ ከልዕል ጉባኤ ጸዊዑ“ ዝብል ኮይኑ፣ ኣብ  ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ፖሊሲ ዝምድናታትን ኣጠቓቅማ ወደባትን ዝብሉ ነጥብታት ካብ ውሳኔታት 4ይ ጉባኤ ሰፊሕ መብርሂ ኣቕሪቡ።

ኣብ መጠረስታ፣ ብተደጋጋሚ ብዛዕባ በርጌድ ንሓመዱን ኣጠቓቕማ ወደባትን ብዝምልከት ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ንዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት ኣገደስቲ መልስታትን መብርህን ከቕርብ ከሎ፡ ኣብ መዛዘሚ ናይቲ ኣኼባ ኣብዚ ናይ ኣቦ መንበርነትካ ግዜ፣ እንታይ ክትገብር ኢኻ ትብህግዝብል ሕቶ ቀሪቡ፣ኣነ እንተኰይንለይ፣ ነዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል ኣብ ዘተኣማምን ደረጃ በጺሑ፣ ብሓደ ቃልን ድምጽን እንቐርበሉን እንቃኣለሰሉን መድረኽ ክፍጠር፡ ካላኣይ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፣ ንሕና ንዓቢ ኣለና። ነቲ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ቦታታት ተኪኦም ዘካይዱን ዝመርሑን መንእሰያት ክንምልምልን ክሕዝዎን እሞ፡ ህዝብና ካብዚ ኣትይዎ ዘሎ ሓሳረ መከራ ክገላገል እየ ዝብህግብዝብል መልሲ ብጻይ ገረዝጊሄር  ሰሚናር ተደምዲሙ    

«ፈላሊኻ ግዛእ» ዝብል ፖለቲካዊ ስልቲ ገዛእቲ ስርዓታት ዕድመ ስልጣኖም ንምንዋሕ ወይ ግዝኣቶም ንምስፍሕፋሕ ዝጥቀሙሉ ዝነበሩ ኣገባብ እዩ። ሎምውን እንተኾነ ጨቆንቲ ሓይልታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ጋና ዘይማዕበለ ህዝብታት ዝጥቀሙሉ ዘለዉ ኮይኑ፣ ሓደገኛ ስልቲ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ነቲ ሰሚሩን ሓደ ኮይኑን ብምስራሕ ከይሕይል እሞ ኣንጻሮም ንኸይለዓል ዘስግኦም  ህዝቢ፡ ንባህርያዊ ፍልልያቱ መዝሚዝካ፣ ወይ ከኣ ዘይነበረ ፍልልያት ምሂዝካ ነንሕድሕዱ ኣብ ጽልእን ባእስን ተጸሚዱ ከምዝነብር ይገብርዎ። ከም ሃይማኖታዊ፣ ብሀራዊ፣ ጂኦግራፊካዊ፣ ዝኣመሰሉ ባህርያዊ ፍልልያት፣ ዘይምዕሩይ መነባብሮ፣ ህልውና ዝተፈላለየ ፖለቲካውን ምምሓዳራውን ውዳቤታትን ካልእን ናይ ሓደ ህዝቢ፣ ንፖሊሲ ፈላሊኻ ግዛእ ቅዱው ባይታ ክፈጥሩ ካብ ዝኽእሉ ተመዝመዝቲ ፍልልያት ክጥቀሱ ይኽእሉ። ኤውሮጳውያን ገዛእቲ እውን ንኣፍሪቃ ጎዛዝዮም ንነውሕ ግዜ ብዘይ ዝኾነ ሓያል ከባብያዊ መኸተ ክገዝእዋ ዘኽኣሎም ንፖሊሲ ፈላሊኻ ግዛእ ኣጽኒዖም ስለዝተጠቅሙሉ እዮም።

ኩለን ኣብ ትሕቲ ባዕዳውያን መግዛእቲ ዝነበራ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ካብ መግዛእቲ ናጻ ኣብ ዝወጻሉን ልኡላውነተን ኣብ ዝኣወጃሉን ግዜውን እቲ ኤውሮጳውያን ገዛእቲ ዘስረጽዎ ጽልእን ናይ ጽልኢ ፍልልያትን ከምቲ «ዓሻ ዝተኸሎስ ለባም ነይነቅሎ» ዝበሃል፣ ቂጺሉ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ንህዝብታት ኣፍሪቃ ብቀጻሊ ብዙሕ ዋጋ ከኽፍሎ ይርከብ ኣሎ። እቲ ዝኸፍአ ግን ዘበታውያን መራሕቲ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ንስርዓት ህግዲፍ ብቅድሚት ሰሪዕካ፣ ነዚ ናይ ፈላሊኻ ግዛእ ሜላ ኣብ ሊዕሊ ገዛእ ህዝብታቶም ሊዕሊ ባዕዳውያን ገዛእቲ ይጥቀሙሉ ምህላዎም እዩ።

ኣብ ታሪኽ ተጋድሎና ተመሊስና እንተተዓዚብና፣  እቲ ካብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ተፈልዩ ንናይ ሎሚ ህግዲፍ ናይ ትማሊ ውድብ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ዝመስረተ ጉጅለ፣ ከም መፍለዪ ምኽንያትን መትከሊ እግርን ዝተጠቀመሉ ስልቲ እዚ ስልቲ ነይሩ። ንሱ ድማ ንውድብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ከም ናይ ኣስላምን ናይ መታሕትን ገርካ ብምግላጽ፣ እዚ ውድብ እዚ ንሓዋሩ እውን ንህዝብታት ከበሳን ኣመንቲ ክርስትናን ሓደገኛ ከምዝኾነ ዝእምት ውዲት conspiracy ብምእላም እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ጉጅለዚ ነዚ ፈላላዪ ውዲት ንኽጥቀም ዝመዝመዞ ኲነታት ምስ ምቋም ሰውራ ተዛሚዱ ዝተራእዩ  ከባቢ ዝዓደሎ ጂኦግራፍያዊ ውህብቶን ሕጽረታት ሰውራን እዩ ነይሩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንናይ ናጽነት ቃልሱ ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ናብ ብረታዊ ሰውራ ከሰጋግር ኣብ ዝተሰማማዓሉ ግዜ እቶም ቀንዲ ሃንደስትን ኣወሃሃድትን ናይቲ ምጅማር ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ ውሽጥን ወጻእን ኤርትራ ዝርከቡ ናይ ክልቲኡ ሃይማኖታት ኣመንቲ እዮም ነይሮም። እቲ ብረታዊ  ቃልሲ ዝተወልደሉን፣ ጀመርትን ተወደብት በዂሪ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ ሜዳ ግን፣ ኣብ ባርካ ብናይቲ ከባቢ ተወለድቲ  ነይሩ። እዚ ማለት ኣብ መጀመርታ ውድብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት፣ ተሳታፍነት ናይ ካልኦት ኣውራጃታት ክሳብ ጎሊሑ ዝረአ መርሕነቱ ኮነ ኣባላቱ መብዛእትኦም ደቂ መታሕትን ኣመንቲ ምስልምናን ክኾኑ ባህርያዊ ነይሩ።

መስረትቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ካብ ዝኾኑ ጉጅለታት ኣብ ዝተፈንጨለሉ እዋን ግን ተሳትፎ ኩለን ብሄራትን ክልቲኡ ሃይማኖታትን ብርኩትን ርኡይን እኳ እንተነበረ፣ እቲ ጉጀለ ድሮ ንሕና ዕላማናን ዝብል ጽንሰ ሓሳብ ሒዙ ንነውሕ ግዜ መሪሹ ስለዝጸንሐ፣ ንዘእመኖ አእሚኑ ንኽፍንጨል ኣይኣገሞን። ድሕሪ ምፍንጫሉን ውድብ ምዃኑን እውን ንምፍንጫሉ ምኽኑይ ንምግባር፣ ካብ ህዝቢ ከበሳ ኣመንቲ ክርስትናን ዝኾኑ ናብ ውድቡ ንምዕሳል፣ ነቶም ግዳይ ናዚ ውዲት ብምዃን ኣብ ክልተ ውድባት ዝተመቅሉ ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገርን ኣብ ቀጻሊ ጽልእን ምትፍናን ንምሓዝን ክጥቀመሉ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ድሒሩውን ከምቲ ኣብ ንሕናን ሕላማናን ዝብል ሰነዳቶም ብጹሑፍ ኣስፊሮሞ ዘለዉ፣ ውድብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንተጋደልታ ንዝኾነ ዝረኸብዎ ኣማኒ ክርስትና ክቀትልዎ ትእዛዝ ኣማሓላሊፋ ዝብል ካልእ ውዲት ኣብ ሊዕሊ ውዲት ብምእላም ነቲ ዝጸንሐ ፍልልይ ኣብ ሓድሕዳዊ ውግእ ኣሰጋጊራቶ። ውግእ ሕድሕድ ድማ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንታይ ከምዘኽፈሎ፣ ቃንዛኡን በሰላኡ ጋና ዘይሃሰሰ ስለዝኾነ ሕጂ ምዝርዛሩ ኣየድልየናን። 

ኣብታ ዝመስረትዋ ውድብ ከይተረፈ፣ ነቲ ጸቢብ ጉጅላዊ ዕላምኦም ዝጻባእ ሓይሊ ንኸይፍጠር፣ ነቶም ሰብኪዳን ጸቢብ ዕላማ ዝኾነ ጉጅለ እተገልግል ሕብእቲ ሰልፊ ብምፍጣር፣ ምሁርን ዘይምሁርን፣ ኣውራጃውን ሃይማኖታውን ፍልልያት እንዳኣጋጨዉ፣ ንገለን የሚን፣ ንገለን መንከዓን፣ ንገለን ትሕተ ሃገራውያን ዝብል ውዲታት እንዳ ኣለሙ፣ ንኹሎም ጸለውቲ ዝኾኑ ሰብ በሊሕ ኣእምሮን ሃገራዊ ጠመተ ዝነበሮምን ጀጋኑ፣ ብስዉርን ግሁድን ቅንጸላ ከምዘጥፍእዎም እቶም ናይ ትማሊ እሙናት መገልገልትን ፈጸምትን፣ ኣብ ስደት ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ናይቲ ስርዓት ዝነበሩ ብጭብጥታት ኣሰንዮም ዘዘንትውዎ ዘለዉ ሓቂ እዩ።

ወዲ ድሙስ ነይገድፍ ግብሪ እሙ ከም ዝበሃል፣ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ኤርትራውን ነቲ ኣብ ሜዳ እንከሎ ንጸቢብ ዕላምኡ ዘዐወተ ፈላሊኻ ናይ ምግዛእ ሜላ፣ መንግስቲ ኮይኑ እውን ኣይገደፎን። እኳ ደኣ ኣደልደሎ። ኣብቲ መጀመርታ ኣብ መታሕት ንዝረአ ዝኾነ ምንቅስቓስ ከም ጀሃዳዊ፣ ኣስላማዊ፣ 5ይ መስሪዕ ዝብል ናይ ጠቀነ ኣስማት ብምጥማቕ፣ ፍልልያትን ዘይምትእምማን ዝያዳ ከጋፍሕ ፈተነ። ኣብ ከበሳታት ንዝረአ ምንቅስቓሳት እውን ትሕተ ሃገራውነት ዝብል ስያምየታት ብምሃብ ብህዝቢ ተነጽሎ ከምዝረክብ ገበረ። ነዚ ፈላላዪ ውዲታት ኣብ ህዝቢ ብምስራጽ ድማ፣ መንግስቲ ዋላ ኣብ ሊዕሊ ንመነባብሮናን ስንክልናና ዝምጥን ምምሕያሽ ይገበረልና ንዝበሉ ኣካለ ስንኲላን ከይተረፈ ብጥይት ክቕንጽል እንከሎ፣ ህዝቢ ግልጽ ኢሉ ከምዘይዛረብ ገበሮ። ወረ ኣብ ገሊኡስ ንዝኾነ ዘይሕጋውን ገበናውን ስጉምትታቱ ህዝቢ ብጣቅዒትን ስሓቅን ከምዝቅበሎ ስለዝገበረ ኣሻዲንዎ እዩ።

ድሕሪ 2001 ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ መንእሰይ ኣካል ድማ ብፍላይ፣ ብሓደ ወገን ነቲ ዓንዳርን ዘይሓላፍነታውን ኣካይዳ ናይቲ መላኺ ስርዓት ብግቡእ ተረዲኡ፣ ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎ ዝብል ሽፋን ዝለበሰ ገደብ ኣልቦ ዝኾነ   መግዛእቲ መሪርዎ ሃገር ራሕሪሑ ብብዝሒ ንስደት ዘምረሐ ኣካል ብኸዳዕ፣ ጠላም፣ ማዳ ሃገር፣ ሰኸም ሃገር፣ ስሱዕ ወዘተ ዝብሉ መግለጺታት እንዳ ሃበ ካብ ህዝቢ ከነጽሎም ክፍትን እንከሎ፣ ንወለዶም እውን ከም ንስደቶም ዝተሓባበሩ ገሩ ብምውንጃል፣ ኣብ እስር ቤታት ዳጒኑ፣ ሊዕሊ ዓቅሞም ዝኾነ ናይ ገንዘብ ክፍሊት ሸኒኑ ከሳቅዮምን፣ ኣብ ከባቢኦም ከም ወለዲ ከዳዓት ክራኣዩ ክገብር ጽዒሩ። እንተኾነ ስርዓት ህግፍ ዝበለ እንተበለ፡ ጉዕዞ ስደት ብውልቀሰባት ዝጀመረ፣ ክሳብ ብ1000 ዝቁጸሩ መንእሰያት፡ ህጻውንትን ስድራ ቤታትን ካብ ሃገር ጠቕሊሎም ኣብ ናይ ምውጻእ ደረጃ ተሰጋገረ።ስርዓት ህግደፍ ግን ሕጂውን ካልእ ብልሓት ብምፍጣር ነቲ መነባበሪኡ ዝኾነ ፈላሊኻ ናይ ምግዛእ ሜላ ኣብ ሊዕሊ ኣብ ድያስፖራ ዝርከብ ህዝቢ ኣስሪጹ ክጥቀመሉ ይርከብ። ኣብ ምዕዋት ናይዚ ፈላሊኻ ናይ ምግዛእ ሜላ ኣብ ድያስፖራ ከም ቀንዲ ትካላት ዘገልግላ፣ ካብ ዝለዓለ ክሳብቲ ዝተሓተ ስራሕተኛታት ኤምባስታት ናይቲ ስርዓት  ገለ መራሕቲ ሃይማኖትን ኣካየድቲ ኣብያተ ክርስትያናት፣ ብደገፍቲ ናይቲ ስርዓት ዝቆማ ማሕበረ ኮማትን እቲ ስርዓት ዝምውለን ብስም ውልቀሰባት ዝካየዳ መራኸቢ ብዙሓትን እዮም።

እቶም ካልኦት ንምዕዋቱ ዋኒን ተዋሂቦም ዝተዋፈሩ ድማ፣ ጫለዳ መልሓስ ዝውንኑ መደርቲ፣ ስነጥበባውያንን ወነንቲ ብሕታውያን መራኸቢ ብዙሓ ዝኾኑ ውልቀሰባትን እዮም። እታ መውጽኢ ልሳኖም ዝኾነት መደናገሪትን ደርፊ ድማ ሃገር ልዕሊ ኩሉ፣ ብማለት ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ምስኩሉ ናይ ሎምን ትማልን ገበናቱ ዝቅበልን ዝድግፍን ከም እሙንን ጽኑዕን ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ  ገርካ ምግላጽን ምውዳስን’ያ።

ንስርዓት ህግደፍን ኣበራቱን ንዝነቅፍ፡ ዝቃወምን ለውጢ ዝጠልብ ግን ከም ከዳዕ፣ ዘይሃገራዊ፣ ልኡኽ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልን ስነ ምግባር ዘይብሉ ዘይእዱብን ኣምሲልካ ምግላጽን ናብ ባእስን ምጭኽኻንን ምዕዳም እዩ። ውጽኢት ናይዚ ድማ ኣብዘን ዝሓለፋ 4 ኣዋርሓ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ናይ ኤውሮጳ፣ ካናዳ፡ ኣመሪካን ኣወስትራልያን ከተማታት ኣብ መንጎ ደገፍትን ተቃወምትን ናይቲ ስርዓት ዝኾኑ ወገናት ዝተራእየ ምርጻምን፣ ዘስዓቦ ሰብኣውን ንዋታውን ኪሳራን፣ ኣበየ ሃገሩ ኣብ መስሪሕ ዝርከብ ሕጋዊ መዘዛቱን ንኹሉ ሃገርን ህዝብን ሕመረቱ ዝገበረ ኣመለኻኽታ ንዘለዎ ዘሻቀለ ጉዳይኳ እንተኾነ፣ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ግን መፍቶቱ ዝኾነ ዝለምዐ መፈላለይ ለሰ ረኺቡ። ወይልኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበር፡ ስርዓት ህግዲፍስ ሕጂውን ብዝሓለፈ ሕድሕድ ምቅትታልን ውግእን ዝኸሰሮ ስለዘይብሉ፣ ነዚ ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ናይ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት፣ ነንሕድሕድካ ምቅትታልን ምጭኽኻን ዝያዳ ከባርዖን ከስፍሖን እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ሓልዮት ተሰሚዕዎ ህዝባዊ ሓልፍነት ወሲዱ ኣብ ምህድኡ ተራ ከምዘየበርክት ክንግንዘብ ኣሎና። እንተዘይኮይኑ፣ ግደፍዶ ከም ህግደፍ ዝኣመሰለ ጨቛኒ ሓይልስ፤ ኣብተን ብመረጻ መራሕተን ዝሸማ ሃገራት’ውን ምቅዋምን ምድጋፍን ንቡር ፖለቲካዊ መስርሕ እዩ። እቲ ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ዘይኣቱ ግን ልኡላዊ ክብሪ ህዝብን ሃገርን እዩ። ኣብዚውን ዋላ ፍልልያት እንተተራኣየ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ብምዃኑን ንኹሉ ወዲ ሃገር ብማዕረ ስለዝብጽሖ፣ ብስልጡን ፖለቲካዊ ልዝብ ክማሓደር ቀዳማይ ተመራጺ ኣገባብ እዩ። ብባህሪኡ ነዚ ዘይቅበልን ኣብ ዕግርግርን ህውከትን ዝነብር ግን ስርዓት ህግደፍን መሰልቱን እዮም።

ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ደለይቲ ለውጢ ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ፣ እቶም ብዝተፈላለየ ጠቕምታትን ስምዒታትን ነቲ ስርዓት ዝድግፉ ዘለዉ ዜጋታትድማ ብሓፈሻ፣ ስርዓታት ሓለፍትን ወደቕትን ምዃኖም ተገንዚብና፣ ማእከልና ነቶም ንዘለዓለም ነበርቲ ዝኾኑ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራ ክገብር፣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝኸፈሎን ዝኸፍሎ ዘሎን ሂይወት ብዙሕ እዩ’ሞ ይኣክል ክንብል ኢና ነተሓሳስብ።

  

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Martin Plaut posted: " Comment: Odd that this article does not discuss the Ethiopian government's interest in finding a new naval base for the Ethiopian Navy. Martin Source: Addis Standard September 7, 2023 By Abdi Biyenssa @ABiyenssa Addis Abeba –" Martin Plaut

 

Martin Plaut

Sep 27

Comment: Odd that this article does not discuss the Ethiopian government's interest in finding a new naval base for the Ethiopian Navy.

Martin

Source: Addis Standard

September 7, 2023

By Abdi Biyenssa @ABiyenssa

Addis Abeba – A few months ago, rumors began swirling about Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s efforts to secure a crucial port for the country. It has since been revealed that during a gathering of investors and businessmen, Prime Minister Abiy emphasized the urgent need for Ethiopia to have its own port. He highlighted the astronomical costs associated with depending on neighboring countries’ ports. According to these rumors, the Ethiopian government is considering all options, from negotiation to the use of force, in order to achieve this strategic objective.

The rumor suggests that the Ethiopian government has already started negotiations with key regional players. A proposal has allegedly been presented to Eritrea, offering a 30% stake in the renowned Ethiopian Airlines as a bargaining chip for access to the desired port. These rumors gained traction when Al Jazeera English covered the issue in its recent Inside Story segment. According to Al Jazeera, the Prime Minister stated, “Ethiopia will secure direct access to a port, either peacefully or, if necessary, by force.”

However, the notion of the Ethiopian government demonstrating such intentions seems highly improbable, given that Ethiopia came remarkably close to utilizing Eritrean ports, namely Massawa and Assab, just five years ago when the Prime Minister came to power and sought to mend the hostile relationship between the two nations. In September 2018, the Ethiopian commercial ship named “Mekelle” even docked at the Red Sea port of Massawa, marking the first time in two decades.

The Eritrean Ports Authority was also preparing Assab port to handle Ethiopia’s cargo. In 2019, repairs and maintenance were undertaken at Assab port at a cost of $57 million. The two ports in Eritrea can handle 2.5 million tons of cargo in total.

Nonetheless, the rumors and Al Jazeera’s reporting gained further credibility following recent back-to-back visits by an Ethiopian delegation, led by Alemu Sime, Minister of Transport and Logistics, to neighboring countries such as Kenya and Somaliland.

On 03 August, 2023, Alemu and Ethiopia’s delegation arrived in Hargeisa, Somaliland, to explore additional port options for Ethiopia. They engaged in discussions with Somaliland authorities regarding the possibility of Berbera port serving as an additional avenue for Ethiopian foreign trade. A week after the Hargeisa visit, Alemu and his team proceeded to Kenya to search for alternative ports that would facilitate Ethiopia’s ever-expanding import-export trade.

Despite the recent visits of Alemu and the Ethiopian delegates to neighboring countries, it is the Prime Minister’s alleged declaration of “by any means necessary” that has caught the attention of media pundits, activists, and regional commentators.

Merera Gudina, a professor of political science and international relations at Addis Ababa University, has warned that if negotiations fail to secure a port, war could be the alternative means to gain access. He emphasized that such a strategy would undoubtedly be destructive for the region, which is already known for its instability caused by both state and non-state actors.

Eyasu Hailemichael, a researcher on the Horn of Africa and an expert in international affairs, argues that political leaders are unlikely to publicly declare war to get access to ports due to deliberate state deception and strategic cover-up. However, Eyasu believes that the Ethiopian government’s need for access to the Red Sea could be accepted by Western powers, considering the hostile relationship that exists between Asmara and the West.

There are various speculations about the motives behind the PM’s alleged use of force to gain access to port. Merera raises questions about whether it is to restore his Amhara supporting base or test Western’s support for his regime. He also highlights recent changes in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which have become more unpredictable, individualistic, and fragmented, adding to the uncertainty.

Merera, who is a leading opposition figure in Ethiopia, also suggests that the war might be a result of Eritrea’s involvement in the Tigray conflict as well as Ethiopia’s shifting foreign policy. Reports indicate that tension is brewing between the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments after the signing of the Pretoria agreement in November 2022, which ended the Tigray war.

Eyasu suggests that it might be a diversion of conflict from domestic to regional issues. “Any effort to forcefully address the question of access to ports will not be easy,” he stated. “Any war with Eritrea could also lead to a violation of the 2018 rapprochements, which will have its own repercussions in the region.”

Expanding port options to accommodate growing trade

Diversifying access to ports is a key element of the Ethiopian government’s 30-year integrated transport master plan, adopted in 2021. Officials argue that expanding port options is economically justified in light of the country’s growing volume of foreign trade. Alemu, speaking in Hargeisa, explained the purpose of his visit, stating, “Ethiopia is one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, and as such, the country requires an alternative to Djibouti’s main seaport.”

Ethiopia’s annual foreign trade has been steadily increasing over the past decade, with estimates of around 15 million tons of solid cargo and four billion metric tons of petroleum products. Currently, Djibouti’s ports can handle this cargo. However, it is projected that the volume of foreign trade will more than double in the next decade.

Highlighting Ethiopia’s heavy reliance on Djibouti’s ports, a senior diplomat at Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, speaking anonymously to Addis Standard, justified the need for port diversification. Prior to the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea in 1998, Massawa and Assab ports accounted for over 75% of Ethiopia’s foreign trade cargo. However, following the war, almost all imported and exported goods were redirected to Djibouti. Currently, close to 95% of Ethiopia’s import-export cargo goes through Djibouti’s ports, with the remainder shipped through Port Sudan and Berbera.

The senior diplomat also emphasizes the mounting costs Ethiopia incurs from Djibouti in the form of port fees and demurrage charges as a valid economic reason for seeking alternative sea access. Currently, Ethiopia pays $2 billion annually in port fees.

Eyasu, a researcher on the Horn of Africa, further explains the challenges faced by landlocked countries, such as long distances, expensive transportation, high transaction costs, isolation, limited access to global markets, and complicated border crossing procedures. He adds, “Additionally, landlocked states with few natural resources rely heavily on transit countries with poor socioeconomic conditions for transportation, making it difficult for them to thrive.”

The logistics sector in Ethiopia currently faces various challenges, resulting in inefficiency in the transportation of goods from the mainland to ports in Djibouti. One significant issue is the extended time it takes to transport goods to the ports, which hinders trade and economic growth. It can take several weeks to transport goods from landlocked Ethiopia to Djibouti’s ports, mainly due to poor infrastructure.

Moreover, high transportation costs pose a major challenge to the logistics sector. The long distance between Ethiopia and Djibouti, combined with inadequate infrastructure, leads to increased expenses. Consequently, cargo delays and long waiting times are common at Djibouti and Modjo dry ports.

The Ethiopian government says it recognizes the importance of improving the logistics sector and is implementing various infrastructure development projects, including enhancing the Ethio-Djibouti railway line and constructing new roads and highways.

While in Kenya, Alemu made a promise that Ethiopia would fulfill its responsibility by constructing infrastructure, such as the express road to Moyale. Alemu and his team took the opportunity to inspect the inland waterway port of Kisumu, located in Mombasa, which has the capability to handle up to 300,000 metric tons of cargo annually.

The delegation also reviewed the progress of the Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor, a crucial infrastructure project expected to play a significant role in integrating Kenya, Ethiopia, and South Sudan. Alemu stressed the urgent need for the completion of supportive infrastructure to fully capitalize on the potential of the port.

The geopolitical shift in the Horn of Africa

In addition to economic justifications, experts say that the changing geopolitics in the Horn of Africa play a significant role in Ethiopia’s pursuit of alternative ports. Eyasu stated that the presence of foreign actors in the region has resulted in foreign geopolitical divisions, shaped intra-horn geopolitics, and prompted port diversification. He believes that commercial motivations, proxy wars, transactional diplomacy, and security agreements have all played a role in this process.

Ethiopia’s recent search for alternative ports coincides with the increasing foreign interference in the Horn of Africa, particularly the growing number of foreign military installations in Djibouti. Strategically located on the Horn of Africa, Djibouti has been attracting the attention of several foreign countries in recent years. Currently, 13 countries, including the United States, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Turkey, have a military presence or naval facilities in Djibouti.

The Chinese government has heavily invested in Djibouti’s infrastructure, including the construction of ports, roads, and a railway system. The United States also maintains a significant military presence in Djibouti, with Camp Lemonnier serving as the only permanent U.S. military base in Africa. Djibouti also houses military bases operated by other foreign countries, such as France, Japan, and Saudi Arabia.

“The influx of foreign actors securing the ports of the Horn has led to foreign geopolitical divisions and shaped intra-horn geopolitics through commercial motivations, proxy wars, transactional diplomacy, and security agreements,” explained Eyasu.

The Horn of Africa has witnessed an increase in the presence of Middle Eastern countries in recent years. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has been actively engaged in the region, investing in infrastructure projects and providing financial aid. The UAE has also increased its involvement, established military bases, and invested in ports like Djibouti and Somaliland. Qatar has also been actively involved in the region.

The senior diplomat recounted Djibouti’s actions in 2013, where they obstructed the transportation of goods to Ethiopia, revealing the issue of limited port diversification in Ethiopia. However, he stressed that this event is now unrelated to the small nation and instead part of larger foreign policy endeavors aimed at achieving greater integration in a region plagued by political conflicts and the realpolitik of foreign powers. In light of this, Ethiopia is cautious not to rely solely on Djibouti, opting to avoid concentrating all its resources in one place, as stated by the senior diplomat.

While the presence of foreign countries has brought some economic benefits to Djibouti, it has also raised concerns among countries like Ethiopia regarding their national security. Eyasu emphasizes that neighboring countries can restrict ports and impose measures that hinder communication during military or diplomatic crises. This adds further complexity to the challenges faced by landlocked countries like Ethiopia.

The socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and geographical differences between these countries can significantly impact the efficient use of transport facilities, as noted by Eyasu. “Unrestricted access to the sea is equally essential for the defense and security of landlocked countries.”

Eyasu further elaborates on the challenges faced by landlocked countries, stating that “the challenges faced by landlocked countries are compounded when they are bordered by countries with challenging socioeconomic circumstances.”

Despite the justifications for the search for alternative ports, experts stress that going to war is not viable for Ethiopia. Merera emphasizes the need to enhance cross-border trade among countries in the Horn of Africa. By improving transportation routes and regional economic policies specifically tailored to the coastal regions, positive spillover effects can be expected. Additionally, building stronger people-to-people relations across diverse cultures within the region is crucial for the shared utilization of ports.

The senior diplomat from Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs suggests negotiating with Eritrea and exploring the possibility of a land swap arrangement. Under this proposal, Ethiopia would gain access to the port, while Eritrea would receive agricultural land. Another option entails a joint ownership arrangement of the port between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Echoing the thoughts of both Merera and the diplomat, Eyasu underscores the importance of diversifying port access through multiple avenues. Diplomatic negotiations represent one possible path, while military involvement remains a daunting but viable alternative. However, Eyasu cautions against resorting to military action as it could potentially escalate tensions in an already-conflicted region. Such escalation may lead to a proxy war involving competing Middle Eastern powers, such as the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, as well as traditional powers like the United States and Russia. 



Thursday, 28 September 2023 22:07

Eritrean Asylum Seeker Stabbed to Death in Israel

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Martin Plaut posted: " Police are looking into the possibility that the victim was an opponent of the Eritrean government and the killer a supporter of the regime Source: Ha'aretz The funeral of the murdered Eritrean asylum seeker in Tel Aviv on Monday. Sep 27, " Martin Plaut

 

Martin Plaut

Sep 27

Police are looking into the possibility that the victim was an opponent of the Eritrean government and the killer a supporter of the regime

Source: Ha'aretz

The funeral of the murdered Eritrean asylum seeker in Tel Aviv on Monday.

The funeral of the murdered Eritrean asylum seeker in Tel Aviv on Monday.

Sep 27, 2023 1:46 am IDT

An Eritrean asylum seeker was stabbed to death in south Tel Aviv Monday night, and police are looking into the possibility that the victim was an opponent of the Eritrean government and the killer a supporter.

Under this hypothesis, the killing happened during a fight between the two. No suspects have yet been arrested.

Members of the Eritrean community in Israel said the victim was a father of two who wasn’t involved in crime and had been on his way home from work. His funeral was held at a Tel Aviv church on Tuesday.

Juji, one of the leaders of the Eritrean community, said after the funeral that the community demands a thorough police investigation. He added that ever since a massive brawl erupted between supporters and opponents of the Eritrean government in Tel Aviv earlier this month, the community has been living in fear.

“There’s enormous anger among our public, and we’re requesting help from the government and protection from regime supporters,” he said. “We feel afraid and insecure.”

Community members said there have been several incidents involving violence between regime supporters and opponents in Tel Aviv since the mass brawl, and people on both sides said they’re afraid to venture into certain parts of the city lest they be attacked. There have also been many violent incidents between the sides in the past, including a brawl in 2020 that ended with three regime opponents stabbing a regime supporter to death.

Almost 200 people were wounded in the mass brawl, in which the sides clashed not only with each other but with the police. Those clashes began when regime opponents vandalized a hall in Tel Aviv where the Eritrean Embassy had been planning to hold an event.

Dozens of Eritreans were arrested and then placed in administrative detention, meaning detention without trial – some without having been brought for a bail hearing first, and many without having legal representation in court. However, most were later released due to a lack of evidence against them.

Israel has granted collective protection to the 18,000 Eritreans living here, recognizing that even though it maintains diplomatic relations with Eritrea, the asylum seekers can’t be sent home due to their country’s dictatorial government. President Isaias Afwerki has ruled Eritrea since it acquired independence from Ethiopia in 1993.

Human rights organizations say that only a small percentage of these asylum seekers are regime supporters.



Martin Plaut

Sep 27

Source: Zeit

Updated September 23, 2023, 6:05 p.m 139 comments

Violence at Eritrea festivals: Eritrean soldiers march during Independence Day celebrations in the capital Asmara in May.

Eritrean soldiers march during Independence Day celebrations in the capital Asmara in May. © J. Countess/​Getty Images

No violence! He repeatedly impressed upon his group this, says Amanuel Zeru. When the situation escalated, he fell to his knees, his arms spread out like a cross, and some of his fellow soldiers did the same. They wanted to demonstrate peacefully against the regime that forced them to flee their homeland of Eritrea . And against those compatriots who continue to remain loyal to the dictatorship from Germany.

On July 8, thousands of supporters of the dictator Isayas Afewerki traveled to Giessen for the “Eritrea Festival,” an annual event that pays homage to the regime of the small East African country and raises money. Zeru and other opposition members wanted to prevent the event - not all of them only by peaceful means. Zeru later told ZEIT that no one in his group was armed But others had stones and bottles in their hands.

At the end of that day, the police in Giessen recorded several clashes in the city, over 100 arrests and 26 injured police officers. Amanuel Zeru also ended up in police custody.

In August there was violence at Eritrea festivals in Stockholm and Toronto, at the beginning of September in Tel Aviv, and a few days ago, on September 16th, there were again riots in Stuttgart on the occasion of an event close to the regime. Amanuel Zeru was not there. But again, numerous police officers were injured. “Foreign conflicts must not be fought in our country,” said Federal Interior Minister Nancy Faeser (SPD). The violent perpetrators must “feel the full severity of criminal law and immigration law,” said Baden-Württemberg’s Interior Minister Thomas Strobl (CDU). Statements that are intended to calm a rightly outraged public. The only question is: who brought this conflict to European and German soil?Newsletter

Eritrea is a small country in the Horn of Africa, its area is approximately the same as that of East Germany. In 1993, Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia after decades of war. The leader was Isayas Afewerki. The freedom hero soon turned out to be a despot. Afewerki, now 77 years old, has been president for 30 years without ever giving his people the opportunity to vote again. He turned Eritrea into a police state and introduced a "national service". It lasts six years or half a lifetime; Men and women can be drafted again at any time to perform forced labor or go to war. The fear of being attacked by larger countries has long since turned into a policy of permanent aggression.This article comes from ZEIT No. 40/2023. You can read the entire issue here.

Around a million Eritreans now live outside their home country. That's almost one in five. In Germany there are around 80,000. And almost everywhere in the diaspora there are two groups: on the one hand, those who left the country before it became independent. For them, Afewerki remains the hero of the freedom struggle; they celebrate their homeland in clubs, for example organizing themselves in the "Central Council of Eritreans in Germany", which organizes the Eritrea Festival in Giessen and is also connected to the event in Stuttgart. Similar events take place all over the world.

On the other hand, there is the growing number of young exiles like Amanuel Zeru, who now make up the majority in the Eritrean foreign community. For them, Afewerki is the dictator who forced them out of the country along the long sub-Saharan route, first to Sudan, then to Libya, then across the Mediterranean to Europe. To avoid national service, Amanuel Zeru came to Germany via this route at the age of 14. Many die while fleeing or are kidnapped and mistreated by smugglers in order to extort more money. In Germany, most Eritreans receive subsidiary protection; the recognition rate was recently 84 percent.

The conflict between the two camps has been escalating for years. Not only, but especially around the Eritrea Festival in Giessen. The event has been taking place in the Hessenhallen since 2011, accompanied by peaceful protests from the opposing side - until these escalated for the first time in 2022. Around 100 people broke away from the counter-demonstration and attacked helpers and festival guests as well as police officers with iron bars, knives and stones. 33 people were injured, the police spoke of an "excess of violence" and the festival did not take place.

Stuttgart: Police officers surround a group of participants during riots at an Eritrea event on September 16th. © Jason Chepljakov/​pa/​dpa

In mid-May, two months before this year's riots, Amanuel Zeru sits in the train station café in a medium-sized city and tells how his cell phone rang one night at the end of April. Amanuel Zeru bounces his legs, constantly plays with his car keys, and looks at passers-by. A few weeks earlier, he had tried to prevent the concert of an Eritrean pop star who is said to be close to the regime. He wanted to persuade the operator of the concert hall to cancel. Amanuel Zeru believes that word has got around in circles loyal to the regime. Hence the late night call. On the other end: the man known in the exile community as "Bob."

Zeru documented the call, so the conversation went like this:

Bob: "Look, I know where you live. You have two kids, think about them."

Amanuel Zeru: "Don't talk about my children!"

Bob: "One bullet from an Albanian is enough. I'll make sure you end up in a wheelchair."

Since then, says Amanuel Zeru, he has avoided leaving the house in the evenings.

If you talk to opposition Eritreans in Germany, the name "Bob" is always mentioned when they report threats and gangs of thugs. Also in ZEIT 's conversation with an opposition Eritrean in exile in Kassel, who stated that men asked him on the street a few days after the 2022 Eritrea Festival whether he had been involved in the protest against the festival. They then tried to pull him into a minibus. The man filed a complaint, as did another exile who was apparently threatened by the same group shortly afterwards. He also stated that he had previously received a threatening call from “Bob”. After two months, the Kassel public prosecutor's office stopped the investigation: "A perpetrator could not be identified," she wrote.

The name "Bob" is also mentioned when exiles talk about a group that allegedly acts in the service of the regime abroad: Eri-Blood.

The organization is not registered in any association register, there is no clubhouse, no board of directors. But there are many alleged attacks on dissidents. A 2017 study, commissioned by the Dutch Foreign Ministry, mentions arson in Sweden and spying attempts in the Netherlands. Suspected Eri Blood members also drove cars into groups of people in Norway and Italy. The study describes Eri-Blood as the "militant wing" of the only authorized party in Eritrea, Afewerki's "Popular Front for Democracy and Justice."

Members of the Central Council of Eritreans in Germany, a kind of umbrella organization for pro-regime associations, referred to Eri-Blood as "our security guards" at an internal event last year, a recording of which is available to ZEIT. The association's board did not want to comment on this to ZEIT.

During the Eritrea Festival in Giessen in July 2023, the Hessian YouTuber Joachim Schaefer approached men at the gate to the exhibition center who acted like security forces but were clearly not part of the official security company. In the video, Schaefer asks the men if they belonged to Eri-Blood. On their black T-shirts there is a red "52", which could stand for the fifth and second letters in the Latin alphabet, for "E" and "B", possibly a code for Eri-Blood. The men avoided Schaefer's questions.

A man in his 50s also appears in his video, with a silvery beard, a stern look, a bright voice, and he is missing one front tooth. He appears dominant; you get the impression that the men in the black T-shirts are listening to him. “What’s the problem with celebrating a dictator?” he asks in the video. When Schaefer released his film two days later, he received a call from the man complaining. The number is the same as the threatening call to Amanuel Zeru. The man in the video is apparently "Bob". By the time of going to press, ZEIT had attempted to contact “Bob” several times at this cell phone number. Without success.

“Bob's” real name is known in the diaspora: Neamin Bereket M. ZEIT asked various Hessian security authorities about possible investigations and their level of knowledge about Eri-Blood and “Bob's” role. The tenor of the answers: Nobody knows anything about the structures of the regime in Germany. So far, there are no “specific facts known in which there were threats or physical attacks by supporters of the Eritrean regime against opposition members,” says the Hesse State Criminal Police Office.

Why does a poor country in the Horn of Africa need a thugs in Europe? Why is it so intent on controlling its diaspora? Because it's worth it. The CIA estimates that almost a third of Eritrean gross domestic product comes from diaspora remittances.

Israel: Girls play in an Eritrean community center in Eilat. Thousands of Eritreans live in Israel. There were riots in Tel Aviv in September. © Laetitia Vancon/​NYT/​Redux/​laif

The central flow of this foreign currency, which is valuable for the dictatorship, is the “diaspora tax”: two percent of the annual net income of Eritreans abroad – for life. Those loyal to the regime pay them voluntarily, while opponents of the regime have to pay them if they want to use embassy or consulate services. The diaspora tax has been officially banned in Germany since 2011.

Amanuel Zeru refuses to help finance the regime he fled. That's why he applied for German citizenship after 16 years in Germany. Because the immigration authorities required proof of Eritrean identity, he would have had to go to the consulate general or the embassy. Zeru refused, and the authority requested a written statement. He presented it in 2019. Nothing has happened since then, he says.

“Eritrea is doing a lot to control its diaspora,” says Marcel Kasprzyk. "And German authorities are doing little to counter this." The Frankfurt lawyer with a focus on migration law represents numerous refugees from Eritrea. As a rule, according to Kasprzyk, refugees arrive in Germany without papers. Some never had them, others had them taken from them while they were fleeing, others lost them or destroyed them to avoid being sent back to Eritrea. By requiring official Eritrean identity proof for naturalization, permanent residence permits, family reunification or marriage, the German authorities are forcing refugees back into the arms of the regime. And that, says Kasprzyk, requires not only money, but also penance.

"Taesa" is the name of the declaration of repentance that opposition Eritreans have to sign at the embassy or consulate general. ZEIT has the original and an English translation of the document. In it, the refugees have to reveal private data and explain in detail how they escaped. And they must sign that they regret violating their “national duties” and will accept “appropriate measures.” They will only find out what happens to them if they return to Eritrea at some point. "The Taesa hangs over them like the sword of Damocles," says Marcel Kasprzyk, the lawyer.

In October 2022, the Federal Administrative Court ruled that it was unreasonable to put those seeking protection in such a situation. An important judgment, says Kasprzyk. But the responsible authorities are slow to change their practices.

Other countries are taking more decisive action. For example, in 2018, the Netherlands expelled a high-ranking Eritrean diplomat because refugees continued to be forced to pay the diaspora tax.

Amanuel Zeru is now waiting for further news from the police. A week before the festival in Gießen, he received a “threat speech” because he was already there in 2022 when the protests against the festival escalated for the first time. The official note said he should stay away from the demonstration this time: “Avoid any further potentially criminal behavior!”

After his arrest in July 2023, he sat in a cell for 24 hours. He cried, he says, because the regime was drinking and dancing outside - and because he feared for his residence permit. He has not yet heard anything from the Giessen police, who are now investigating 125 cases on suspicion of bodily harm and breach of the peace.

In response to a request from ZEIT, the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Hesse said it was currently examining in detail "the extent to which anti-constitutional efforts are emanating from individual people and/or groups of people with a connection to Eritrea." It remains unclear whether this refers to the opposition members who network across Europe or groups close to the regime such as Eri-Blood.

Two weeks after the Eritrea Festival in Giessen, Amanuel Zeru took part in a meeting of hundreds of opponents of the Eritrean dictatorship in Hanau, some of whom came from the USA and Australia. For Zeru it was an important event; he hopes that the younger generation, the dictator's opponents, will soon set the tone in the diaspora. On the eve of the meeting in Hanau, around 20 men attacked a meeting point of the Eritrean opposition in Frankfurt. They broke windows and car windows. The police are investigating.

 

Thursday, 28 September 2023 21:31

Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 28.09.2023

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ቅድሚ ክልተ ዓመት እስራኤል ዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ሸከል ንኤምባሲ ኤርትራ ምኽፋላ ተሓቢሩ። ላዕለዎት ሰበስልጣን ሰብ መዚ ህዝብን ኢሚግሬሽንን እስራኤል፡ እቲ ገንዘብ ነቶም ካብ እስራኤል ብድልየቶም ናብ ሃገሮም ክምለሱ ተሰማሚዖም ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት መሳለጢ ሰነዳቶም ዝዓለመ ምዃኑ እዮም ዝገልጹ። እቲ ምስግጋር ናይ ሰነዳት ኣብ መንጎ እቲ ትካልን ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂን ዘሎ ርክብ ዘርኢ መርትዖ እዩ ተባሂሉውን ይዝረበሉ።

እዚ ገንዘብዚ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ህዝቢ፤ ኢምግረሽንን ሚኒስትሪ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳያን ቅድሚ ክልተ ዓመታት ነቲ መደብ ንምስልሳል እስራኤል ንኤምባሲ ኤርትራ ዝኸፈለቶ ከምዝኾነ ምርግጋጾም ሃረትዝ ዝተባህለት ማዕከን ዜና ብዕለት 25 መስከረም 2023 ኣብዝወጸ ሕታማ ገሊጻ‘ላ።

ኣብ ዝሓለፉ ዓመታት ኤርትራ እታ ሓንቲ ንዝኾነ ይኹን ኣገልግሎት ካብ ትካል ኢሚግሬሽን እስራኤል ገንዘብ ዝረኸበት እንኮ ሃገር ከምዝኾንት‘ውን እቲ መጽናዕቲ ኣረጋጊጹ ኣሎ።  እቲ ትካል ነዚ መስርሕ ብዝምልከት ካብ‘ታ ማዕከን ዜና ሃረትዝ ንዝቐረበሉ ወኸሳታት ኣብ ዝሃቦ መልሲ፣  ገና እቲ ግዳይ ግዜ ዝወስድንንሳምንታት ኣኼባታት ብምክያድ ብዝርዝር ክዝረበሉ ከምዝኾነ‘ውን ኣካያዳ ናይቲ ትካላ ገሊጹ ምህላዉ ተፈሊጡ።

ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ፣ እቲ ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከብ  ኣካያዲ ስራሕ ቤት ጽሕፈት ህግደፍ፣ ውሳኔታት ክወስድ ነጻነት ስለዘይብሉን ስለዘይክእልን፣ ካብ ኣስመራ ቀጥታዊ መምርሒታት ከምዝጽበን ከምዝቕበልን  ምንጭታት  እስራኤል ጠቂሱ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ዕለት 23 ክሳብ 24 መስከረም 2023 ኣብ ዘሎ ግዜ፣ ብኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው ገረዝግሄር ተወልደ ዝተመርሐ መቐጸልታ ቀዳማይ አኼባኡ ኣሰላሲሉ። ኣብ መክፈቲ ናይቲ ኣኼባ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ንተገዳስነትን ተሳትፎን ኣባላት ድሕሪ ምምስጋን፣ ኣብ ሰልፋዊ ኮነ ሃገራውን ህዝባውን ጉዳያት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝህልዎ ትስፉው መጻእን ናይ ስራሕ ኣሳልጦን ዘለዎ ባህጊ ገሊጹ።

ኣስዒቡ፣ ድሕሪ መረጻ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ብዓንቀጽ 5.14.6 ቅዋማዊ ናይ ርኽክብ ግዜን መሰረት፣ ሓድሽ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ምሉእ ናይ ስራሕ ርኽክብ ድሕሪ ምስልሳሉ ፈጺሙ ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ዝግበር ዘሎ ኣኼባ ብምዃኑ፣ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ፣ ኣኼባ ዝተጸዋዓሎም  ሰለስተ መሰረታዊ ጉዳያት መብርሂ ብምቕራብ’ዩ ተጀሚሩ።

በቲ ዝተታሕዘ ኣጀንዳ መሰረት፣ እቲ ቀዳማይ ነጥቢ፣ብዓንቀጽ 7.1.1 መሰረት ንመረጻ ጠቕላላ ተቆጻጻሪ ገንዘብን ንብረትን ሰልፊ ዝምልከት ክኸውን ከሎ  ኣብቲ ክፍሊ ብዝጸንሐ ናይ ስራሕ ጽፈትን ኣሰራርሓን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፣ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሓው ፍጹም ኢሳቕ ጠቕላላ ተቆጻጻሪ ሰልፊ ኮይኑ ንኸገልግል ማእከላይ ባይቶ ብምሉእ ድምጺ ኣጽዲቑ።

ቀጺሉ ዝሳዓበ ኣጀንዳ ዓመታዊ መደብ ዕዮ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ሰልፍን ምቛም ምምሕዳራቱን ኮይኑ፣ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኣባል ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣቐዲሙ ናብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣቦ መንበር ብዘቕረቦ ንድፊ መሰረት፣ ክሳብ ነሓሰ 2024 ዘሎ ግዜ ከዐውቶም ዘለዎ ናይ ርሑቑን ናይ ቀረባን ትልሚ ትግባረ ዕማማትን ዝረቑሖም መሳርሕቱን  ኣብ ኣኼባ ባይቶ ምስ ዝርዝር መብርሂታት ቀሪቡ። ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ብትሻዓተ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈታት ንዝቐረበ ዓመታዊ መደብ ዕዮ፣ ሓደ ብሓደ ድሕሪ ምዝርራብ፣ ምስ ዝቐረቡ ተወሰኽቲ ሓሳባትን ምምሕያሻትን ኣጽዲቁ። ብናይ 4ይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ለበዋታት መሰረት ድማ ኩሉም ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶን ካድራት ሰልፍን ብኽእለቶምን ሞይኦምን ኣብ ዘፍርይሉ ትካላት ክምደቡ ከምዝግባእ ባይቶ ደጊሙ ኣረጋጊጹ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ፣  ነቲ ዳርጋ 4 ዓመታት ዝወሰደ ልዝብ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራን ኣብ ሓምለ 14.2023 ግዝያዊ ሓባራዊ መሪሕነት ንምቛም ዝበጽሖ ስምምዕን፣ ኣገዳስነቱ ኮነ ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ መድረኽ ዘለዎ ዕዙዙነት ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ሰፊሕን ግዜ ዝወሰደን ክታዓት ኣካይዱ። ምዕዋት መስርሕ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ዋላ’ኳ ነዊሕ ግዜ ዝወሰደ እንተኾነ፣ ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ንዝተኻየደ ጻዕርታት ንኢዱ፡ ክሳብዚ እዋ’ዚ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ በጺሕዎ ንዘሎ ስምምዓት ቅኑዕ መዋጽኦ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ምዃኑ ድማ ርእዩ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ወጽዓ ንላዕሊ ክጸውር ስለዘይክእልን ማዕረ ድልየቱን ድሕነቱን ንምስጓም፡  ዝተበጽሐ ስምምዓት ንድሕሪት ከይምለስን ንዘጋጥሙ ዕንቅፋታት ንምውጋድን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝካኣሎ እወንታዊ ግደ ንከበርክት ከይተሓለሎ ክጽዕር ከምዝግባእ ኣተኣማሚኑ። ኣብ ምቅልጣፍ ምቛም ሓባራዊ ግዝያዊ መሪሕነት ንዝተቐልቀሉ ናእሽቱ ጸገማት ክስገሩን ክሳብ ክንደይ እዮም ማዕረ ድልየትን ባህግን መላእ ህዝቢ ዝስርዑ ንዝብልውን ኣስተብህሎ ከምዝደሊ ኣኼባ ኣገንዚቡ።

መስርሕ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ኣብዚ ከይተደርተ መሊኡ ንኽዕወትን ውድቐት ህግደፍ ንምቅልጣፍን፣ ነቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዝተሰማማዓሉ መቆሚታት ዝቕበል ኩሉ ተቓዋሚ ኣካል፣ ክሳተፎ ተደላይነት ከም ዘለዎን ጻዕርታት ክግበር ከምዝግባኣን’ውን ኣኼባ ባይቶ ገምጊሙ።

ኣብ መጠረስታ፣ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሓገዝቲ ናይ ስራሕ ለበዋታትን ተወሰኽቲ ሓሳባትን ብምቕራብ እዩ ኣኼባኡ ደምዲሙ።

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