Saturday, 31 August 2019 11:44

Liberty Magazine Issue No. 58

Written by
Saturday, 31 August 2019 11:37

Liberty Magazine Issue No. 58

Written by

Bi-Monthly English Organ of the Eritrean People’ s Democratic Party - EPDP

'ምሩኻት ኲናት' ዶባዊ ግጭት ኤርትራን ጂቡቲን Image copyright Elsa Chyrum

ኣብ ጂቡቲ፡ ንኣስታት ሸሞንተ ዓመታት ተኣሲሮም ዝነበሩ 'ምሩኻት' ኤርትራውያን ከም ስደተኛታት ናብ ካናዳ ኣትዮም።

እቶም 19 ኤርትራውያን፡ ካብ 2008 ክሳብ 2016 ከም ምሩኻት ኲናት ን8 ዓመታት ብመንግስቲ ጂቡቲ ተታሒዞም ዝጸንሑ'ዮም።

ኤርትራን ጂቡቲን ብጉዳይ ምስሕሓብ ዶብ ኣብ 2008 ናብ ኲናት ኣትየን ምንባረን ይዝከር።

ኣብቲ ዓመት ዝተኻደ ውግእ፡ ጂቡቲ ነቶም 19 ከም ዝማረኸትን፡ ኤርትራ ዝማረኸቶም ወታሃደራት ጂቡቲ ከም የዘለዉ'ውን ክትገልጽ ከምዝጸንሓት ተሓላቒት ሰባዊ መሰላት፡ ኤልሳ ጭሩም ንቢቢሲ ተዛሪባ።

እንተኾነ ግን፡ ኤርትራ፡ ዝተማረኻን ዝማረኸቶን ወታሃደር ከም ዘየለን ክትገልጽ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ፡ ብመንጎኝነት መንግስቲ ቐጠር [ኳታር] ኣብ 2016፡ ኣርባዕተ ወታሃደራት ጂቡቲ ፈቲሓ።

መንግስቲ ጂቡቲ ብወገኑ፡ ነቶም ከም ምሩኻት ሒዝዎም ዝጸንሐ ኤርትራውያን፡ ሃገሮም ስለዘይኣመነትሎም ኣብታ ሃገር ከም ሓተትቲ ዑቕባ ኮይኖም ክጸንሑ ፈቲሕዎም።

"ማሕበርና ሓልዮት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡ ንመንግስቲ ጂቡቲ፡ ንዓለምለኻዊ ማሕበር ቀይሕ መስቀል፡ ዩ ኤን ኤች ሲ ኣር፡ ካብ 2013 ጀሚርና፡ መንግስቲ ጂቡቲ ይቐረ ኢሉ ክፈትሖምን ናብ ሳልሳይ ሃገር ክጣየሱን ክንጉስጉስን ክንላቦን ጸኒሕና ኢና። መወዳእትኡ ግን፡ መንግስቲ ጂቡቲ ኣብ 2016 ይቕረ ኢሉሎም፡ ካብኡ ድማ ዝወስድኦም ሃገራት ክድለየሎም ክሳብ ሕጂ ጸኒሖም፡ ኣብ መወዳእታ ካናዳ ተቐቢላቶም" ትብል ዳይረክትር ናይቲ ማሕበር ወይዘሮ ኤልሳ ጭሩም።

ኤርትራ ኣፍልጦ ስለዘይሃበቶም፡ ''ሃገር-ኣልቦ'' ኮይኖም ከም ዝጸንሑ ወይዘሮ ኣልሳ ሓቢራ።

ኣብ ጂቡቲ ከም ምሩኻት ኲናት ተኣሲሮምሉ ኣብ ዝነበሩሉ እዋን፡ ኣብ ጋዳን ዝተባህለ ጹኑዕ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ተታሒዞም ምንባሮምን፡ ንፈለማ ግዜ ብኣካል ክትረኽቦም ዝኸኣለት ኤርትራዊት ምንባራ'ውን ኤልሳ ገሊጻ።

ኤልሳ ጭሩም (የማን) ኣብ መጋባእያ ቤት ምኽሪ ሰባዊ መሰላት ውሕሃ 2019 Image copyright UN Web TV ናይ ምስሊ መግለጺ ኤልሳ ጭሩም (የማን) ካብ ማእሰርቲ ዝወጽእሉ መንገድታ ንምንዳይ ክትጽዕር ዝጸንሐት ተሓላቒት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት'ያ

ኣተሓሕዘኦም ሕማቕ ብምንባሩ'ውን፡ ገለ ካብኦም ናይ ጥዕና ጸገማት ከም ዘጋጠሞምን፡ ኣብ ካናዳ፡ ኣብ ሆስፒታል ሕክምናዊ ሬድኤት ይግበረሎም ከም ዘሎን ጠቒሳ።

ብሰንኪ እቲ ዶባዊ ኲናት፡ ጂቡቲን ኤርትራን ዲፕሎማስያዊ ዝመድንአን በቲኸን'የን ጸኒሐን። ስምምዕ ሰላምን ምሕዝነትን ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ስዒቡ ግን፡ ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ግዘ ንፈለማ እዋን ሚኒስተር ጉዳያት ወጻኢ ኤርትራ ናብታ ሃገር ብምብጻሕ ምስ መራሕቲ ጂቡቲ ተዘራሪቡ ነይሩ።

ይኹን እምበር፡ ዛጊት ዲፕሎማስያዊ ይኹን ካልእ ርክባተን ናብ ንቡር ኣይተመልሰን ዘሎ።

ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን፡ ካብ ገደብ ኣልቦ ዕስክርና፡ ሃይማኖታዊ ምስዳድ ይኹን ካልኦት ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ሃዲሞም ናብ ስደት ክውሕዙ ጸኒሖም'ዮም።

መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ግን፡ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ምስ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ኣብ ጎንጺ ዘምረሐ ዶባዊ ምስሕሓብን፡ ስደት መንእሰያትን፡ ብምዕራባውያን ሃገራት ኮነ ኢልካ ዝተወጠነን ዝተወደበን "ውዲት" ክብል የማርር።

Source=https://www.bbc.com/tigrinya/news-49531784

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ፡ ሰዲህኤ

ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ማዕረ ምግሃድ ኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ዝዕድመኡ ነዊሕ እዩ። ኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ካብ እትፍለጥ፡ ባህርያቱን ደረጃታቱን ደኣ ይቀያየር እምበር ህዝባ ካብ ቃልሲ ዓዲ ውዒሉ ኣይፈልጥን። ኩሉ ቃልሱ ከኣ ዘይናትካ ኣብ ምድላይን ዘይግዝኣትካ ምውራርን ዘድሃበ ዘይኮነ፡ መሰልካ ናይ ምውሓስ ግደነታዊ ሓላፍነት እዩ ነይሩ። እቶም ኣንጻርዚ መሰረታዊ መሰላቱ ስለ ዝኾኑ ክቃለሶም ዝጸንሐ ሓይልታት  ንሓንሳብ ግዳማውያን ንሓንሳብ ከኣ ውሽጣውያን ኮይኖም፡ ብትሕዝተኦም ግና ዘይፈላለዩ ኣንጻር ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ከም ሃገርን ኣንጻር ህዝባ ከም ሓታቲ መሰልን እዮም።

ነቲ ዝተናውሐን ክሳብ ሕጂ ቀጻሊ ዘሎን ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ህዝብና ኣብ ውሱን ኣጋጣሚ ምዝርዛር ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። በመሰረቱ’ውን ኣብዚ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ’ዚ እነድህበሉ፡ እዋኑ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ መበል 58 ዓመት ባሕቲ መስከረም (1961-2019) ምጅማር ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ። ባሕቲ መስከረም 1961 ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “ሀ” ኢሉ ዝጀመረሉ ዘይኮነ፡ ናብ ሓድሽን በሊሕን ምዕራፍ ቃልሲ ዝተሰጋገረሉ እዩ። ነቲ  ቅድሚኡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ክሕቆን ዝጸንሐ ፖለቲካዊ ማዕበል፡ ናብ ተራጻሚ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዝተሰጋገረሉ እዩ። እቲ ኣጋጣሚ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ተመኩሮ ኤርትራ፡ ዓብይ ነጥበ-መቐይሮ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ነታ ነዚ ዘበሰረት ዕለት ባሕቲ መስከረም ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ወትሩ ክንዝክራ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ጸጋታትን ውርሻታትን ባሕቲ መስከረም ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ጥራይ እንዝክሮ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ ዕለታዊ ህይወትና ግቡእ ቦታ ኣለዋ።   ኣጋጣሚ ባሕቲ መስከረም ብዙሕ ምስጢራት ዝሓቖፈት ስለ ዝኾነት፡ ነቲ ቃልሲ ዘበሰረትን መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራን ህዝባን ዘመላኸተት’ውን እያ። ኣብቲ ናይ ክሳብ ሎሚ መስርሕ ቃልስና ዝሓለፉ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ብዘይኣፈላላይ፡ ብዓብይኡ ከኣ ነቲ ዘይከኣል ዝመስል ዝነበረ ከም ዝከኣል ዝገበረ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኣጋጣሚ ባሕቲ መስከረም ክዝከሩ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ መስዋእቶም ክምጐሱ፡ ንናይ መጻኢ ቃልሲ ከኣ ዝዕደሙ ኣካላት እዮም። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ድማ ሓደ ተግባር ክንፍጽም እንከለና “ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ” ብዝብል ሕድሪ እንክትም።

ኣብዚ ኣብ ውሽጡ ብዙሓት ምስጢራት ዝሓቖፈ ናይ 58 ዓመታት ተኸታታሊ ቃልሲ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዙሓት ተስፋ ዝህቡን ተስፋ ዘቑርጹን፡ ዘዕዉቱን ዘስዕሩን፡ ዘቀራርቡን ዘረሓሕቑን ተዘክሮታት ተራእዮም እዮም። ኮታ ሓደ ብደሆ ክሓልፍ እንከሎ ብካልእ ብደሆ እንዳተከኦ እዩ ቃልስና ክቕጽል ጸኒሑን ዘሎን። ናይቲ ካብ ዓቕሞም ንላዕሊ ዝኾነ እከይ ተግባራት ወራሪ ሓይሊ’ኳ ካብኡ ካልእ ስለ ዘይትጽበ፡ ዝኾነ መኾነ።  ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ ብሰንኪ፡ ጉዳዩ ብግቡእ ክሕዝ ዘይምብቅዑ ንኤርትራዊ ከጋጥሞ ዝጸንሐ ሕድሕዳዊ ግጭትን ክሳርኡን ግና ተጣዒስካ ዘይምለስ፡ እንደጋና ከም ዘይድገም ምግባሩ ዝከኣል፡ ኣዝዩ ኮርኳሕ መንገዲ እዩ ክጐዓዝ ጸኒሑ። ቃልስና ሕጂ እውን ጌና ካብዚ ኩርኳሕ ጉዕዞ ኣይወጸአን ዘሎ።

ባሕቲ መስከረም  ነዚ ጌና ዘይተዛዘመ ቃልስና ዘበሰረት ታሪኻዊት ዕለት ብምዃና ክንዝክራን ከነጸንብላን ግድን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እንሆ ከምኡ ክንገብር ጸኒሕና። እንተኾነ እዛ ዕለት እያ ዘይትቕየር እምበር እቲ ክንዝክራ እንከለና ዝኸበና ህሞትስ፡ ከከም ናይቲ እዋን ምዕብልናታት ክቀያየር ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ድሕሪ 10 ዓመታት ምብሳር ብረታዊ ቃልስና 1971 ኣብ ተሓኤ ዝተራእየ ምፍንጫል፡ ድሕሪ 20 ዓመት ምብሳር ብረታዊ ቃልስና ብ1981 ሓያል ውግእ ሕድሕድን ምብሓት ሜዳ ኤርትራ ብህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራን ህዝባዊ ወያነት ሓርነት ትግራይን፡ ድሕሪ 30 ዓመታት ምብሳር ብረታዊ ቃልስና 1991 ኤርትራ ካብ መግዛእቲ ኢትዮጵያ ናጻ ምውጸኣ፥ ድሕሪ 40 ዓመታት ምብሳር ብረታዊ ቃልስና 2001 ምእሳር ነባራት መራሕትን ላዕለዎት ካድራትን ህግሓኤን ምዕጻው ውልዶ ናይ ብሕቲ ሚድያን ብህግዲፍ፡ ኩሎም እዚኣቶም ኣብቲ ናይ 58 ዓመታት ነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ነናቶም ንኡስ ምዕራፋትን ጽልዋን ዘለዎም ተረኽቦታት እዮም። እዚ ውረድ ደይብ ኣብቶም ቀጥታዊ ተዋሳእቱ ጥራይ ተደሪቱ ዝተርፍ ዝነበረ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣሉታዊ ኮነ ኣውንታዊ ሳዕቤናቱ፡ ኣብ ጥቕላላ ህይወት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝነበሮን ዘለዎን ስንብራት ቀሊል ኣይኮነን።

እነሆ መበል 58 ዓመት ባሕቲ መስከረም ምጅማር ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እውን፡ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሳ ጽልዋ ሒዛ መጺኣ። ከምተን ቅድሚኣ ዝነበራ ባሕትታት መስከረም ከኣ ሓላፍነት ከተሰክመና እያ። ሎሚ ከቢበሙና ዘለዉ ምዕባለታት መብዛሕትኦም ዓሚ፡ ቅድሚ ዓምን ቅድሚኡን ዝነበሩ ክነሶም ውሱን ምዕብልና ዘርኣዩ እዮም። መብዛሕተኦም ከኣ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ተስፋ ዝህቡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ግና ብደሆና መሊሶም ዘዕዝዙ ኮይኖም ንረኽቦም። ህዝብና ኣብ መስርዕ ቃልሲ ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ህግዲፍ ሎሚ’ውን ቀጥ ኢሉ ጸኒዑ ምህላዉን ብሳላዚ ጽንዓቱ፡ ሰግኣት ህግዲፍ ይዓርግ ምህላዉ ተስፋ ዝህብ ተርእዮ እዩ። ናብ ደረጃ “ይኣክል” ምምድያቡ ከኣ ናይዚ ተደራቢ መርኣያ እዩ። ናይ ይኣክል ምልዕዓል ኣብ ዝጭበጥ ውጽኢት ንክበጽሕ ብዙሕ ምውሕሓጥ፡ ምርድዳእን ምውድዳብን ከም ዝተርፈና፡  ኣብዚ  ታሪኻዊ ዕለት ከነስተውዕለሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ብሰንኪ ህግዲፍ ሓፈሻዊ መነባብሮን ህይወትን ህዝብና ካብ ዝሓመቐ ናብ ኣዝዩ ዝኸፈአ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ፡ ሃገርና መንእሰይ ዝሓረማ ኮይና፡ ናይ ብርሰት ደበና የንጸላልዋ ከም ዘሎ ክስቆረና ይግበኦ። ናይ “ርድኡንን ኣድሕኑንን” ኣውያት ሃገርና ከኣ ዓው ኢሉ ይስማዕ ኣሎ።  ንሕና ሓቢርና  “ኣለናልኪ” ኢልና ልሳን’ቲ   ተዓቢሱ ዘሎ ህዝባና ክንከውን ዘይምኽኣልና ክብደት ናይቲ ኣብ ኣብ እንግደዓና ዘሎ ብድሆ ዘመልክት እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ባሕቲ መስከረም፡ ናይ ቃል ዘይኮነ ናይ ተግባር ይኣክል ከነበርኽ ንጥለብ ኣለና።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንመበል 58 ዓመት ባሕቲ መስከረም ኣብ ጽባሕ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአና ኢና እንቕበላ ዘለና። እዚ ከኣ  ካብ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኣቀባብላና ንባሕቲ መስከረም ዝተፈልየ ይገብሮ። ምእንቲ ብግብሪ ዝተፈልየ ክኸውን ከኣ ሓቢርካ ብምስራሕ ድሕነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ምድሓን ዘቐድም ውሳነታት ጉባአና ከነተግብር፡ ክንቃለስ ምዃና ኣብ ታሪኻዊ መበል 58 ዓመት ባሕቲ መስከረም ቃል ንኣቱ።

ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ

1 መስከረም 2019

ኣብ መንጎ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታትን ምምሕዳር ህግዲፍን ዘሎ ፍልልይን ሓድነትን ብዙሕ ዝርዝር ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ብሓጺሩ ክጥቀስ እንከሎ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራውያን ዘሎ ናይ ጨቋንን ነቲ ጭቆና ኣወጉዱ ራህዋ ከረጋግጽ ዝቃለስ ወገንን ዘሎ ተጻራሪ ዝምድና እዩ ኢልካ ምስፋሩ ዝከኣል እዩ። እቶም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት እውን መሰረታዊ ከምዘይኮነ እንሰማማዓሉ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባታት ፍልልይ ኣለና። ብዙሓት ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ናይ ምዃና ምስጢር ከኣ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባና ብዙሕነት እዩ።

ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት፡ ኤርትራውነትና፡ ንሉኣላውነት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ዘለና ክብርን ምእዙዝነትን፥ ንኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ዘለና ኣቀባብላ፡ ብዓብይኡ ከኣ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓትን ናይ ጭቆና መሓውሩን ክውገድ፡ ኣብ ዝብሉ ጉዳያት ፍልልይ የብልናን። እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ ግና፡ ኣብቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ኣወጊድካ ብዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ንምትክኡ እንጐዓዘሉ ጐደና ንፈላለየሎም ጉዳያት ኣለዉ። ብእምነት  ኩልና፡ ብሓፈሽኡ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ህግዲፍ ሰላም፡ ዲሞክራስን ልምዓት ዝዓሰላ ክትከውን ኣብ ዝብል’ኳ ናይ ሓባር ተረድኦ እንተሃለወና፡ ናይዚ ድሕሪ ህግዲፍ ንብህጎ ስርዓት ዝርዝር ትሕዝቶ ብሓባር ከይንቃለስ ዝዕንቅፉ ንኡሳን ፍልልያት ኣለዉና። እዞም ንኡሳን ፍልልያት፡ ኣከኣኢሉ ብሓባር ክወፍር ልባዊ ቅሩብነትን ተወፋይነትን ንዘለዎ ኣጸገምቲ ኣይኮኑን። ብውሽጡ ብሓባር ንምቅላስ ዘይተቐረበ ወገን ግና፡ ነቶም ንኡሳን ፍልልያት ኣዕብዩ መፈላለይቲ ክገብሮም ይኽእል እዩ። ከምቲ “እምብዛ እንተጠሚትካዮ ጸባ’ውን ይጽልም” ዝበሃል።

እቲ ካብ ዝብሰር 58 ዓመት ዝገበረ ዝተናወሐ ቃልስና ምእንቲ ሉኣላዊትን ፍትሓዊትን ኤርትራ ብዝተፈላለዩ ምዕራፍት እዩ ሓሊፉ። ካብቲ ምዕራፍት ዝተተግበረ ኣሎ። ንመጻኢ እንትግብሮ’ውን ኣብ ቅድሜና ኣሎ። መጻኢ ቃልስና ብውሕዱ ህግደፍ ናይ ምውጋድን፡ ኣብ ዑናታቱ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ናይ ምህናጽን ምዕራፋት ዝሓቁፍ’ዩ ክንብሎ ንኽእል። ንተመሳሳልነትን ፍልልይን ኣብ ዝምልከት ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ብዙሕ ፍልልይ ኣይረኣይን። ኣብቲ ካለኣይ ምዕራፍ ግና ብሓባር ምቅላስ’ኳ ዘይከልኡ እንተኾኑ ኣብ ዝተወሰኑ ጉዳያት ፍልልይ ይንጸባረቑ እዮም። እዚ ክልቲኡ ምዕራፋት ኣብ ሓድሕዱ ኣዝዩ ዝጸላለው እምበር ነጻጺልካ ዝረአ ኣይኮነን። ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ እንተዘየዕዊትና ነጢርና ካለኣይ ምዕራፍ ከነዕውት ኣይንኽእልን። ኮታ ምዕዋት እቲ “ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ” ዝማእከሉ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ፡ ንምዕዋት እቲ ምህናጽ ሕገመንግስታዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ዝማእከሉ ካለኣይም ምዕራፍ ቅድመ-ኩነት እዩ። ብንጹር ኣገላልጻ ህግዲፍ ኣብ ዘይተወገደላ ኤርትራ፡ ሰላም፡ ልምዓት፡ ዲሞክራስን ልዕልና ህዝብን ዘውሕስ ስርዓት ምትካል ስለ ዘይከኣል።

እዚ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባታትና ንርእዮ ዘለና ምምስሳልን ምፍልላይን፡ ኣባና ዝተጀመረ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ብዙሓት ብብዙሕነት ዝወቀባ ሃገራት ዘጋጥም ተርእዮ እዩ። ኣብቲ ዘመሳስለካ ኣትኪልካ፡ ነቲ ፍልልይታካ ከኣ ኣከኣኢልካ ምዕዋት ዝከኣል ምዃኑ እውን ኣብ ብዙሓት ተመኩሮታት ተመስኪሩ እዩ። ስለዚ ንመስርሕ ፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ንሕና እንተዘይክኣልናዮ፡ ስለ ዘይከኣል ዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ምክእኣል ዓቕምና ስለ ዘይበቐዖ እዩ ክኸውን። ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመኩሮና ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ዘሕብን ኣይኮነን። ዘሕብን ኣይኮነን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ዘመዝገብናዮ፡ ናይ ግዜ፡ ንዋትን ህይወትን ዋጋ  ቀሊል ኣይነበረን። ሕጂ ነዚ ዝሓለፈ ክሳራ ክንመልሶ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። ነቲ ኣኽሳሪ ተመኩሮ  ከምዘይድገም ምግባሩ ግና ዝከኣልን ኣብ ዝባና  ዘሎ ሓላፍነትን እዩ።

ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ምእንቲ ከነድምዕ ክንዝንገዖም ዘይግበኣና ሓያሎ መሰረታዊ ጉዳያት ኣለዉ። ኤርትራ ብዙሕነታዊት ሃገር ስለ ዝኾነት፡ እዚ ብዙሕነት ዝወልዶ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልይ ከም ዝህሉ ከሎ ጌና ምርዳእ የድልየና። ነዚ ፍልልያት ክንፈርሖ ወይ ካብኡ ክንሃድ ዘይኮነ፡ ከም ጸጋ ወሲድና ካብ ምምሕዳሩ ካልእ መተካእታ ከምዘየብልና ክንእመን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ንዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ብፍላይ ከኣ ነቲ ኣሉታዊ ክንመሃረሉ እምበር ክንደግሞ ከም ዘይግበኣና ናተይ ኢልና ክንሓስበሉ ዝግበኣና እዩ። ማለት ነቲ “ንታሪኽን ሕሉፍን ኣይንረሰዓዮ፡ እንተኾነ ናቱ እሱራት ክንከውን ኣይግበናን” ዝብል ብግብሪ ክንስቆረና ይግባእ። ኣብ ሎሚ እንዳነበርና፡ ንጽባሕ ረሲዕና ንድሕሪት ተመሊስና ብዛዕባ ትማሊ ጥራይ ክንሓስብ እንተኾይና ግና ከምቲ “ዝገበረኒ ክገብር ዓዲ ነየጋብር” ዝበሃል፡ ግዳይ ሕነ ምፍድዳይን መፍቶ ህግዲፍን ክንከውን ኢና። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ከም ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ነናትና “ዕላማና” ኢልና እንቃለሰሉ ኣተሓሳስባ’ኳ እንተሃለወና ንናይ ካለኦት ሓሳብ እውን ቦታ ክንህብ ይግበኣና። ሓሳብና ክንህብ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ክንቅበል’ውን ሓላፍነትና እዩ። ናይ ካለኦት እንተዘይሰሚዕና ናትና ሓሳብ ክስማዕ ውሕስነት የብሉን። “እታ ሓቂ ምሳይ ጥራይ እያ ዘላ” ምባል ከኣ ድርቅናን ዘይኣካብን እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ስርዓተ-ዲሞክራሲ ንዘቑሙ መሰረታውያን ኣዕኑድ ምእዙዛት ምዃን ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ እዩ።

ከምቲ ኩልና ዘይንስሕቶ፡ ናትና ናይቶም ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ፖለቲካውን ሲቪላውን ውዳበታት ተሰሪዕና ንቃለስ ዘለና ሓላፍነት ኣዝዩ ውሱን እዩ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ናይ ድሕሪ ህግዲፍ መጻኢት ሓዳስ ኤርትራ እቲ ወሳኒ ህዝቢ እዩ። ዕላማ ቃልስና ክጠቓለል እንከሎ እውን ናይ ህዝቢ ወሳንነትን ልዕልናን ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ውሕስነት ዝረኽበሉ ስርዓት ምትካል እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብቲ ጽባሕ ብሕጋዊ ኣገባብ ብናጻ እንወዳደረሉን ህዝብና ብመንገዲ ሕገ-መንግስቱ ኣቢሉ ዝውስኖ ጉዳያት ኣቲና፡ ሎሚ መፈላለይ ዛዕባታት ምጽሕታር ንቃልስና ንድሕሪት ካብ ምጉታት ሓሊፉ ካልእ ዋጋ የብሉን። ሎሚ ኣብ ጉዳይ መሰል ብሄራት፡ ኣብ ሕቶ ሸሪዓ፡ ጉዳይ መሬት፡ ምምሕዳር ብዙሕነት፡ ብዓብይኡ ድማ ኣብ ኣመላልሳ ዲሞክራስያዊ ሕቶ ኣብ ኤርትራ ፍልልይ እንተልዩና፡ ነዚ ፍልልያት ኣብ መወዳእታኡ ንምብጻሕ እንደክምን ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃስና ከነደናጉን ኣይግበኣናን። ኣብ ክንድኡ ከም ነጥበ-ፍልልይ ሒዝናዮ ናብቲ ጽባሕ ናይ መወዳእታ ልኡላውን ቀያድን ውሳነ ዝውስን ህዝቢ እንተቕረብናዮ እዩ ዝሕሸና። ስለዚ ይውሓድ ይብዛሕ ኣብቲ ዘሰማምዓና ኣትኪልና ንቃለስ። ኣብዚ እንተኣድሚዕናን እቲ ብሓባር ምቅላስ እንተ ኣኽሲቡናን፡ ሎሚ ንፈላለየሉ ዛዕባ ጽባሕ ናብ እንሰማማዓሉ ናይ ምምዕባል ዕድል ኣለዎ። ስለዚ ፍልልያትና መሰረታዊ እንተዘይኮኑ፡ ከምዚ ናይ ቀረባ ተመኩሮ ሰዲህኤን ሃድኤ-ሕድርን ሓደ ሰልፊ ወይ ውድብ ምዃን፡ ፍልልያትና ዕሚቕ ኮይኑ ልኡላዊ ውሳነ ህዝቢ ዘድልዮ እንተኾይኑ ከኣ፡ ኣብቲ ንሰማማዓሉ ብንኡስ ፕሮግራም ኣብ ሰፊሕ ጽላል እንዳተሓጋገዝና ናብቲ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝብና እነካይዶ ናጻን ሕጋውን ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ውድድር ክንበጽሕ ክንበቅዕ ይግበኣና።

Picture showing the burning houses in the Nuba neighbourhood in Port Sudan on 21 August 2019 (ST photo)
August 28, 2019( KHARTOUM) - The streets of Port Sudan were calm on Wednesday after the resumption of intercommunal clashes on Tuesday evening in some residential area of the Red Sea coastal town.

The city has been the scene of days of fighting during which firearms and white arms were used in ethnic violence. Last week the intercommunal clashes lasted from Thursday until Saturday evening.

Sudanese authorities, on Tuesday, sent for the second time additional military reinforcements from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to the eastern Sudan city to control the security situation an put an end to the clashes between the Beni Amer and Nuba residents.

Eyewitnesses told "Sudan Tribune" that calm returned to the city on Wednesday, after a night of tension in the town as a result of renewed skirmishes between the two parties on Tuesday evening.

They confirmed that the burning of houses - free of residents - on Tuesday evening affected several houses in the neighbourhoods of Riyadh, Dar Al-Naeem and the Al-Mattar.

On the other hand, security sources confirmed the arrival of RSF troops to be deployed in the troubled areas to establish security.

The Central Committee of Sudan doctors (CCSD) announced on Monday that the clashes of Port Sudan left 37 dead and dozens of injuries.

The report said that the hospital emergency departments in Port Sudan received 126 injuries ranging from mild to moderate, and the critical injuries requiring surgical intervention were transferred to Osman Dagna Hospital.

The Red Sea Governor, Major General Essam Abdel Farraj, and the State Director of the Intelligence Service have been relieved by the Sovereign Council on Sunday after their failure to control the crisis.

(ST)

Source=http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article68023

 
August 25, 2019 Topic: Security Region: Americas Tags: MilitaryWarStrategyNational SecurityDefense Department

The United States need not leave Djibouti, but it is time to consider a Plan B for otherwise a single whisper from Beijing to Djibouti’s president could cripple America’s ability to defend itself and its allies.

by Michael Rubin
 
BERBERA, SOMALILAND—Djibouti’s role in U.S. national security has for decades been inversely proportional to its size. The tiny East African country has long been a logistical hub for the U.S. military. Its airfield helped supply U.S. forces in Somalia in the early 1990s, and U.S. Navy vessels visited its port frequently. Because Djibouti—a French colony or territory for nearly a century before its 1977 independence—hosted French forces, the U.S. military could utilize the French infrastructure when necessary.
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The real import of Djibouti to U.S. security calculations, however, came after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, when the George W. Bush administration formed Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) first to coordinate and conduct regional stability operations and then to oversee counterterrorism operations in both Yemen and across the broader region. The Obama administration’s growing reliance on drone strikes—many of which it launched from Djibouti—only increased the country’s importance. Since formally arriving, the Pentagon has invested several billion dollars in Camp Lemonnier, today the largest U.S. military base in Africa and the keystone of U.S. Africa Command operations, hosting four thousand soldiers, sailors, and Marines spread over five hundred acres.
The United States, of course, has not been alone in recognizing Djibouti’s strategic position. The French initially carved what now is Djibouti out from greater Somalia because of its position and harbor. The British had established a coaling station in Aden to support the United Kingdom’s military and commercial interests in East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Djibouti—with a natural harbor just 150 miles away from Aden—served much the same purpose as the French sought to keep Madagascar, Mauritius, and other regional interests secure. The Suez Canal, of course, made the Bab-el-Mandab chokepoint adjacent to the country even more important. Over the decades, technology may have changed by Djibouti’s strategic position did not. Today, in addition to the United States, France maintains a presence and hosts German and Spanish troops at its base. Italy and Japan also have facilities, and both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates also rent space. China, meanwhile, has built a major new base in the country as it expands its interests in the Indian Ocean basin and Africa. Iran has, in the past, also sought to make inroads but was forced out because of U.S. and Western pressure.

What goes around comes around, however. To date, China has tolerated the presence of its geopolitical competitors in Djibouti, and the Djiboutian government has been happy to leverage its location to collect rents from as many outside powers as possible. But, not every investor in Djibouti is equal. China has financed a water pipeline for Djibouti, as well as a railroad to Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. While U.S. aid to Djibouti peaked at $31 million in 2017, a Chinese company signed a preliminary $4 billion natural gas deal with Djibouti that same year.

That aid disparity might be enough to tip the scales toward deference to Beijing’s interests, but Djibouti’s corruption makes a tilt toward China—should Chinese authorities demand it—more likely. Djibouti has had only two leaders since its independence—Hassan Gouled Aptidon ruled the country with an iron fist for the first 22 years after its independence. Upon his death, his nephew and handpicked successor Ismaïl Omar Guelleh took over, and has run the country ever since. Corruption remains a major problem in the country, with few deals able to proceeds without Guelleh or his relatives personally benefiting, if not in bribes then in business contracts which any Western country would consider a conflict of interest.

It seems, however, the Trump administration like the Obama administration before it remains in a state of denial. The Pentagon has invested so much money into its Djibouti facilities that it is hard to imagine let alone justify to Congress that those funds were in effect wasted. Inertia also remains a problem. For more than a decade, diplomats and the Defense Department turned a blind eye to the reality of Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for fear that to acknowledge reality would mean recognizing the vulnerability of the U.S. presence at Incirlik Air Base. The Pentagon likewise continues to treat its facilities at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar as a get-out-of-jail-free card for Qatari terror sponsorship for fear that holding Doha to account would risk U.S. access.

With time, however, U.S. military planners expanded U.S. access to facilities in Romania and Bulgaria, as well as northern Jordan in order to offset reliance on an increasingly erratic Erdoğan. While the Pentagon continues to double down on Qatar, nearby Bahrain could provide an alternative. Not only does it host the U.S. Fifth Fleet but, during Operation Desert Storm, Bahrain’s Isa Air Base hosted four times more American planes that Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base does now.

With China able to out leverage the United States in Djibouti at any time, it behooves the Trump administration to find an alternative to Djibouti now. Ethiopia is no recourse, both because it has no port and because Chinese investment and trade likewise ties it far more to Asia than to the West. Eritrea hosts a United Arab Emirates port and may cooperate with Israel as well, but an uncertain political transition, poor facilities, and a horrendous human rights situation make a U.S. presence untenable. Somaliland, however, could be an alternative. Its main port, Berbera, hosts one of the longest airstrips in Africa. During the Cold War, the United States maintained a military presence and, as one official in Berbera quipped during a recent trip, NASA’s contract for facilities on the airfield technically remains valid and so they could return “tomorrow.” While the United Arab Emirates is building a base, Somaliland authorities remain frustrated at the opacity of the UAE contract (signed with a previous government) which, 

regardless, is not exclusive. Berbera is a deep-water port able to accommodate most U.S. ships.

Most importantly, Somaliland authorities want the United States there. As China and Russia both make approaches to Somaliland, the democratically elected, Western-leaning Somaliland government has been holding out for the United States, although it cannot do so indefinitely. The problem to date has been the State Department. Somaliland has been functionally independent since 1991, when it revoked its union with Somaliland and reclaimed its 1960 independence. While the United States recognized Somaliland then, the State Department now pursues a bizarre and expensive one-Somalia policy, effectively cutting off direct dealings with Somaliland for fear that interaction with Somaliland might anger Mogadishu, whose government cannot even control its own capital city. This deference is ridiculous on many levels, both because the Somali government in Mogadishu is more theoretical than real in its ability to control and govern, has recently deferred to China itself, has flirted with terrorism and, last but not least, is neither equal to Washington nor should it defer its national interests to Mogadishu.

Rather than risk American security and interests, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Assistant Secretary of State Tibor P. Nagy, Jr., and U.S. Ambassador to Somalia Donald Yamamoto should recognize that military ties have never equated to formal diplomatic recognition: Just ask Syrian Kurds, Iraqi Kurds, or Taiwan. In both the Middle East and East Asia, however, a generation of officials recognized that they should prioritize American security and defense above more mundane and tendentious concerns.

Putting all America’s eggs in one basket—and an increasingly shaky one at that—is not a strategy to protect America’s interests in the fight against terrorism, Iranian proxy groups, Al Qaeda affiliates and the Islamic State. The United States need not leave Djibouti, but it is time to consider a Plan B for otherwise a single whisper from Beijing to Djibouti’s president could cripple America’s ability to defend itself and its allies.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

Source=https://nationalinterest.org/feature/it’s-time-pentagon-finds-alternative-djibouti-75966

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