Issais’ New Year Interview: Production of More Manipulations and Lies
Written by EPDP Information Office
EPDP Editorial
Part 1
Issais Afeworki made himself a laughingstock overnight again in his New Year interview with his egotistic and misleading accusations/claims that because of the external challenges, provocations, and plots waged against Eritrea, his regime was unable to implement the constitution of the 1997 and that the constitution is now dead, end of history. Issais said, “As everybody knows, there is no constitution, I cannot say there was a constitution that existed or died, the constitution could be taken as an already dead document before it was declared; since we have learnt too much in the last 15 years, the new one should be better and that serves for the future (Eritrea Profile Saturday 10, 2015 edition). What Issais told us was that the 1997constitution is no longer useful; it is dead; a lot of things changed over the last fifteen years; the constitution does not reflect Eritrea’s reality today; we have gained a lot of experiences that we did not know when we wrote the constitution …etc.This is not the first instance of Issaisostracizing the constitution.Back in Independence Day in 2014, he echoed the same thing, and on numerous occasions he has oozed his deep-rooted disrespect to the collective wisdom of the Eritrean people.
Reading his interview, the dictator did not give a reason as to why the constitution of the 1997 is dead, or the reason why it was not implemented, or what specific experiences of the last two decades contributed to trashing the constitution. Nothing, what the dictator spewed was a confused, mismatched, and disorderly speech to justify something unjustifiable, with one idea in mind, and that is to systematically continue to impose his tyranny and assault on Eritrean people on the account of drafting a new constitution. After all, Issais could not tell us why because he did not have one. The fact is history shows that there is no constitution that gets discarded in a span of less than two decades, but in the worldview of Issais it does. Not only that, how could one scrap an entire constitution even before it gets implemented? Only malignant narcissist dictators like Issais who are drunk with power and tyranny do.
In his interview, Issais was not only denying reality but also pathetically lying. His message was one of manipulating the public, camouflaging his malevolent agenda, and even sometimes appearing to be very normal and seemingly a loving person. And yet, he is very skilled both at entrancing and putting others under his spell, not to mention portraying every trait of a narcissist leader such as lying, creating false propaganda, presenting exaggerated and dubious claims, and instilling fear into the minds of his followers as a ‘controlling techniques’.
The reality is that, despite some limitations/controversies and this is normal because no constitution is perfect, to the majority of the Eritrean people, still the 1997 Constitution is democratic in content, nationalist in vision, and secular in its politics, not to mention that the constitution contains an amendment provision in it. It has a ballot box, too, which scares Issais to death.
The other far-reaching historical ramification that needs to be emphasized here on discarding the constitution of 1997 is this: the erosion of the ideals of the EPLF as a nationalist organization. As we know the constitution of 1997 reflects EPLF’s vision for Eritrea, and if it had been implemented, it would have been the living legacy of the EPLF as a nationalist force in the Eritrean liberation history. But Issais has no history and by declaring to bury the constitution, he has reached the final stage of eliminating the “foot print” of the EPLF, including the Eritrean people, and its fighters. PFDJ members have the opportunity now to turn the page and stand against their vicious and cold-blooded tyrant who is betraying Eritrean people by stacking up lies on top of one another. For example, compare the following quote with that of Issais’ New Year 2015 interview: The constitution is the supreme law of the land and the government is implementing it, including the holding of democratic elections at the local, sub-regional, and regional levels…national elections will be held once the threat to national security and the country’s sovereignty is irrevocably removed (Issais regime response to UPR on Eritrea, Geneva, 2009).For PFDJ members, this should spark frustration if not opposition against their boss.
If people can decipher, and we are sure most can, there is no qualification in his latest interview on the constitution except a chain of lies: everything is him, everything is right, everything is absolute, everything is PFDJ; and everything is positive in Eritrea and that Eritrea is high on the top. Whether exploiting foreign forces or other entities, Issais throws passion over reason and emotion over reality, a stratagem dictator Issais perfected over the years on how to condition Eritrean people into his own reality - a reality of fear and conformity that would allow him to control and enslave the Eritrean people for eternity.
The fact is that the call for drafting and adopting a new constitution is irrelevant for the Eritrean people. Eritrean people know the constitution has been swept into the dustbin of history by Issais a long time ago, but it does not mean that the constitution is not a living document; it is. What is relevantis the motivation of Issais. You see, Issais does things that can be best described as manipulating the public by pretending that change is going to happen in the lives of Eritrean people by drafting a new constitution while beneath all these efforts lie the maintenance and perpetuation of his fate and power. What is different now is that Issais is at the end of the road and he has to distort reality; his power is increasingly being threatened, and he must come up with something that he thinks should slow down the threat to his power. You might call this: Issais’ hodge-podge of winning strategy by hiding behind the wall of Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We want to leave you with following crucial messages:
- Eritrean people must continue on opening their eyes, and own an accurate reading and understanding of Issais’ lies when he uses, for example, patriotism and nationalism as a method to manipulate the public into serving his tyrannical government, and not to the interest of the people. Remember, Issais knows what patriotism means to the people and Eritrean people must distinguish between patriotism to their nation and patriotism to the service of Issais’ tyranny. We have seen this for two decades and continuing.
- Drafting new constitution is being presented by Issais as a development and potential change in the lives of Eritrean people. But remember Issais and his elites have been telling Eritrean people all along that they would not implement the constitution until the border was demarcated. Now, what has changed? Nothing, the border is not demarcated and the status quo of “no war no peace” continues. The fact is we know whether the border is demarcated or not, the constitution could have been implemented and an elected democratic government could have been established in our country. There are many countries that have border problems, and yet they are democratic. For example, India and Pakistan; Israel and Palestine; Cameroon and Nigeria, Senegal and Mauritania...Etc.
- Eritrean people must understand the doublespeak and detachment of facts that the Issais regime is spewing to control the thinking of Eritrean people. For example, when Issais says we have to continue to have over 300,000 youths in the trenches to protect our sovereignty and independence and to maintain our liberty and freedom, it is all a complete fallacy to keep the people united under fear of war and never questions his power. We must ask: where is the liberty and freedom that he is talking about? We need to stop Issais from rewriting our history and controlling our future every New Year.
Second Part will follow.
ንዝኾነ ሰብ ናቱ ምሃብ ኣድላይን ግቡእን ስለ ዝኾነ ንሓው ታደሰ ኪዳነ ስለቲ ዝተስመዖ ምዝራቡ ከመስግኖ እደሊ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ኩሉ ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታታት ዝዝርግሖ ጽሑፋት ክዛረብ ኣይኮንኩን። ኩነታት ስለ ዘየፍቅደለይ እምበር ብዛዕባ’ቲ ኩሉ ዝብሎ ብናተይ ርኢቶን ሚዛንን “ኣብዚኣ ቅኑዕ ኣለኻ፡ ኣብዚኣ ግና ኣይግድንን” እንዳበልኩ ተዝዝርዝረሉ ኣዝዩ ደስ መበለኒ። ብዝኾነ ሕጂ ናብቲ ምስ’ቲ ብተኸታታሊ ክወጽእ ዝቐነየ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝምልከት እዚ ሓው ዝህቦ ዘሎ ሚዛናት ዝዛመድ ጉዳያት እየ ከተኩር። እቲ ነቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ተጐዝጊዙ ዝህቦ ዘሎ ሚዛናት ንዓኡ ቅኑዕ ኮይኑ ይረኣዮ ይኸውን። ኣነ ግና ብዙሕ ክተኻኸል ዝግበኦ ጉዳያት ስለ ዝረኸብኩሉ እየ ብርዐይ ኣልዒለ ዘለኹ። ሓው ታደሰ ኪዳነ እውን ሓቂ ምስኡ ጥራይ ከም ዘይትህሉ ብምርዳእን መትከል እንካን ሃባን ምቕባልን ብምግንዛብን፡ ኣብቲ ዝበሎ ካልኦት ናቶም ሚዛን ክህቡ ምኻኖም ከሎ ጌና ዝተጸበዮ እዩ ዝብል ግምት እዩ ዘለኒ። ሓው ታደሰ ካብ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ሰደህኤ ጌጋ ንክረኽብ እምብዛ ከም ዝሃረፈ ስለ ዝተረዳእኩ እየ ድማ ዓገብ ንምባሉ “ሓው ታደሰ፡ ጸባ’ውንኮ እምብዛ ተጠሚትካዮስ ይጽልም እዩ” ዝብል ኣርእስቲ መሪጸ ዘለኹ
ሓው ታደሰ ካብታ ቀዳመይቲ ሚዛኑ ኣንጻር ቀዳመይቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ ጀሚሩ ካብ ዘሻቐሎ ጉዳያት ሓደ ብቋንቋ እንግሊዘናኛ ምጽሓፍ እዩ። ብፍላይ ኣብዛ ዳሕረወይቲ ርኢተኡ’ሞ ኸዓ እዚ ሰልፊ ከምኡ ምግባሩ ምስጢሩ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክሓብእ ስለዝደለየ እዩ ናብ ምባል እዩ በጺሑ። ብመጀርያ ሰደህኤ ቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ምጥቃሙ ናይ ለንቅነ መጀመርታኡ ኣይኮነን። ዜናታቱ፡ ጸብጻባቱ እንተላይ ዕላዊ ሰነዳቱን ልሳናቱን፡ ትግርኛን ዓረብን ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ብቋንቋ እንግሊዘኛ ከም ዘውጽእ ርዱእ ስለ ዝኾነ እዚ ንሓው ታደሰ ክሕደሶ ኣይመተገበኦን። ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብዙሓት ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ብእንግሊዝ ዝተጻሕፉ ናብ ትግርኛን ዓረብኛን ዘይተተርጐሙ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ኣብ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ሓርነት.ኦርግ ከስፍር ከምዝጸንሐ ውን ሕቡእ ምስጢር ኣይኰነን። ነዚ ኣብቲ ናይ’ዚ ሰልፊ መርበብ ኣቲኻ ምርግጋጽ ዝከኣል እዩ። ደሓር እቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ብእንግሊዘኛ ስለ ዝተጻሕፈ መዓስ ካብ ኤርትራውያን ተሓቢኡ። ወዮ ንሓው ታደሰ ተጋሂድሉስ ንሓንሳብ ተርጒሙ ይዝርገሖ፡ ደሓር ከዓ ናቱ ተጻባኢ ሚዛንንዶ ይህበሉ ኣየሎን። ካብዚ ነቒልካ ታደሰ ጥራይ እዩ እንግሊዘኛ ስለ ዝኽእል ተረዲእዎ እምበር ንካለኦት ኤርትራውያንስ ተመስጢርዎም’ዩ ዘሎ ምባል ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ደሓር ሰደህኤ ንርኢቶኡ ናብ’ቶም ዓረብን ትግርኛን ዘይርደኦም ኤርትራውያን ይኹኑ ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ዘገድሶም ዘይኤርትራውያን እንግሊዘኛ ጥራይ ዝርደኦም ምእንቲ ክርድእዎ እንግሊዘኛ እንተተጠቕመ ብዓይኒ ቅንዕና እንተዝርአ መዓስ ሕማቕ ኮይኑ። ካልእ እዚ ኣብዚ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ዝተንጸባረቐ ንኣውራጃዊ ውደባ ዘይድግፍ ርኢቶ ሰደህኤ መዓስ ሓድሽ ኮይኑ። ኣዝዩ ጸሓይ ዝወቐዖ ናይቲ ሰልፊ ገዲም ርኢቶ እኮ እዩ። ስለዚ እዚ ዛዕባ ብባህሪኡ ዝምስጢር ዘይኮነስ፡ ምስዚ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት ተቓንዩ ዝቐረበ ብመሰረቱ ሓድነታዊ ፖሊሲ ናይቲ ሰልፊ እዩ።
ንሓው ታደሰ ቀንዲ ኣቖጢዕዎ ዘሎ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ ንኣውራጃዊ ውደባ ምንቃፉን ሃስያታቱ ምጥቃሱን እዩ። እቲ ካልእ ጠቓቒስዎ ዘሎ፡ ብናተይ ሚዛን ጓልነገራት እዩ። ነቲ ዓብዪ ጉዳዩ ከራጉድ ክብል እግረ መንገዱ ኣጉሊህዎ ዘሎ፡ ሰደህኤ ንከም ናይ ብሄር ዝኣመሰለ ውደባ እውን በቲ ሰልፊ ከም ዝንወር ገይሩ ገሊጽዎ እዩ። ምናልባት እውን ነቶም ብደረጃ ብሄር ምውዳብ ከም መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ዝመርጽዎ ኤርትራዊ ወገናት መኻይዲ ንክኾንዎ፡ ኣንጻር እዚ ሰልፊ ከረሳስኖም ዝደለየ’ዩ ዝመስል። ሓቒ እዩ እዚ ሰልፊ ብዘይካ ሕብረብሄራዊ ብዙሕነታዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውደበ እቲ ካልእ ቅኑዕ እዩ ኢሉ ኣይእምንን እዩ። እዚ ድማ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ፡ ህልውን መጻእን ገምጋሙ ኣብ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ካብ ዘለዎ ሚዛን ዝነቅል እምበር ከምቲ ንሓው ታደሰ ዝተረደኦ ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ሸነኽ ንምጉናይን ዘየለ ስግኣት ንምፍጣርን ዝመሃዞ ኣይኮነን። ሰደህኤ ኣብ ከም’ዚ ጉዳይ እጃሙ ከም ሓደ ውዱብ ሓይሊ እንታይ ምዃኑ ይፈልጥ እዩ። ንኣውራጃዊውነት ሓዊስካ፡ ናይቲ ዘይድግፎ ውዳበ ሓደጋታት ገሊጹ እዩ ህዝባዊ ተቐባልነት ከይረክብ ኣግሂዱ ዝጉስጉስን ካብ ርእሱ ዘውርድን። “ደሓን ባዕለይ ኣለኹዎ” ኢሉ እምነቱ ሒዙ ናብቲ ናይ ሓባርና ፖለቲካዊ ሜዳ ክወርድ ንዝወሰነ ኣካል ግና ሓጹር ዘርጊሑ ጠጠው ከብሎ ከም ዘይክእል ሰደህኤ ይፈልጥ እዩ። ኣብ ዝረኸቦ ኣጋጣሚ ኣንጻር’ቲ ዘይኣምነሉ ብምቅዋም ሚዛኑ ከንብር ከዓ መሰሉ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ሓላፍነቱ’ውን እዩ። ከምቲ እቲ ካልእ ውዳበታት ሰደህኤ ተጋግዩ እምበር ምርጫይ በዚ ምኽንያት’ዚ ቅኑዕ እዩ ናይ ምባል መሰል ዘለዎም። እዚ ሰላማዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውድድር ኣበይ ከም ዝዛዘም ከዓ ሓው ታደሰ ኣይስሕቶን እዩ። ነዚ ካብ ናታቶም ኣሰራርሓ ዝፍለ ናይ ሰደህኤ መትከል እቶም ብሄራዊ ኩኑ ሃይማኖታዊ ውዳበታት ካብ ታደሰ ከይተጸበዩ ኣዕርዮም ይፈልጥዎ እዮም።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሎሚ ንመጀመርያ ዘይኮነስ ካብ ቀደሙ፡ ፖለቲካዊ እምንቶ መሰረቱ ዘይኮነ ውዳበ፡ ሓይልና ስለ ዘድክም ኣይንምረጾ ዝብል እምነት ነይርዎን ኣለዎን። ነቶም ካብዚ ፖሊሲኡ ወጻኢ፡ ምናልባት እውን ብኣንጻሩ ዝውደቡ ሓይልታት፡ ከምቲ ሓው ታደሰ ክብሎ ዝፈተነ፡ ኣብ ምውዳቕ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኮነ ኣብ ምህናጽ መተካእታ ስርዓት ግደ የብሎምን ኢሉ ኣይፈልጥን። ከምኡ እንተዝኸውን እሞ ንፍልልያትና ኣመሓዲርና ኣብቲ ንሰማመዓሉ ብሓባር ንስራሕ ዝብል መጸዋዕታ ኣይመቕረበን። ሰደህኤ፡ ንኣዝዩ ምሩጽን ጽኑዕን ናይ ጐነጽ ስርሒት’ኳ እንተዘይነጸገ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ንህልዊ ኩነታት ህዝብናን ዝሓለፍናዮ ታሪኽን በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ኤርትራዊ ዓቕሚ ኣብ ግምት ኣእትዩ ዝመርጾ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ፡ ናይ ህዝቢ ወሳኒ እጃም ዝጐልሓሉ፡ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ በቲ ንሱ ዝመርጾ ናይ ኣጽዋር ሓይሊ ዘይኮነስ፡ በቲ ንሱ ዝፈርሖ ናይ ህዝቢ፡ ሚድያን ዲፕሎማስን ዓቕሚ ምግዳዱ እዩ። እዚ ምርጫ እዚ ናብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኢድ ዝነስእን ሕቋፍ ዕንበባ ዘበርክትን፡ ዘይኮነስ በቲ ዝሓየለ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ ንዲክታቶር ዘንበርክኽ’ዩ። ምስዚ ግና ካለኦት ኣካላት ዝመርጽዎ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ንሳቶም ካብ መረጽዎ እሞ ናይ መወዳእታ መዓርፎኦም ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ’ዩ ካብ በልዎ ይመሰለልኩም ዝብል እምበር ከምቲ ሓው ታደሰ ዝበሎ ዘነኣእስን ዘቆናጽብን ሰልፊ ኣይኮነን። ኣንጻር ኩሉ ቅኑዕ ኮይኑ ዘይተራእዮ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ኮነ መርገጽ ናቱ ዕቃበን ተቓውሞን ከንብር ግና ሕጂ’ውን ንቡር እዩ። ንጉዳይ ኣውራጃዊ ውደባ እውን ካብዚ ወጻኢ ዝርእዮ ኣይኮነን። ንሳዕቤናቱ ዘንጊዑ ኣነ እየ ዝያዳ ተወጺዐ እንዳበለ ክሽልግ ዝፍትን ኣካል፡ በቲ ካልእ ግልባጡ ኣብ መጻኢት ኤርትራ ሓለፋ ወይ ግነዖት የመዓዱ ከም ዘሎ ግና ነስተብህለሉ ዘለና እዩ። ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ሰደህኤ ንከምዚ ዓይነት ዝንባለ ገጽ ዘይምሃቦም ከዓ ኣማን ብኣማን ኣብ ቦታኡ እዩ።
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ሰደህኤ ስግኣታቱ ንምብራህ ከምቲ “መሲልካ ንገሮ ንክመስሎ” ዝበሃል ሓደጋታት ወገናዊ ውዳበታት ብምጥቃስ ዘቕረቦ ናይ ከምዚ ግዳይ ዝኾነ ሃገራታት ኣብነታት ኣሎ። እዚ እውን ሓው ታደሰ ዘይተሓጐሰሉ ነጥቢ እዩ። ኣነ ከዓ እቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ኣብነታት ምጥቃሱ ቅቡል ኮይኑ፡ እንታይ ርሑቕ ዘኽየድከ ኣለዎ በህላይ እየ። ኣብዚ እምኒ ደርቢና ነብጸሓሉ ከባቢና፡ ኣብ ደቡብ ሰዳን ናይ ዲንካን ኑየር ምፍላስ፡ ኣብ ሊቢያ ድማ ናይ ቤንጋዚ ኣንጻር’ቲ ካልእ ከባቢታት ናይታ ሃገር ዝካየድ ዘሎ ምትህልላቕዶ ኣይመኣኸሎን በሃላይ። ሓው ታደሰ ናይቲ ንመረዳእታታት ጠንቂ ከባቢያዊ ጸቢብነት ዘይኮነስ ሃይማኖታዊ እዩ ክብልዩ ፈቲኑ። እንታይ’ሞ እቲ ፍልልዩ። “ሓረድዋ ሞተት ነጸይዋ ሞተትዶ ኣይኮነን።
ሓው ታደሰ፡ ንርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ሰደህኤ ምስ ናይ በዓል ፍቕረስላሴ ወግደረስ ከመይ ከዛምዶ ከም ዝደለየ ኣይተረደኣንን። ፍቕረስላሴ’ኳ ምክትል መንግስቱ ሃይለማርያም ኣይነበረን። ብዝኹ`ነ ናብቲ ጐበጎቦ ኣበሃህላኡ ከድህብ። እዚ ሰልፊ ሕጋዊ መሪሕነት ኣለዎ። ገለ ካብ መራሕቱ ናይ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ገሊኦም ድማ ናይ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ድሕረ ባይታ ዝነበሮም እዮም። ካብዚ ክልተ ተመኩሮታት ወጻኢ ዝተሰለፍዎ ኣባላት መሪሕነት’ውን ኣለዉ። ኣብቲ ሓው ታደሰ ኣብ ከባቢ ፍቕረስላሴ ሕስይስይ ዝበለሉ ከባቢ፡ ኣብ ህግሓኤ ዝነበሩ ባእታታት ኣባላት መሪሕነት ሰደህኤ ኮይኖም ዝቕይስዎ ለውጢ ጽባሕ ካብ ተሓታትነት ብዘድሕኖም መንገዲ እዮም ክህንድሶ ክብል ከም ዝደለየ ተገንዚበ ኣለኹ። ብናተይ እምንቶ ኣብኡ ደኣ የብጸሓና እምበር፡ ድሕረ-ባይታኡ ብዘየገድስ ጥርጡር እንተኾይኑ፡ ካብ ተሓታትነት ኣይክድሕንን እዩ። ምናልባት ሰደህኤ ንተሓታትነት ክሓብእ እንተዝፍትን እውን ከም’ዚ ሓውና ዝኣመሰሉ ከሎ ጌና ዝስንትሩ፡ ስለ ዘይሓብእዎ ኣይክሕባእን’ዩ። እቲ ዝሕተት ግና ኣብቲ ቀደም ኣብ ዝለዓለ ጽፍሒ ዝነበረ ባእታ ጥራይ ከም ዘይከውን ኣይንረስዕ። ኣብ ታሕተዋይ ጽፍሒ ሓላፍነት ኮይንካ እውን ገበን ይፍጸም እዩ። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ስርዓት ደርግ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ነዊሕ ዓመታት ዝወሰደ ናይ ፍርዲ መስርሕ ጀነራላትን ሚኒስተራት ዝነበሩ ጥራይ ኣይኮኑን ተሓቲቶም። ብዙሓት ኣብ ዝተሓተ ጽፍሒ ዝነበሩ ኣእዳዎም ዘይነጸሀ ባእታታት’ውን ተሓተቲ ነይሮም እዮም። ስለዚ ሓው ታደሰ ምትሕትታት ኣሎ ካብ በልና፡ክህሉ እዩ ኸዓ፡ ንላዕሊ ጥራይ ከየንቃዕረርና ኩልና ኢና ድሉዋት ክንከውን ዝግበኣና። እንተቲ ንሰደህኤ መን ይዝውሮ ኣሎ ንዋናታቱን ግደፈሎም። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ “እዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ውልቀ- ምልካዊ ምዃኑ ዘተሓትት ኣይኮነን። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ`ውን ብንጹር ገሊጾሞ ኣለዉ።”ኢልካ ከተብቅዕ ንሰደህኤ ከም ንረብሓ እቶም መጸበቕቲ መኣዲ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ እዩ ዝሰርሕ ክትብሎ ምፍታንካ፡ ካብቲ ነቲ ሰልፊ ዝጐድኦ ንበሃሊኡ ኣብ ግምት ዘውድቖ ከም ዝዓዝዝ ሓው ታደሰ እውን ትስሕቶ ኢኻ ኣይብልን።
“ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ውሽጡ፡ ብዙሓት ንሓቀኛ ለውጢ ዝቃለሱ ዜጋታት ከም ዘለዉዎ ኣረጋጊጽና ንፈልጥ ኢና።”ኢልካ ምስ ጀመርካ፡ ኣለሳሊስካ ክትፍሕሶ ዝፈተንካ ናይ ምክፍፋል ተንኮል ዘሕዝን እዩ። ደሓር ተመሊስካ፡ ያኢ ንስኻ ብዛዕባ ውሽጣዊ ኩነታት እቲ ሰልፊ እትፈልጥ ሓላዪ መሲልካ ክትከፋፍል ምፍታንካ ኣሕዚኑኒ። እዚ ሰልፊ ብብዙሓት’ሞ በብናቶም ሳንቡእ ብዘተንፍሱ ሰባት እዩ ቆይሙ። ከም ኣብ ዝኾነ ውዱብ ቃልሲ ሰባት ንዝውሰድ መርገጻት ንሓንሳብ በቲ ዋጋ ዝኸፍልሉ መትከሎም እንዳተጠርነፍሉ ንሓንሳብ ድማ እንዳዓገብሉ እዮም ዝጐዓዙ። ሰደህኤ’ውን ካብዚ ወጻኢ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን’ዩ። ኣብ ከም ኣንጻር ጸቢብ ኣውራጃዊ ውደባን ዝኣመሰሉን ዓበይቲ ጉዳያት ግና ብሓፈሻ ኣብ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ደላይ ሓድነት ኤርትራዊ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብቶም “ሓድነትን ሉኣላውነትን ኤርትራ ይተሓሎ፡ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ’ዩ ወሳኒ” ብዝብል ቃል ኪዳን ዝተወደቡ ኣባላት ሰደህኤ ነቓዕ ክትፈጥር ምፍታን ፋይዳኡ ድኻም እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ኣባላት እዚ ሰልፊ ብሓባር ዝሕተትሉ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ብሓባር ዝኣምንሉ’ውን ምዃኑ ኣይትረስዕ።
ካልእ ከይጠቐስኩዎ ክሓልፍ ዘይደሊ እቲ ሓው ታደሰ ናብ ሰደህኤ ኣቕሪብዎ ዘሎ ኮር ተገልበጥ ሕቶታት እዩ። ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ ብንጹር ብመትከል እዩ ንኣውራጃዊ ውደባ ዝቃወም ዘሎ፡ ሓው ታደሰ ድማ ንኣድላይነት ኣውራጃዊ ውደባ እዩ ዝሕለቕ ዘሎ። ከምኡ እንተዘይከውን ግና ንሓንሳብ ነቲ ዓንቀጻት ክቃወም ንሓንሳብ ድማ ተርጒሙ ክዝርግሕ ድቃስ ኣይመሰኣነን። ስለዚ መርገጽ ሰደህኤ ብስም ኣየናይ ኣውራጃ ምዃኑ ብዘየገድስ ነቲ ጸቢብነት ይነጽግ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ናይዚ ከባቢ’ዚ ውድብ እየ ዝቃወም ዘለኹ ኢሉ፡ ኣውራጃታትን ወረዳታትን ክዝርዝር ኣይግደድን እዩ። ኮታ እዚ ጸቢብነት ክሳብ ካብ ድሌት ሓሊፉ ባዕሉ ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ፡ “ኣብዚ እነኹ” ዝብል ወይ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ወሪዱ ዓዳጋይ ስኢኑ ክሳብ ዝቕህም ኣይክህወኸሉ’ዩ። ኣንተ ብዛዕባ መትከላት ናይቲ ናይ ብዙሕነት ተሓላቒ እንዳመሰለ፡ ናይቲ ኣብ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ዘሎ ኩለመዳያዊ ብዙሕነት ጨፋሊቑ፡ ሓደ ውድብ ክግበሮ እየ፡ ኢሉ ዝደናደን ምዝርዛር ነቶም ህልውናኡ ዝድግፉ እምበር ነቲ ክህልው የብሉን ዝብል ዘሎ ሰደህኤ ዝምልከት ኣይኮነን። ጉዳይ ምጽብጻብ እንተኾይኑ ግርም እዩ። እቶም ዝጸባጸቡ ግና ሰደህኤን ሓው ታደሰን ዘይኮኑ እቲ ነዚ ፍልልያት መምዩ ዝተረደ ህዝቢ እዩ’ሞ እቲ መድረኽ ከዓ ክፉት ኣሎ።
18 ጥሪ 2015
ትርጕም፡- ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ኣብ 10 ለካቲት 2015 ብርክት ዝበሉ ፖለቲካውያን ተዋሳእትን ገዳይም ተጋደልትን ዝተኻፈልዎ ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ (ግሃድኤ) ኣብ ሮተርዳም፡ ሆላንድ፡ ተኻይዱ ነይሩ። እዚ መቐጸልታ ናይ'ቲ ንልዕሊ ሓደ ወርሒ ዝቐጸለ ጐስጓስ ኢዩ። ተጋዳላይ ዑመር መሓመድ ብፍላይ ዘትኰረሉ ጕዳይ ድማ፡ እቲ እናበረኸ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ኣውራጃዊ ምውጣጣትን ምጥርናፋትን ወይ ድማ ኤርትራውያን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኣውራጃዊ ፖለቲካ/ኣውራጃነት ኢሎም ዝጽውዕዎ ምንቅስቓሳት ተኸታቲልካ ምቅላዕ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ ድማ፡ እዚ ተርእዮ'ዚ ንሓድነት ናይ ሃገራውያንን ዲሞክራስያውያንን ውድባትን ነዚ ጸላም ሰጊርና ንናይ ህዝብና ባህግታት ዘረጋግጽ ብሩህ ስትራተጂ ኣብ ምንጻርን ዕንቅፋት እናዀነ ይመጽእ ብምህላዉ ኢዩ።
ብድሕር'ዚ ኣኼበኛታት ብዛዕባ'ቲ ተጋዳላይ ዑመር ዘቕረቦ መግለጽን ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ኵሉ መዳያዊ ህልዊ መርገጻትን ተመያይጦም። ኣብ መወዳእታ ድማ፡ ኣኼበኛታት ኣብ'ዘን ዝስዕባ ነጥብታት ተሰማሚዖም።
ቀዳማይ፡- ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ጕዳያት ኣብ መንጐ ካድራት ናይ ዲሞክራስያውያን ውድባትን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራትን ቀጻልን ዕቱብን ምይይጥ ምክያድ፤
ካልኣይ፡- ኣብ መንጐ ተመሳሳሊ ርእይቶታት ዘለወን ውድባት ዝካየድ ፖለቲካውን ስነሓሳባውን ንጥፈታት ምጽዓቕ፤
ሳልሳይ፡- ዲሞክራሲ ሱር ንኸይሰድድ ዕንቅፋት ንዝዀኑ ዘለዉ ዝንባሌታት ምቅላዕ።
ብተጋዳላይ ዑመር መሓመድ ዝቐረበ መግለጺ ድማ እዚ ኣብ ታሕቲ ሰፊሩ ዘሎ ኢዩ።
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ኣውራጃዊ ጐስጓሳትን ዲሞክራስያዊ መርሆን ዘራኽብ የብሎምን
ብዛዕባ ኣውራጃነት ክንዛረብ ከለና፡ ብዛዕባ ወደኣየናይ ኣውራጃ ዘይኰነስ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣውራጃዊ ወጥርታት ዘልዓዕል ዝንባለታት ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና። ብዛዕባ'ቶም ብዲሞክራስያዊ ልዝብ ክፍትሑ ዝግባኦም ካልኣዊ ግርጭታት መዝሚዞም፡ ናብ'ቲ ምስ ረብሓታት ዲሞክራስያዊ ቃልስታት ዝጻረር ግልዊ ረብሓታት ንምውዓል ዝህቅኑ ፖለቲካዊ ጐስጓሳት ኢና ንዛረብ ዘለና።
ኤርትራዊ ሕብረተሰብ ብብዙሕነት ናይ ቋንቋ፡ መበቆልን ሃይማኖትን ዝልለ ሕብረተሰብ ኢዩ ካብ ዝብል ኣረዳድኣ ኢና ንብገስ ዘለና። መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራ ኣብ ዝውሰነሉ ዝነበረ መድረኽ ይኹን ኣብ መድረኽ ሓርነታዊ ተጋድሎና ዝነበሩ ጀመርቲ ሃገራዊ ቃልስታትና፡ ብዛዕባ ኣድላዪነት ንዅሎም'ዞም ፍልልያት እዚኣቶም ዝጥርንፍ ፖለቲካዊ መልእኽቲ ተጠቒምካ ንዅሉ ኤርትራዊ ዓቕምታት ዝጽመደሉ ኵነታት ፈጢርካ ንሃገራዊ ዕላማታት ምርግጋጽ ኢዮም ዝዛረቡ ነይሮም።
ሎሚ፡ ንሕና፡ ንዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ እንብድሃሉ ዘለና እዋን፡ ካብ ዝሓለፉ መድረኻት ንላዕሊ፡ ንነገራውን ሞራላውን ዓቕምታት ሕብረተሰብና ኣብ ሓደ ጸሚድና ዲሞክራስያዊ ዕላማታትና ጋህዲ ንምግባር ዕዙዝ ኣድላዪነት ኣለዎ።
ኣብ መንጐ ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ክፍልታት ኤርትራ፡ ዘየራኽብ መንደቕ ዘይኰነስ፡ ናይ ብዙሕነት ጸጋ ኢዩ ዘሎ። ካብ'ዚ ተበጊስና ድማ፡ ሃገርና፡ ህዝባ ብሰላም ዝነብረላ፡ ልምዓት ዝረጋገጸላ፡ ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ዝነግሰላ ቅዋማዊት ሃገር ክንገብራ ይግብኣና። ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎና እምነት፡ በቲ ንመዋእላት ኣብ ትሕቲ ሰንሰለታዊ መግዛእቲ ባዕዳውያን ዘሕለፍናዮ ሓባራዊ ስቅያትን ምእንቲ ሃገራዊ ናጽነት ዘካየድናዮ ሓባራዊ ተጋድሎን ኢዩ ተሃኒጹ። ዝተፈላለዩ መንነታት ናይ ህዝብና ኣብ ቍራዕ ናይ ሓባራዊ ስቅያትን ባህግታትን ተጠጢቖም ኢዮም ነዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ኤርትራዊ ሕብረተሰብ ኣፍርዮም። ዜግነት ብዘመናዊ ትርጕማ፡ ናይ ሓባር ጽላልን መለለዪን ምዃና ድማ ኵሎም ሕብረተሰብኣዊ ክፍልታት ኤርትራ ዝርድእዎን ዝቕበልዎን ኢዩ። መሬት ኤርትራ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ሓራ ምውጻኡን ናጻ ሃገራዊ መንግስቲ ምእዋጅን ዝፈጠሮ ጽቡቕ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ተጠቒምካ፡ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ብምትካል፡ ናይ ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ዓንድታት ብምድልዳል፡ ብዝተናውሐ ውግእ ንዝበረሰት ሃገር ብምህናጽ ምሉእን ዝተጸንዐን ናይ ልምዓት መደባት ብምጅማር ነቲ ዜግነታዊ ተረድኦ ብዝያዳ ንምዕሟቕ ምተኻእለ ነይሩ። እንተዀነ ግን፡ እቲ ስልጣን ዝጨበጠ ጕጅለ ኣብ መሪሕነት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ንመርሆ ልዝብ ምስ ኵሎም ሃገራውያን ሓይልታት ብምንጻግን ናይ ምግላል ፖሊሲታት ብምኽታልን ኣብ ናይ ዕንደራ መስርሕ ተሸመመ። ውጽኢቱ ድማ፡ እዚ ሕጂ ንሃገርና ሓኒቑ ሒዙ ዘሎ ቅልውላውን ኤርትራ ዝፈሸለት ሃገር ተባሂላ ከይትፍለጥ ዘሎ ስግኣትን ኰይኑ ኣሎ።
ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣስመራ፡ ነቲ ብሰንኪ ብሩህ ሕጽረታት ናይ ሃገራዊ ምንስቅስቓስ ኤርትራ ኣብ መዋእል ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ዝተፈጥረ ርኡይ ባዶነት ንምምላእ ዝመጸ ባህርያዊ ውጽኢት ኢዩ። ብሰንክ'ዚ ውድዓውን በዓልቤታውን ኵነታት ከኣ'ዩ ሓቀኛ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሓይሊ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርና ክህሉ ዘይከኣለ። እቲ መተካእታ፡ ኣብ ግዳም ዝንቀሳቐሱ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኰኑ። ነገራውን ሞራላውን ዓቕምታት ክጥርንፍ ዝኽእል ኣንጻር'ቲ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዘቅንዐ ሓቀኛ ተቓውሞ፡ ብመሰረቱ ካብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ክብገስ ከምዘለዎ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኰነን። ምስ'ዚ ኵሉ ግን፡ ኣብ ግዳም ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ ናይ ተቓውሞ ምንቅስቓሳት፡ ምቹእ ፖለቲካዊ ሃዋህው ብምፍጣር ሓቀኛን ሓያልን ተቓውሞ ኣብ ውሽጢ ክፈጥርን ነቲ ህልው ስርዓት ኣነቓኒቑ ዲሞክራስያዊ መተካእታ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ ዝብል ተስፋታት ኣብ ህዝብና ከሕድር ክኢሉ ኢዩ።
ደምበ ተቓውሞ፡ ብፍላይ ንተግባራት ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምቅላዕ ገለገለ ዓወታት ከመዝግብ ክኢሉ ኢዩ። እንተዀነ፡ ሓደ ስጕምቲ ንቕድሚት፡ ክልተ ስጕምቲ ድማ ንድሕሪት ኢዩ ክስጕም ጸኒሑ። ነቲ ካልኣዊ ግርጭታት ከይሓፈሩ እናመዝመዙ ኣብ ውሽጢ ህዝብን ተቓወምትን ዝነጥፉ ውድባትን ጕጅለታትን ስለዝበዝሑ እቲ ቅልውላዋት እናዓሞቐ ክኸይድ ይርአ ኣሎ። እቲ ዘስሕቕን ዘብክን ድማ ኵሎም ንዲሞክራሲ ኢና ንቓለስ ኣለና በሃልቲ ምዃኖም ኢዩ።
ኵሉ ተደዋዊሱ፡ ህዝቢ ድማ ተስፋ ቆሪጹ፡ እቲ ጕዕዞ ድማ ኣደናጋርን ሕንፍሽፍሽ ዝሰፈኖን ኰይኑ። እዚ ኵነታት'ዚ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ ኣብ መድረኽ ዲሞክራስያዊ ተጋድሎ፡ ዕቱብ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልሲ ንምክያድ ዝሕግዝ ጥዑይ ኵነታት ኣይኰነን። ስለ'ዚ፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ይኹን ግዜ ንላዕሊ፡ ብሩህ ርእይቶታትና ክንውንን፣ ካብ ላንግላንጋ መግለጺታትን ቃላትን ተቖጢብና ምድንጋር ዘየፍቅድ ንጹር ፖለቲካዊ መዝገበ ቃላት ክንጥቀምን፣ ብግሉጽነት ክንነጥፍን ንጥለብ ኣለና።
ካብ'ዚ መንቀሊ'ዚ ተበጊስና፡ ኵሉ ክሰምዖ ብዝኽእል ዓው ብዝበለ ድምጺ "ኣውራጃነትን ዲሞክራስያውነትን፡ ክልተ ክራኸቡ ዘይክእሉ መስመራት ኢዮም" ክንብል ክንክእል ኣሎና። ንዲክታቶርነት ኣውዲቕካ ብዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ንምትካኡ ዘኽእል እንኮ መንገዲ፡ ንዅሉ ነገራውን ሞራላውን ዓቕምታት ህዝብኻ ጠርኒፍካ፡ ንሃገራውን ዲሞክራስያውን ዕላማታት ብምቅላስ ጥራሕ ኢዩ።
ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዝውክሎ ውሱን ኣውራጃ ወይ ውሱን ዓሌት የብሉን... ፣ መብዛሕትኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ማሕበራዊ ፍልልያቱ ብዘየገድስ፡ ኣብ ቀጻልነት ናይ'ዚ ስርዓት ዝረኽቦ ረብሓ የብሉን፣ ብኣንጻሩ እኳ ደኣ፡ ብሰንኪ'ቲ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ዘሕልፍዎ ዘለዉ ቅልውላዋት፡ ኤርትራ ፍሽልቲ ሃገር/ደውላ ከይትኸውን ዝብል ፍርሒ ካብ ዕለት ናብ ዕለት ፍርሒ እናዛየደ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ካብ ዝብል ግንዛበ ኢና ክንብገስ ዝግብኣና።
ኣብ ርእስ'ቲ ንካልኣዊ ግርጭታት መዝሚዞም፡ ኣውራጃዊ ፖለቲካዊ ምጥርናፋት ክገብሩ ዝፍትኑ ገለገለ ሸነኻት፣ እቲ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ደቡብ ቀይሕ ባሕሪን ንረብሓ ናይ ዲሞክራስን ሰላምን ዝጻረር ዘሎ ብድሆታት እንተደኣ ወሲኽናሉ፤ "ኤርትራዊ ከያን" (Eritrean entity) ንሓቀኛ ሓደጋታት ክጋለጽ ኢዩ።
ኣብ ከም'ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ኵነታት ንዲሞክራስያዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዘጋጥምዎም ዓበይቲ ብድሆታት ክህልዉ ኢዮም። ነዚ ብድሆታት እዚ ንምምካት ድማ፡ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ክዳለዉ ይግባእ። እቲ ቅኑዕ መእተዊ ናብ'ዚ ምድላው'ዚ ድማ፡ ንህልዊ ውሽጣውን ግዳማውን ኵነታት ብግቡእ ምንባብ ኢዩ። ነዚ መስርሕ'ዚ ንምብልጻግ ወይ ንምጕልባት ከኣ፡ ግጉያት ፖለቲካውን ስነሓሳባውን ተረድኦታት ሱር ከይሰዱ በርቲዕካ ምቅላስ ኢዩ።
ከም ኣጀንዳ ኣብ ቀዳማይ ቦታ ተታሒዙ ክምክት ዘለዎ ድማ እቲ ኣውራጃዊ መስመራት ኢዩ። ስለምንታይ ኢና ኣብ'ዚ ኣርእስቲ'ዚ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ ከነተኵር ዝድለ ዘሎ?? እቲ ምኽንያት ብዙሕ ኢዩ። ገለ ካብኡ ከኣ፡-
ቀዳማይ፡- ኣውራጃዊ ምጥርናፋት ንምርግጋጽ ዝንቀሳቐሱ ገለገለ ፖለቲካዊ ክልታት እናበዝሑ ስለዝመጹ፤
ካልኣይ፡- ካልኣዊ ግርጭታት ምትዅታዅ ብሓፈሻ፡ ቀጥታዊ ሓደጋ ንሃገራዊ ሓድነትን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ተጋድሎን ስለዝዀነ፤
ሳልሳይ፡- ካልኣዊ ግርጭታት፡ ሓደ ካብ'ቶም ገበትን ዲክታቶርያውያን ስርዓታት ዝጥቀምሎም ሓያላት ናውትታት ኢዮም። እዚ ስለዝዀነ፡ በቲ ዝተራቐቕሉን ጽቡቕ ገይሮም ዝመለኽዎን ኣገባብ ገይርካ ንዲክታቶርያውያን ከተውድቕ ፈጺሙ ዘይከኣል ኢዩ፤
ራብዓይ፡- ኣውራጃዊ ጐስጓሳትን ምጥርናፋትን ናይ ግዳም ጽልዋታት ዝሰልኰሉ ነቓዕ ስለዝዀነ፣ ንናጻ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔ ንሓደጋ ዘሳጥሕን ንውግእ ሕድሕድ ባይታ ዝምድምድን ኢዩ።
اجتماع سياسي هام في مدينة روتردام – هولندا
Written by تقرير أعدته اللجنة المنظمةفي العاشر في يناير الجاري لقاءٌ هام في مقر جبهة الإنقاذ الوطني الإرترية في روتردام بهولندا. وضم عددًا من النشطاء السياسيين والمناضلين القدامى. وكان هذا الاجتماع مواصلة لبرنامج خطة تعبوية بدأ منذ أكثر من شهر.
استهل اللقاء بكلمة ألقاها المناضل عمر محمد أحمد ركّز فيه، بصفة أساسية، على ضرورة متابعة وكشف وتعرية تنامي الاستقطابات الإقليمية، أو ما يعرف بـ (Regionalism، Awragawi poletica)في صفوف المعارضة الإرترية، حيث أصبحت هذه الظاهرة تشكل عقبة أمام وحدة القوى الوطنية والديمقراطية والتوصل إلى استراتيجية واضحة المعالم في وضع نهاية لليل الطويل وإقامة نظام بديل يعكس طموحات الشعب الإرتري.
جرت – بعد ذلك – مناقشات مستفيضة حول محتوى الكلمة التي ألقاها المناضل عمر محمد، وسائر قضايا الموقف الراهن في معسكر المعارضة الديمقراطية. وفي الختام أكد اللقاء على النقاط التالية:
أولا: إجراء المزيد من المناقشات الجادة، بين كوادر تنظيمات المعارضة الديمقراطية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني، حول قضايا الموقف الراهن.
ثانيا: تشجيع المزيد من الأنشطة السياسية والفكرية بين القوى السياسية ذات الأطروحات المتشابهة.
ثالثًا: كشف وتعرية التيارات التي تشكل عقبة أمام تعميق الوعي الديمقراطي.
وفيما يلي نقدم كلمة المناضل عمر محمد أحمد وهي بعنوان:
الاستقطابات الإقليمية والنهج الديمقراطي لايلتقيان
حينما نتناول الإقليمية، لا نعي الانتماء إلى إقليم ما، إنما نشير إلى الميول أو التيارات التي تثير النعرات الإقليمية – التي نُقر بأنها تناقضات ثانوية لا بد من معالجتها عبر حوار ديمقراطي – وصولاً إلى استقطابات سياسية تحقيقًا لأهداف آنية تتناقض تمامًا مع مصالح النضال الديمقراطي.
إننا ننطلق من الإيمان بأن المجتمع الإرتري يتسم بانتماءات – لغوية وإثنية ودينية عديدة. وكان رواد الحركة الوطنية، سواء في فترة حق تقرير المصير أو مرحلة الكفاح المسلح يؤكدون على ضرورة التمسك بالخطاب السياسي الذي يستقطب مختلف الانتماءات لتكريس كافة الطاقات الإرترية، وصولاً إلى تحقيق الأهداف الوطنية.
والآن ونحن نقارع النظام الديكتاتوري أحوج ما نكون أكثر من ذي قبل لحشد كافة الطاقات، المادية والمعنوية، وصولاً لتحقيق طموحاتنا الديمقراطية.
ليس بين المكونات التي تشكل المجتمع الإرتري جدار صلب، بل هو تنوع يشكل ثراء. ويجب الانطلاق منه لتحقيق التعايش البناء والتنمية ودولة تعتمد على المؤسسات وسيادة القانون. تشكل الإيمان بهذا الوطن عبر الآلام المشتركة في العهود الاستعمارية المتعاقبة والنضال المشترك من أجل تحقيق الاستقلال الوطني. هذه الآلام والتطلعات المشتركة صهرت مختلف الانتماءات في بوتقة واحدة، وأصبح المجتمع الإرتري، بمختلف انتماءاته، يعي بأن قضية المواطنة، بمفهومها الحديث، تشكل مظلة جامعة. وكان تحرير التراب الإرتري من الاحتلال الأجنبي، ثم إعلان دولة الاستقلال الوطني، فرصة تاريخية لتعميق ذلك المفهوم، عبر البدء في عملية بناء دولة المؤسسات وترسيخ دعائم الوحدة الوطنية وإصلاح ما دمرته الحرب الطويلة الأمد والبدء في تحقيق تنمية شاملة ومدروسة. بيد أن الجناح المتنفذ في قيادة الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إرتريا تشبث بسياسة الإقصاء ورفض نهج الحوار مع سائر القوى الوطنية، والانغماس في الممارسات المغامرة. وكانت النتيجة، الأزمة الخانقة التي يمر بها الوطن والتي تهدد بإعلان إرتريا دولة فاشلة.
تمكن النظام الديكتاتوري من ملء الفراغ السياسي الذي كان نتاجًا طبيعيًّا للقصور الواضح الذي كانت تعاني منه الحركة الوطنية في فترة الكفاح المسلح.
إذن حالت الظروف، الموضوعية والذاتية ، دون قيام معارضة حقيقية داخل أرض الوطن. وكان البديل قوى المعارضة التي كانت تنشط خارج أرض الوطن.
لاشك أن المعارضة الحقيقية التي تستطيع حشد الطاقات، المادية والمعنوية، ضد النظام الديكتاتوري لابد أن تنطلق، بصفة أساسية، من داخل أرض الوطن. ومع ذلك فقد أنعش تحرك قوى معارضة الخارج آمالا عريضة في صفوف الجماهير أملاً أن تتمكن تلك المعارضة من خلق مناخ سياسي ملائم لخلق معارضة حقيقية وقوية داخل أرض الوطن تهز أركان النظام الراهن وإقامة البديل الديمقراطي.
حققت المعارضة بعض النجاحات، لاسيما فيما يتعلق بكشف وتعرية ممارسات النظام الديكتاتوري. لكنها كانت تتقدم خطوة إلى الأمام وتتراجع إلى الوراء خطوتين. وتفاقمت أزمتها بتناسل وتكاثر تنظيمات وحلقات سياسية لا تخجل من إثارة التناقضات الثانوية في صفوف المجتمع والقوى السياسية. والمضحك والمبكي في آن واحد، أن الكل يدّعي النضال من أجل تحقيق الديمقراطية.
اختلطت الأوراق وأصيبت الجماهير الإرترية بالإحباط، وأصبحت أسيرة للحيرة والبلبلة.... وهذا مناخ غير صحي وغير ملائم للنضال السياسي الجاد، لا سيما في مرحلة النضال الديمقراطي. ولهذا فنحن أحوج ما نكون، أكثر من أي وقت مضى، لامتلاك وضوح الرؤية، والابتعاد عن العبارات والجمل الفضفاضة، والتشبث بالقاموس السياسي الواضح الذي لا يحتمل اللبس والغموض، واعتماد الشفافية في نشاطنا السياسي.
من هذا المنطلق أو الفهم يجب أن نقول بصوت مسموع أن "الإقليمية" والديمقراطية خطان متوازيان لن يلتقيا"... وأن الطريق الوحيد لإسقاط الديكتاتورية وإقامة البديل الديمقراطي يمر عبر تكريس كافة الطاقات، المادية والمعنوية، لتحقيق أهدافنا الوطنية والديمقراطية.
يجب أن ننطلق من الإيمان بأن النظام الديكتاتوري لا يمثل إقليمًا محددًا أو طائفة معينة... إلخ، وأن الأغلبية الساحقة من الشعب الإرتري، من مختلف الانتماءات، لا مصلحة لها في استمرار هذا النظام، بل تتزايد المخاوف، يومًا بعد يوم، بأن الأزمة الخانقة التي يمر بها الوطن تهدد بإعلان إرتريا دولة فاشلة.
وإذا أضفنا إلى نزوع البعض إلى إثارة التناقضات الثانوية وتبني استقطابات سياسية على أسس إقليمية، في ظل التحديات التي تواجه مصالح الديمقراطية والسلام في عموم القرن الأفريقي وجنوب البحر الأحمر، فإن "الكيان السياسي الإرتري" سيواجه خطرًا حقيقيًّا.
في ظل هذه المعطيات، هناك تحديات كبرى أمام القوى الديمقراطية الإرترية. ولمواجهة هذه التحديات عليها أن تؤهل نفسها. والمدخل الصحيح لعملية التأهيل يمر عبر القراءة الموضوعية للواقع الراهن، سواء على الصعيد الداخلي أو الخارجي. ولإثراء هذه العملية لابد من مواجهة تزييف الوعي، السياسي والفكري.
ويأتي في مقدمة جدول الأعمال كشف وتعرية التيار "الإقليمي". لماذا التركيز على هذه المسألة، وتحديدًا في المرحلة الراهنة ؟؟
هناك أسباب عديدة أهمها:
أولاً: تكاثر بعض الحلقات السياسية، وتصعيد أنشطتها وصولا إلى الاصطفافات الإقليمية.
ثانيًا: إثارة التناقضات الثانوية بشكل عام يشكل خطرًا مباشرًا على الوحدة الوطنية، والنضال الديمقراطي.
ثالثًا: التناقضات الثانوية من إحدى أقوى أسلحة الأنظمة الديكتاتورية والشمولية. ولا يمكن إسقاط تلك الأنظمة بأسلحتها المؤهلة باستخدامها.
رابعًا: الاصطفافات الإقليمية ثغرة يتسلل منها النفوذ الأجنبي، الأمر الذي يشكل خطرًا على القرار الوطني المستقل، وخلق مناخ ملائم لاندلاع الحروب الأهلية.
BERLIN
BERLIN (Reuters) - A 20-year-old asylum seeker from Eritrea has been stabbed to death in Dresden, a city in the east of Germany at the center of protests against Islam and immigration.
The state prosecutors' office said on Thursday the man was found dead on a street on Tuesday morning. A police spokesman declined to comment but prosecutors said 25 detectives had been assigned to investigate the case.
German media said the man was last seen alive on Monday evening and one paper quoted a local leader in the Left party, Juliane Nagel, urging police to redouble their efforts to determine if racist violence was involved.
The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said about 100 people had staged a demonstration when the police confirmed that the man, who was not named, was the victim of a violent crime. The paper quoted Mayor Helma Orosz as saying she was shocked by the news.
A record 25,000 joined the PEGIDA (Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West) movement's latest march in Dresden on Monday. The march followed the Islamist attack on French magazine Charlie Hebdo in Paris.
The Dresden rallies began in October as a local protest against new shelters for refugees and have attracted growing numbers of demonstrators.
Counter marches have taken place across Germany with far larger numbers. The PEGIDA leaders deny they are racist and are careful to distinguish between Islamists and most of Germany's 4 million Muslims.
(Reporting by Erik Kirschbaum; Editing by Stephen Brown and Janet Lawrence)
Source=http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/15/us-germany-islam-dresden-idUSKBN0KO1JP20150115
German Foreign Office Urged to Help Bring Murderers of Eritrean Refugee to Justice
Written by EPDP Information Office
According to agency reports, 20-year-old Khaled left his residence at 8pm last Monday to buy some cigarettes from a nearby supermarket but never returned to his roommates who assumed he went to other friends to spend the night with. But early next morning, his body was discovered near his usual residence. Police have confirmed that his death was caused by knife stabbing.
The EPDP memorandum dated 13 January 2015 wished to draw the personal attention of the German Federal Foreign Minister to this tragic murder of a young refugee and urged his esteemed Ministry to see to it that concerned German authorities make full investigation of the crime and bring the culprits to justice.
The memorandum, which was copied to the German Federal Ministries of Interior and Justice, did not hide the fear that the assailants could be the xenophobic forces in the Dresden region.
ሚኒስትሪ ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ጀርመን ንቐተልቲ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ ናብ ፍርዲ ከቕርብ መጸዋዕታ ተገይርሉ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ናብ ሚኒስተር ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ጀርመን፡ ኣቶ ፍራንክ ቫልተር ሽታይንማየር፡ ኣብ ዝጸሓፎ መዘክር፡ እብ ከተማ ድረስደን፡ ብ10 ጥሪ 2015 ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ፡ ኻልድ ኢድሪስ ባህራይ፡ ቅትለት ንዝፈጸሙ ገበነኛታት ኣብ ፍርዲ ከቕርቦም ጸዊዑ።
20 ዓመት ዝዕድሚኡ ኻልድ ኢድሪስ፡ ብሰኑይ ሰዓት 8፡00 ናይ ምሸት ሽጋራ ክገዝእ ኢሉ ካብ ገዝኡ ምስ ወጸ ንገዝኡ ኣይተመልሰን። ሬሳኡ፡ ንጽባሒቱ ኢዩ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዝነብረሉ ገዛ ከምእተረኽበን ብኻራ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ሸነኻት ናይ ኣካላቱ ተወጊኡ ምሟቱን ናይ ዜና ማዕከናት ሓቢሮም።
ሰዲህኤ ብ13 ጥሪ 2015 ናብ ሚኒስተር ፈደራላዊ ሪፑብሊክ ጀርመን ኣብ ዝለኣኾ መዘክር፡ ዝምልከቶም ሰበስልጣን ጀርመን፡ ነዚ ኣሕዛኒ ቅትለት ንምጽራይ ዘድሊ ምርመራታት ክገብሩን፡ ንገበነኛታት ናብ ፍርዲ ከቕርቡን ጸዊዑ።
እቲ ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ወጻእን ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያትን ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ፍትሕን ዝተላእከ መዘክር፡ ፈጸምቲ ናይ'ቲ ገበን፡ ኣብ ድረስደን ዝርከቡ ዓሌታውያን ክዀኑ ከምዝኽእሉ ዘመልክት ጥርጠራ ከምዘለዎ እውን ኣይሓብአን።
ሚኒስትሪ ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ጀርመን ንቐተልቲ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ ናብ ፍርዲ ከቕርብ መጸዋዕታ ተገይርሉ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ናብ ሚኒስተር ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ጀርመን፡ ኣቶ ፍራንክ ቫልተር ሽታይንማየር፡ ኣብ ዝጸሓፎ መዘክር፡ እብ ከተማ ድረስደን፡ ብ10 ጥሪ 2015 ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ፡ ኻልድ ኢድሪስ ባህራይ፡ ቅትለት ንዝፈጸሙ ገበነኛታት ኣብ ፍርዲ ከቕርቦም ጸዊዑ።
20 ዓመት ዝዕድሚኡ ኻልድ ኢድሪስ፡ ብሰኑይ ሰዓት 8፡00 ናይ ምሸት ሽጋራ ክገዝእ ኢሉ ካብ ገዝኡ ምስ ወጸ ንገዝኡ ኣይተመልሰን። ሬሳኡ፡ ንጽባሒቱ ኢዩ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዝነብረሉ ገዛ ከምእተረኽበን ብኻራ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ሸነኻት ናይ ኣካላቱ ተወጊኡ ምሟቱን ናይ ዜና ማዕከናት ሓቢሮም።
ሰዲህኤ ብ13 ጥሪ 2015 ናብ ሚኒስተር ፈደራላዊ ሪፑብሊክ ጀርመን ኣብ ዝለኣኾ መዘክር፡ ዝምልከቶም ሰበስልጣን ጀርመን፡ ነዚ ኣሕዛኒ ቅትለት ንምጽራይ ዘድሊ ምርመራታት ክገብሩን፡ ንገበነኛታት ናብ ፍርዲ ከቕርቡን ጸዊዑ።
እቲ ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ወጻእን ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያትን ናብ ሚኒስትሪ ፍትሕን ዝተላእከ መዘክር፡ ፈጸምቲ ናይ'ቲ ገበን፡ ኣብ ድረስደን ዝርከቡ ዓሌታውያን ክዀኑ ከምዝኽእሉ ዘመልክት ጥርጠራ ከምዘለዎ እውን ኣይሓብአን።
ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ ኣብ 2014 ዓ.ም ዑቝባ ካብ ዝሓተቱ ኤርትራ ኣብ ቀዳማይ ደረጃ ትስራዕ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤኣብ 2014 ዓ.ም ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ ዑቝባ ዝሓተቱ ብዝሒ ኤርትራውያን 2.932 ኢዩ። ብብዝሒ ናብ ዓባይ ብሪጣን ዝኣተዉ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ካልኣይ፡ ሳልሳይ፡ ራብዓይ ዝስርዓ ድማ ፓኪስታን (2891)፡ ኢራን (1999)፡ ሱርያ (1802) ኢየን።
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ ዑቝባ ዝሓተቱ ካብ ዝተፈላለዩ ሃገራት ዓለም ዝመጹ ስደተኛታት ብጠቕላላ 24,257 ኢዮም። እዚ ካብ ናይ 2013 ዓም ብ2% ክብ ዝበለ ከምዝበለ ተፈሊጡ ኣሎ። ኣብ 2013 ናብ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ ዝኣተዉ ስደተኛታት 23,805 ኢዮም ነይሮም።
Constitution or No Constitution: Issais Afeworki is Gearing up to Become a Tyrant for Life
Written by EPDP Editorial Board
EPDP Editorial
Editorial note: This article first appeared in June 2014, and it is being reposted because of multiple requests from our readers.
After twenty-three years of dictatorship and eighteen months into the operation of Forto, and in the midst of a wave of Eritrean worldwide grassroots movement that is sending shivers through the PFDJ dictatorial establishment, Issais Afeworki is looking for a new route to prolong his dictatorship in Eritrea. And he thinks he has found one, which is to draft a new constitution, “a constitution drafting process will be launched in order to chart out the political road map for the future government structure” (in his televised speech he gave on May 24).
Needless to say, for years the tyrant has been calling constitutional democracy or democratic governance an illusion and an invention of western countries that does not work not only in African societies in general and in Eritrean society in particular, but also in western countries that practice democracy. We have an expression in Tigryina, “one who does not have a chicken ridicules those who have a donkey.” (ደርሆዘይቡሉስንባዓልኣድጊይንዕቕ).
We also know on several occasions Issais was asked by Ajezzira journalists and by many others as to the chance of having a multiparty system, democracy or free election in Eritrea, Issais emphatically said, “Free election will not happen in Eritrea for the next 30 years or 40 years. I have no plan to leave my position regardless what you say or you do. Remember I did not sign any contract with you or anyone. Any one hoping for multiparty system can go to the moon. Only daydreamers believe in alternatives to the ruling of the PFDJ. Only daydreamers can think about ‘constitution and constitutional governance in Eritrea…etc.” Unless conveniently forgotten, this is Issais’ worldview that revolves around an absolute power at the cost of brutalizing and repressing Eritrean citizens. And if one asked the majority of Eritrean citizens where the power lies, the answer would be all power lies in the hands of Issaias who exercises such a power ruthlessly through his army and state security machinery.
Now, after all these years, why is the tyrant proposing a new constitution? What is wrong with the 1997 constitution that Issaias himself monitored and gave his blessing for its ratification in March 1997, but later dishonored it and put it aside for two decades? Certainly, Issaias knew then and knows now, if the constitution (despite all the critics surrounding it) of 1997 had been implemented, among other things, it would have laid down a ground for a democratic system of governance in our country that would have allowed political parties/political pluralism, individual liberty, fair and free election, peaceful change of leadership, accountable government, citizens’ participation, rule of law…etc., a vital for peace and sustainable development for a country ravaged by a 30-year war of independence. But like all dictators, Issais hates rule by the people and that is why he and his elites took a barbaric action, and subverted the implementation of the ratified constitution back in 2001, exposing the country into a protracted socio-economic and political disaster. The fact is Issaias’ talk of new constitution is nothing, but another scandalous manipulation with the most fundamental document a country can own, a constitution.
In history, we know many dictators who banned constitutional system of governance, and some who drafted their own new constitution or created a version of any existing constitution to stay in power for life. For example, the late Hugo Chaves of Venezuela (2012), Paul Biya of Cameroon (2008), Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua (2011), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (2005), as well as many other dictators who either got rid of limits on presidential terms or made severe restrictions and changes on their countries’ constitution in order to stay in power. Recently, Paul Kagame of Rwanda in power since 2000 is campaigning to change the term limit, a means to dig in power for life.
Issaias is unelected president who is ruling Eritrean people with iron-fist since independence after having either imprisoned, tortured, arbitrarily arrested or murdered thousands of Eritrean citizens because they demanded constitution and freedom. Ever since undeterred, Issais’ continued to violate human rights and commit civilian killings for over two decades. And his power of legitimacy has been rested for the last two decades on continued repression and brutality. But this is not enough for this menacing dictator. Now after having banned the ratified constitution of the 1997, he is poised to draft his own new constitution with one an unambiguous mission: and that is to crown himself as a dictator for life with the intention of using the new constitution as a legitimate instrument to stamp any and all emerging popular struggles. And he is doing this by shifting the debate from “implementing the already ratified constitution to drafting a new one”, again a sinister move aimed at deceiving Eritrean people into thinking that he is ready to pay homage to democratic principles while he continues to undo everything we have earned as we know it. This is an old trick of getting Eritrean people to support him under the guise of a new constitution. But Eritrean people know that Issaias is a dictator, and constitutionalism and dictatorship do not go together.
In summary, what kind of constitution is Mr. Issaias, who hates democracy or government of the people, talking about? Well, the kind of constitution that Issaias is talking about is one that would prepare new ground for extending his tyranny indefinitely, if he survives the fire power of the ongoing popular resistance; he is talking about prolonging his reign for life, that is if he sails through the ever simmering popular uprising across the Eritrean political landscape. EPDP knows that only very few Eritreans will be deceived by the so-called drafting constitution saga. The truth though, Issaias should by now know that the majority of Eritreans know that the call for “drafting new constitution” under the auspices of his PFDJ regime is nothing, but a continuation of terror and injustices of his rule in Eritrea. And if at all he ventures to write one, Eritrean people should know that he will use it as a facade to enable him to legitimize his vicious grip on power- all nothing to do with the will and true democratic aspirations of Eritrean people. No Eritrean, in a true sense of the world, believes Issaias can hold free and democratic elections because he knows the Eritrean people would reject him. Therefore, new constitution or no constitution, there should not be any confusion here: this is the PFDJ tyranny in black and white, a tyranny that knows no bounds. EPDP calls on all Eritreans to stand up and unconditionally reject Issaias’ call for new constitution, understanding that the reason for his call is to permanently subvert the ongoing opposition and prolong his despotism. Eritreans should take it seriously that this is the despot’s mockery of constitution at its extreme, which won’t stand as Eritrean people are saying enough and willing to fight for the rule of law, human rights, and political freedom. But it suffices to remember the old adage: “If you fool me once, shame on you; if you fool me twice, shame on me.” Finally, it is important to underscore that Issais may be on his last legs, but he is not defeated. He is determined to fight to the last; he is determined to fight for his own life. Yet, the paradox is that while the PFDJ is hanging on the cliff, the Eritrean opposition has yet to figure out on how to go about forming a coherent leadership and opposition against the PFDJ regime and its evil system of governance. EPDP says it is time that we must go beyond staging protests and narrating the crimes of the PFDJ regime.
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ኣርዓዶም በርሀ
ምውዳብ ሰፊሕን ዓብይን ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ትርጉሙ ብሓጺር ኣገባብን ውሑዳት ቃላትን ምግላጹ ከም ዘጸግም ዘካትዕ ኣይኮነን። ብመንጽር ኣቲ ስፍሓቱን ኣገዳስነቱን ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ሳይነስን ኣወዳድባን ተመራመርቲ ንትርጉም ምውዳብ ብዝተፈላለየ መልክዓት ከም ዘቕርብዎ ርዱእ እዩ። ምውዳብ ናይ ዝተወሰነ ዕላማ ጥራይ መዕወቲ ጸቢብ ኣምር ዘይኮነስ ዝተፈላለየ ዕላማታት ንምዕዋት ዝካየድ ሰፊሕ ዘይዝለል ተግባር እዩ። እዚ ሕጂ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ዓይነት ውደባ ፖለቲካዊ ዕላማ ንምርግጋጽ ብዛዕባ ዝግበር ምትእኽኻብ ወይ ምውዳብ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ካብቲ ካልእ ውደባታት ዝፍለየሉ ባህርያት ኣለውዎ። ኣብ ሓደ መጽሓፍ ዝረኸብኩዎ ንውደባ ዝምልከት ሓጺር ትርጉም “ምውዳብ ተመሳሳሊ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት ዘለዎም ሰባት፡ ናይ ሓባር ዕላምኦም ንምዕዋት ዝገብርዎ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ምጥርናፍ እዩ” ይብል። በዚ ድማ ፖለቲካዊ ውዳበ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት ማእከል ዝገበረ ሓባራዊ ባህሪ ዘለዎ ተግባር ምዃኑ ንርዳእ። ኣድላይነት ውዳበ ካልእ ነብሱ ዝኸኣለ ዝርዝር ዘድልዮ ኮይኑ፡ ብሓጺሩ ሰብኣውን ነገራውን ጸጋታትካ ጠርኒፉ ዓቕምኻ ዘሕይል፡ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ውህደት ዝፈጥርን ክሳራታት ዘውሕድን ንጸላኢኻ ወቒዕካ ተድምየሉ ስልቲ እዩ ምባሉ ዝኣክል ይመስለኒ። ምእንቲ እዚ ኢና ድማ ውዳበ ሓይሊ እዩ። ዘይተወደበ ሓይሊ ኣይዕወትን እዩ እንብል። እዚ እንብሎ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ተመኩሮና ብተግባር ዝተረጋገጸ\ውን እዩ። ብናተይ እምነት ሰባት በበቲ ዝኣምንዎን ዝመርጽዎን ኣገባብ ተወዲቦም ክቃለሱ ኣለዎም ክበሃል እንከሎ ዝቕልሶ ሕጊ ዘየብሉ፡ ፍኑው ምትእኽኻብ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን።
ሓባራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኣረኣእያ ዘለዎም ኣካላት ብሓባር ይውደቡ፡ ክበሃል እንከሎ እቶም ተወደብቲ ውጹዓት ጥራይ ክኾኑ ናይ ግድን ኣይኮነን። ወጻዕቲ እውን ቀጻልነቶም ኣብ ምውጻዕ ዝተመስረተ ስለ ዝኾነ ኣንጻርቶም ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ተሰሊፎም ዕድሜኦም ንክሓጽሩ ዝቃለስዎም ወገናት ንምብዳህ ናይ ወጽዓ ውዳበ ከካይዱ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ንናትና ተመኩሮ ከም ኣብነት ክንወስድ እንከለና፡ ንሕና እቶም ውጹዓት ደለይቲ ፍትሕን ለውጥን ህዝብና ንምርግጋጽ እንብህግ ጥራይ ኣይኮነና እንውደብ። እቲ ወጻዒና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እውን ናቱ ውደባ ኣለዎ። ስለዚ ሓቀኛ ትሕዝቶ ውዳበታትና ካብቲ ናይ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝፍለ፡ በቲ ንምዕዋቱ እንቃለሰሉ ፖለቲካዊ ዕላማ ባህሪ እዩ። ናትና እምነትን ውዳበን ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ይስለፍ፡ ምእንቲ ራህዋ ድማ ይቃለስ። ናይ ህግደፍ ውዳበ ንወጽዓ ይስለፍ ኣንጻር ራህዋ ድማ ይዓዪ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ’ዚ ሓፈሻዊ ኮይኑ ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕ ዝርዝር ዘለዎ እዩ።
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙናት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰደህኤ) ሓደ ኣንጻር ኣውራጃዊ ጸቢብነት ዝትርኽን ሓደጋታቱ ዘተንብህን ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ኣውጺኡ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ፡ ንኣየናይ ኣውራጃ ይውክልን መን የንቅደሉን ብዘየገድስ ኣውራጃውነት ንፖለቲካዊ ሓድነትና ሃሳዪ ምዃኑ ተገሊጹ ኣሎ። እቲ ሓድሽ ነገር፡ ብግሉጽ ብሰደህኤ ምቕራቡ እንተዘይኮይኑ እዚ ኣውራጃዊ ጸቢብ ስምዒት ንጉጅለ ህግደፍን መዳኸርቱን ገዲፍካ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሕልና ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ኤርትራዊ ኣንተልጢሉ ዘሎ ስኽፍታ እዩ። እዚ ነቲ ኩሉ ከፋፋሊ ዝንባለታት ተጻዊሩ ኣብ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣትኪሉ ብደምን ኣዕጽምትን ዝተነድቀ ሓድነትና ንድሕሪት መሊሱ ዝህድድ ምዃኑ ማንም ክሓባብኦ ዝኽእል ኣይኮነን። እዚ ኣውራጃነት ዝወረሮ ጸቢብ ስምዒት፡ ዝጽለኣሉ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ነቲ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት ማእከሉ ዝገብር ቅኑዕ ውዳበታት መንገዲ ዘቐይርን ዘዳኽምን ስለ ዝኾነን ብሰንኪ’ዚ ምድኻምዚ፡ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና መፍቶ እቲ ካብ ምብትታን ዝድረር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንክኸውን ዘተባብዕ ስለ ዝኾነን እዩ። እዚ ኣካይዳ እዚ ኣድቂቕና እንተተረዲእናዮ ነቶም ብጉልባብ “ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በብዝጥሞ መንግዲ ብዝተወደበን ዘይተወደብ ኣገባብ ንመሰሉ ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ተቓውሞ ዘነኣእስን ኣፍልጦ ዘይህብን ኢዩ።” ብዝብሉ ቃላት ንርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ ዘናእሱ ወገናት እውን ዘርብሕ ኣይኮነን። ምናልባት እዚ “ስለምንታይ ይንቀፍ” ብዝብል ኣውራጃዊ ጫፍ ክሕዝ ዝደናደን ዘሎ ስምዒት ጽባሕ እውን ናብ ወረዳን እንዳን ክወርድ ስለ ዝኽእል፡ ሃስያኡ ብዙሕ መልክዓት ዘለዎ እዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ መርዛም ትሕዝቶኡ፡ ንናይ ሓሳብ እሂንሚህን ኣዳኺሙ፡ ንወገናዊ ምቅርራብ ዘሰውድ እዩ። ቃልስና ኣንጻር ፖለቲካዊ ወጽዓ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እዩ ካብ በልና፡ ናይ ቃልሲ መዕወቲ መሳርሒና ከዓ ፖለቲካዊ ውዳበ ጥራይን ጥራይን እዩ። ዘይ ምውዳብ ወይ ድማ ዘይፖለቲካዊ ውዳበ ምምራጽ ግና ነቲ ንህዝብና ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ኣጀንዳ ኣውጺኡ፡ ናይ ምውዳብ መሰሉ ግሂሱ ክገዝኦ ክነብር ዝደሊ ህግደፍ እዩ ዝጠቕሞ። ንፖለቲካዊ ውጽዓ ከም ኣውራጃውነት ብዝኣመሰለ ዘይፖለቲካዊ ውዳበ ክትፈጥሖ ምፍታን ከዓ፡ ንሓደ ገዛ ብዘይተዓጽወሉ መፍትሕ ክትከፍቶ ካብ ምፍታን ፈሊኻ ዝረኣይ ኣይኮነን።
ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ወዮ በቲ ባዕሉ ዝፍሕሶ ውዲታት እንዳጸገመና፡ ንዓኡ ዘገልግል ወገናዊ ውዳበ ፈጢርና ግዳይ ወጻዒና ኣይንኹን ዝበለ ሰደህኤ፡ እንተኾነ መተናእደ፡ ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ከተቆናጽቦን ረገምቲ ክትጽወዓሉን ምፍታን ቅኑዕ ኣይኮነን። ምናልባት እዚ ሰልፊ ብዛዕባ ዘየለ ኣውራጃዊ ስግኣት ወይ ጸገም ዝዛረብ እንተልዩ ከዓ፡ “ከምዚ ዝበሃል ኣውራጃ ዝመሰረቱ ምንቅስቓስ የለን” ተባሂሉ መተነግሮ እሞ፡ ወይ ከም ዘሎ መርተዖ መቕረበ ወይ ድማ “እወ ብዛዕባ ዘየለ እየ ተዛሪበ እሞ ይቕረታ” መበለ። እቲ ምስሕሓብ ከዓ ኣብኡ መተወደአ። እዚ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ምስ ተዘርግሐ፡ ብመጀመርያ ክሳብ ዝኣኽሎ ምስተቓወሞ ደሓር፡ ብኢደ ወነኑ ናብ ትግርኛ ተርጒሙ ናይ ኣራግሙና መጸዋዕታ ዘቕረበ፡ ናይ ህግሓኤ ገዲም ተጋዳላይ ምንባሩ ዝንገረሉ፡ ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪጥንያ ዝምቕማጡ፡ ሓው ታደሰ ኪዳነ ፊትንፊት እዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ኣውራጃዊ ምትእኽኻብ የለን ኣይበለን። ወይ ድማ ብደረጃ ኣውራጃ ምውዳብ ኣድላይ እዩ ብዝብል ተቢዑ ዝበሎ የለን። ኮታ ካብ ትሕዝቶ ናይቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ዝያዳ ኣንጻር እቲ ዋናኡ ዝኾነ ፖለቲካዊ ትካል ዝነደረ እዩ ዝመስል። ንትሕዝቶ እቲ ዋናታቱ ብቕምጦም ዝተርጎሞ መልእኽቲ ብዝምልከት፡ እቲ ምትርጓሙ እቲ ዓንቀጽ ብብዙሕ ቋንቋታት ንክነበብ ምሕጋዙ፡ ሓደ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ ኣተረጓጉማ ግና ምስቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዘቕረቦ ተጻባኢ ሚዛኑ ከም ዘሳንየሉ ገይሩ ሓስይዎ ከም ዘሎ ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ ነቲ ናቱ ኣተረጓጉማ ከም ዘለዎ ንውሰዶ እንተበልና እውን ምናልባት ሓደሓደ ንሱ ዘተዓባበዮ ቃላት ገዲፍካ ቀንዲ ሕመረት ናይቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ “ኣውራጃውነት ሓይልናን ተቓውሞናን ስለ ዘዳኽም ኣይንምረጾ” ካብ ምባል ሓሊፉ ካልእ ኣበር ዘለዎ ኣይኮንን። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ሰደህኤ ከም ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ውዳበ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ንደንበ ተቓውሞ ብኣሉታ ይጸልዎ እዩ ኢሉ ንዝኣመነሉ ተበግሶ ክቓወምን ህዝቢ ከይስዕቦ ክጽውዕን፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ኣውንታዊ ጽልዋ ንዘለዎ ተርእዮ ክድግፍን ህዝቢ ንክድግፎ ክጉስጉስን ናይ ዝኾነ ኣካል ፈቓድ ዘይሓተሉ መሰሉ ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን።
ንዝበሃልን ዝጸሓፍን ሓሳብ ከምምቲ ዘለዎ ካብ ምርዳእ’ሞ ኣብኡ ተመርኲስካ ሚዛንካ ካብ ምንባር ሓሊፍካ “ብቕጥታ ከምዚ ማለቶም እኮ ብተዘዋዋሪ ከምዚ ክብሉ ስለ ዝደለዩ እዮም” እንዳበልካ ጥርጣረ ፈጢርካ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ኣብቲ ዝረኣይ ትምርኮስ ኣብቲ ዘይርአ ተንጠልጢልካ ዘይዕቱብ ሚዛን ምሃብ ብመንጽር ግሉጽነት ቅኑዕ ኣይኮነን። ከም ኣብነት ኣብ ሚዛን ሓው ታደሰ ኪዳነ “እቲ መግለጺ ብተዘዋዋሪ መንገዲ፡ ነቶም ኣውራጃውያን ዝበሎም ዝኸስስ ዘሎ ተመሲሉ፡ ንገለ ክፋል ሕ/ሰብና ምስ ህግደፍ ክተሓባበሩን ኣንጻር`ቶም ኣውራጃውያን ዝበሎም ክዕጠቑን ይጽውዕ።”ዝብል ንረክብ። እዚ ሓው ኣብ ክንዲ ናብቲ ዘይተባህለ ግና ድማ ንሱ ከምዚ ማለቶም እዩ ዝኸውን ዝብሎ ትርጉም ዝኸይድ፡ ነቲ ዝተባህለ እገለ ኣውራጃ ኣብ ልዕሊ እገለ ኣውራጃ ዘይብል ግና ድማ ንኣውራጃዊ ጸቢብነት ዝቓወም ሓሳብ ወሲዱ ብዛዕባኡ ሚዛኑ እንተዝህብስ ክሳብ ክንደይኮን መመልከዓሉ።
ሓደ ከነስተብህለሉ ዝግበኣና ጉዳይ ኣሎ። እንተደኣ ብኣውራጃዊ ውዳበ የዋጽእ’ዩ ኢልካ፡ እቲ ናይ ቃልሲ ውድድር ኣብ መንጎ ወጻዕን ተወጻዕን ቃልሲ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ኣንጻር ካልእ ኣውራጃ ከም ዝኸውን ከሎ ጌና ርዱእ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ድማ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ኣብ ልዕሊ ካልእ ኣውራጃ ተንሲኡ ክናቖት እሞ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ድማ ሹሻዩ ወሪድሉ፡ “እንኳዕከ ሰብኣይን ሰበይትን ዝተባእስሉ መኣዲ ፈጠረለይ” ንክብል ፍናን ዘሕድረሉ እዩ። እዚ ዝብል ዘለኹ ንሓደ ኣውራጃ ጥራይ ዝውክል እሞ ምስቶም ካለኦት ኣውራጃታት ዘሳንዮ ፖለቲካዊ ርኢቶ ኣሎ ዝብል እምንቶ ስለ ዘየብለይ እየ። እስኪ ንኣውርጃታትና ብሕልናና ሃሰስ ንበለን። እቶም ደቂ እገለ ኣውራጃ ኢና እንብል፡ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ኩለን ሰልፍታት፡ ውድባትን ማሕበራትን ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ንኣውራጃውነትና ፖለቲካዊ እምነትና በሊጽዎ ክሳብ ኣብ ደንበ ህግደፍ ፋሕ ኢልና ከም ዘለና ንዝገዖ ዲና?
ኣብዚ ለንቅነ እዚ ዝዛራበሉ ዘለኹ ዛዕባ መዛረቢ ኮይኑስ፡ ብዙሓት ሰባት ነናቶም መርተዖን ተመኩሮን እንዳቕረቡ ኣውራጃዊ ውደባ ክቃወሙ ሰሚዐ። ካብዚኣቶም ሓንቲ ሓውቲ ኣብ ፓልቶክ፡ ንሳን ካለኦት ኣሕዋታን ደቂ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ደቂ ሓንቲ ሰበይትን ሓደ ሰብኣይን ክንሶም፡ ብሰንኪ ፖለቲካዊ ምርጫኦም ገሊኦም ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ገሊኦም ድማ ኣብ ጐኒ ህግደፍ ምስላፎም ከም ኣብነት ብምጥቃስ ንኣውራጃዊ ውደባ ኮኒና ከተብቅዕ፡ ነዚ ናይ ልባ ዝተዛረበላ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ ግና ኣይነኣደቶን። ክትቃወሞ’ውን ተመጣጢራ። እዚስ ምስ ምንታይ ይውሰድ። እዚ ኩነታት ዘመሓላልፎ ካልእ መልእኽቲ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል ኣውራጃ ንወደብ ክበሃል እንከሎ፡ እቲ መዕቀኒ ኣውራጃነት ካብ ኮነ ነቶም መሳርሒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኮይኖም ንህዝብና ደም ዘንብዕዎ ዘለዉ’ውን ዝምልከቶም ምዃኡ እዩ። ምናልባት ነቲ ዝነበረና ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ኣረኣእያ ፍልልይ ገዲፍና፡ ኣብቲ ሓደ ዝገብረና ከባብነት ዝማእከሉ፡ ኣውራጃዊ መዕቀኒ ንራኸብ ናብ ዝብል ከይወስደና’ሞ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልስና “እንተ ፈታሕካዮስ ቁጻር ጥራይ” ከይገብሮ ምስትብሃል ከድልየና እዩ።
12 ጥሪ 2015
Eritrean Tv Demtsi Hezbi 11 Jan 2015
Response to the Critique on “State Failure and Identity Politics: Is Regional Mobilization the Answer?” by Eritrean Afar State in Exile (EASE)
Written by EPDP Editorial Board
EPDP Editorial
First, we would like to express our appreciation for the comments and critiques given by EASE. But, the writer has missed the context and the essence of the EPDP Editorial Article. Here is why:
The Context:
- EPDP believes that Eritrea, as a nation-state, is the result of a common and long history of the social, economic, and political struggle by the people (the different ethno-linguistic groups, including Afar) who inhabited and constituted the present day Eritrea. In essence, Eritrean is a shared identity that was more enhanced and solidified during the 30-year war of liberation for which Eritrean people from all walks of life: all ethnic and nationalities/social groups, young and old, men and women came together and died in search of their freedom, liberty, and national sovereignty. Thus, Eritrea is a pluralistic society that belongs to all Eritreans (individuals, ethno-linguistic groups, etc.) equally. Furthermore, EPDP believes that the proper management of Eritrea’s diversity in post PFDJ Eritrea is a critical determinant factor for the continuity and sustainability of Eritrea as a nation-state and for a durable peaceful coexistence among its diverse ethno-linguistic groups.
- EPDP recognizes that the struggle against foreign occupiers was not waged in the name of one nationality or social group, nor was it waged by one nationality or group. It was a cumulative force of Eritreans whose loyalty to their own social group was never at variance with their country, Eritrea.
- EPDP understands and knows the fact that, instead of establishing democratic governance structures and resources allocation system that allows all population groups full participation, the regime from the outset adopted extractive and exclusionary laws that allow it to capture absolutely all the benefits of our independence. As a consequence, many population groups in our country were and are marginalized politically, socially and economically. Here, the Eritrean Afars are no exception.
- For EPDP, Regionalism in the Eritrean context is not the same as ethno-linguistic affiliations. Regionalism or “Awrajawinet” (Serewetay, Akeleguzetay, Hamasienetay, Barketay, Senhitetay, etc.) is the result of regional self-awareness or regional self-identification ascriptions and the bases for these kinds of cleavages in Eritrea are the Italian colonial legal administrative regions that had been developed solely to serve Italian interests. The Editorial Article used the term “regional mobilization” in this context.
- EPDP believes that the major culprit for generating regionalism and identity politics in the Eritrean political landscape is primarily the undemocratic nature of the Eritrean regime, which suffocates the political space. Hence, indisputably, the solution for Eritrea’s ills squarely lies in dismantling the kleptocratic regime and replacing it with a democratic system of governance in which real power lies in the hands of the people of Eritrean and in which justice and rule of law with all its features become the solid foundation of Eritrean life. It is very legitimate to argue about how best this noble aim can be achieved.
The Essence:
As stated in the Editorial Article, EPDP wishes to reiterate that the single solution to the Eritrean quagmire is to dismantle the dictatorial regime and to replace its absolutist and extractive political and economic institutions by a pluralistic and inclusive political and economic system through establishing a united front of the democratic forces of Eritrea in the opposition, including the Afars, both inside the country and in the Diaspora. In this, the Political Program of EPDP stipulates a decentralized system of governance where political and economic power is devolved to the lower levels of administrative units (province, district, and village) with self-governing authorities (for a detailed information, see the Political Program of EPDP). The key vision here is to establish a system of governance that guarantees a constitutionally protected decentralized self administration in which Eritrean regions and/or nationalities will have greater power to administer their localities by maintaining and protecting Eritrea’s full sovereignty and territorial integrity. For the convenience of our readers, Article 2.7 and Article 4.2 of the Political Program are reproduced below as follows:
2.7 Decentralized Administration
Well aware of the plurality of cultures and traditions in the Eritrean setting, EPDP believes that decentralizing and spreading power down to the provinces, districts, sub-districts and villages will prevent the concentration of state power and wealth in the hands of a few, a phenomenon which can jeopardize national unity. In order to apply decentralized administration, the following must be fulfilled: a) proper socio-economic and historical/geographical study on the condition of the settlements; b) the willingness of the people to create the new administrative divisions; c) and approval of the plan by constitutionally established organs of the state. Until then, EPDP shall support the continuation of the administrative divisions/provinces that existed before the independence of the country.
4.2 EPDP Policy for Equitable Economic Development of Eritrean Provinces
- Give special attention to underdeveloped provinces,
- Struggle for every province to develop its own economic administration, that the province administers by itself, which is in line with the general economic policy of the country:
- Struggle for the establishment of an all inclusive relationship and support system in all levels of government (province, district, and village) based on national constitution.
Unlike what the writer’s comments and the critiques try to allude, EPDP neither represents Ethnic Tigrigna nor is the flip side of PFDJ regime. This is fundamentally a gross misrepresentation and mischaracterization of EPDP. Again, EPDP is well aware of the motivation, and the negative interpretations, descriptions, and tendencies that float now and then against it by some quarters in the opposition. Two, EPDP neither condones nor ascribes to PFDJ’s policies and actions and hence should not be blamed for the actions of the current regime. The writer is directing his/her political grievances against a Political Party that struggles on his/her side, ‘barking at the wrong tree’ as they say. Three, the political orientation and the composition of EPDP reflect the diversity of Eritrea more than any political group in the Eritrean opposition, and that EPDP through its official positions made it clear that its primary objective is to make Eritrea a country where ethno-linguistic diversity is properly managed (for example, minority rights are recognized, respected, protected and even promoted) and that the unity and mutual trust between Eritrea’s social groups is nurtured, and that the growth of equitable and fair economic development as well as social and political equality is part of the system we establish in post PFDJ Eritrea.
Another, EPDP has never ever said it is planning to implement the 1997 Constitution as is if it were to come to power. This is another misrepresentation of EPDP’s official stand on the 1997 constitution. The fact is EPDP understands the controversies surrounding the 1997 constitution, and it is within this understanding that it adopted the following resolution in its first Merger Conference:
The Merger Conference, having considered and discussed the relevance of the Unimplemented constitution of Eritrea, resolved that the question on what to do with the 1997 constitution finds ground only after the fall of PFDJ. The option of discarding the document or accepting it in any form shall be left to the people to decide: either through a popular referendum or through its elected representatives.
From EPDP stand point, the constitution of 1997 is not a bone of contention, and dwelling on it not only gives the dictatorial regime a space to exploit and benefit out of it, but also it misplaces the priority of our struggle against the PFDJ regime.
The author of the critique is advised to rectify his/her facts and redirect the critique to the regime, which is the “mother of all evils” in Eritrea. Population displacements and the exodus of Eritreans, including Afars, are well chronicled and they are squarely the result of the brutal tyranny of PFDJ, and we must join hands to eliminate PFDJ from the face of Eritrea, rather than engaging on issues that polarizes us as an opposition.
Yes, we agree with the writer that Dankalia is one of the cradles of modern Eritrea and there is no Eritrean nation-state without Dankalia, or without any of the other components of Eritrea for that matter. A democratic and prosperous Dankalia is impossible without a democratic and prosperous Eritrea. EPDP firmly believes that modern Eritrea is a pluralistic and diverse society and that the integrity of Eritrea as a nation-state must be preserved by anchoring it on the pillars of peaceful coexistence of its diverse social cleavages. We know the current regime continues to mismanage and abuse indiscriminately this diversity to perpetuate its misrule, and reversing all these problems will be an uphill battle in the aftermath of its fall. Therefore, to throw some light, in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Issaias regime, the most challenging issues will be numerous, but the key ones are these: One, the establishment of effective and good governance that allows access to fair and equitable socio-economic development, wealth distribution, and equal political representation as a necessary condition for ensuring a durable peaceful coexistence among Eritrea’s diverse groups. Two, organization of government institutions and structures that can effectively manage and accommodate the diversity of Eritrea’s social groups in a manner, for example, that defines the relationship between the national government and its local government bodies. Last, EPDP knows that it is not alone in the Eritrean political landscape and cannot achieve this noble objective by itself. Instead, EPDP strongly believes that it must strive to work with other Eritrean compatriots, including the Eritrean Afar State in Exile to dismantle the dictatorial regime in Eritrea and replace it with a constitutional and inclusive governance structure. Hence, we would like to take this opportunity to call upon the Eritrean Afar State in Exile to join hands with us in this endeavor.
Harnnet Editorial Board
