Radio Interview with Mr. Tesfai Degiga P.V
Written by Radio Voice of LibertyTv Demtsi Hezbi - Prof. Sebhatu G. Micheal Part II
ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ንድሕነት ስደተኛታት ክሰርሕን ንዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ጽቡቕ ገበርካ ዘስምዕ ደገፋት ከይህብን ሰዲህኤ ጸዊዑ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ናብ ፕረሲደንት ኮሚሽን ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣቶ ጃን ካላውድ ዩንከር፡ ኣብ ዝጸሓፎ መዘክር፡ ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ንህይወት ናይ'ቶም ኣብ ገማግም ኣውሮጳ ዝጥሕሉ ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት ከድሕን ደጊሙ ኣዘኻኺሩ።
ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ናብ ፕረሲደንት ኣውሮጳዊ ኮሚሽን ኣብ ዝለኣኾ መዘክር "ኣብ'ዚ ሰሙን'ዚ ኣብ'ቲ ገማግም ባሕርኹም ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ዘጓናፈ ንላምፓዱዛ ዝመሳሰል ዳግማይ ህልቂት ኣብ ሓዘን ኢና ዘለና እሞ፡ ተኻፈልቲ ሓዘና ኩኑ" ኢሉ።
ቅዳሕ ናይ'ዚ መዘክር፡ ናብ ወይዘሮ ፈደሪካ ሞገሪኒ፡ ላዕለወይቲ ኮሚሽነር ናይ ወጻእን ጸጥታዊ ጕዳያት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፤ ኣቶ ዶናልድ ታስክ፡ ፕረሲደንት ባይቶ ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፤ ኣቶ ማርቲን ሹልትስ፡ ፕረሲደንት ኣውሮጳዊ ፓርላማ፤ ከምኡ'ውን፡ ናብ 28 ቀወምቲ ልኡኻት ናይ ኣባላት ሃገራት ኣውሮጳ ተላኢኹ። ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ እቲ መዘክር፡ ንዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ምድጋፍ ነቲ ሽግር ንምፍታሕ ዘይኰነስ፡ ነቲ ዲክታቶር ግርም ኣለኻ ምባል ኢዩ ዝቝጸር ዝብል ነቐፌታ ወይ መልእኽቲ ዝሓዘለ ኢዩ ነይሩ።
EPDP Asks EU to Save Refugee Lives and Stop Rewarding Dictatorship in Eritrean
Written by EPDP Information OfficeIn a memorandum addressed to Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission, the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) once more urged the regional body to save refugee lives from drowning in the immediate shores of Europe.
The EPDP Chairman, Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom, asked the EU Commission President to “join us in mourning yet another tragedy, another Lampedusa that occurred this week in the Mediterranean Sea – your sea”.
Copied also to Ms Federica Mogherini, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy; Mr. Donald Tusk, President of the Council of EU; Mr. Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament, as well as to Permanent Missions of 28 EU Member States, the EPDP memo of 17 April 2015 also urged the European organization no to go ahead with its intention of rewarding the dictatorship in Eritrea because doing so will not solve the problem. Printed below is the full text of the memorandum.
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Your Excellency Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker,
I, the undersigned chairman of the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), an organization in exile struggling for democratic change in Eritrea, am addressing this message to Your Excellency, with copies to your close work colleagues, to ask you to join us in mourning yet another tragedy, another Lampedusa, that occurred this week in the Mediterranean Sea – your sea - claiming over 400 lives. And as usual, many of them were from my distressed country, Eritrea.
Mr. Juncker,
Eritrea has become a human disaster and a situation similar to what is going on in Syria and other war-torn regions of the world. As you very well know, the cause of human displacement and suffering in Eritrea is not an ongoing war but the total absence of the rule of law and respect to human rights.
This week and in recent years, the vast majority of victims in the Mediterranean Sea were not “migrants” but genuine asylum seekers fleeing humanly intolerable situations in Eritrea, Somalia, Syria and a few other places. And needless to say, they are people who deserve protection until the situation that forced them to escape from home is changed to the better. Unfortunately, Sir, the EU is not responding appropriately to the plight of refugees. Instead, it joins others to describe asylum seekers from Eritrea, Syrian, Somalia and similar hard hit regions as “migrants” and wrongly believes that the death of many more of them will stop others from taking the risk. .
Dear Sir,
This memorandum aims to once again call upon your esteemed office to review the EU policy of not actively engaging in saving lives in the Mediterranean Sea. Therefore, we request the EU
To kindly come with a meaningful operation like the now defunct Mare Nostrum to save lives.
We also believe that EU must launch a major support programme for Eritrean refugees with package programme in the Horn of Africa. As explained many times to the EU, this programme can provide academic education, skill training and scholarships and prepare young and disadvantaged Eritreans for a better future in post-dictatorship Eritrea. It can be financed mainly by the technical assistance funds suspended for over a decade by many countries because of the Asmara regime’s bad human rights record.
Your Excellency,
Allow me also to take this opportunity to reiterate our utter disappointment about the intended EU support to the incorrigible regime in Asmara that failed the EU and all well intentioned donors in the past several years. The money EU is intending to give to the regime will not stop the suffering of Eritreans, and their flight will continue until a positive change is realized in the country. We, therefore, ask the EU to reconsider and drop its intention of rewarding the dictatorship in Eritrea for its appalling human rights record as attested by experts of the UN Human Rights Council.
Italian coast guard rescues thousands of migrants and refugees in Mediterranean
Written by UNHCRGENEVA, April 14 (UNHCR)–The UN refugee agency on Tuesday renewed its call for stepped up rescue operations in the Mediterranean after the Italian Coastguard saved some 8,500 migrants and refugees trying to cross the high seas by irregular routes to Europe from North Africa.
Those rescued since last Friday included an estimated 3,000 people in four boats and 16 dinghies rescued on Monday. At the same time, at least nine people are known to have drowned. These figures are provisional and could rise, as not all the boats have disembarked yet and some are still on their way towards various ports in southern Italy.
The coastguard often requests merchant ships to take part in search-and-rescue operations if all other vessels are being used. On Monday, seven ships travelling towards Libya were asked to help boats in distress and to take those rescued to Sicily. UNHCR has also called for a compensation scheme to alleviate the costs of rescue operations for commercial vessels.
Among those arriving at Palermo early Tuesday was 30-year-old Gebre from Eritrea, who said his boat left Tripoli three days earlier carrying about 400 people. "It was dark and so crowded I could not even move," he said. "After the first night of travel, the boat started taking on water; I have never been so scared. I felt helpless and terrified. Luckily, the Italian Coastguard came shortly after and rescued us all."
Aali, a 21-year-old Libyan from Sirte, said he fled after his brother was killed and his food shop torched by militants. The war changed everything," he said, adding: "Was there really an alternative to this dangerous sea journey?"
UNHCR praised the commitment shown by the Italian authorities in rescuing people in need on the high seas, before renewing an appeal for stepped up rescue efforts and the urgent establishment of a robust European search-and-rescue operation.
This year's toll of dead and missing in the Mediterranean Sea is now well over 500, a number which is 30 times higher than the same period of 2014. These figures show that not enough resources are being used to address the population flows and that, without proper search, rescue and monitoring operations at sea, many more people will die trying to reach safety in Europe.
UNHCR is also calling for legal, safe alternatives for those fleeing conflict and persecution, so that they are not forced to attempt the crossing to Europe by sea.
In the Gulf of Yemen, meanwhile, refugees continue to arrive in Djibouti and Somalia from Yemen, with a total of 1,260 people arriving by boat to both countries over the past two weeks.
All those arriving in Djibouti were Yemeni nationals, aside from three Syrians. The latest new arrivals have fled the intense violence in Aden, whereas earlier waves came mostly from Bab el-Mandeb.
In Djibouti, refugees are registered and receive medical checks and vaccinations before being transferred to a new camp under construction at Markazi, which has 70 tents in place so far.
A total of 915 people, including 156 Yemenis, have arrived across the Gulf of Aden, in Somaliland and Puntland. Recent arrivals to Bossaso port in Puntland have departed from Al Mukalla port in Yemen, and included women and children who arrived extremely thirsty and asking for water.
One woman was heavily pregnant and taken to the Bossaso health centre to deliver her baby. Recent arrivals to Berbera port in Somaliland left Mukha port in Yemen, with other ports closed. The refugees said they paid US$50 per person and that many more people were waiting to depart.
UNHCR and its partners are making contingency plans to receive up to 30,000 refugees in Djibouti and 100,000 in Somalia over the next six months
Inside Yemen, the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate as conflict spreads. Eighteen out of 22 governorates are now affected by conflict. "Many of the 250,000 mainly Somali refugees in Yemen are also affected by the conflict and we continue to see an increase in people moving from urban areas around Aden to the Kharaz refugee camp, hosting 18,000 people," a spokesperson said.
Meanwhile boats also continue to arrive on the Yemen coast. Last Sunday, 251 people (mainly Ethiopians, but also Somalis) arrived at Mayfa'a. UNHCR partners and staff are registering new arrivals.
Source= http://www.unhcr.org/552d26569.html
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብተግባራቱ ተስፋ ስለ ዝቖረጸ፡ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ልቡ ካብ ዘውጸኦን እምነቱ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ካብ ዘልዕልን ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ናይዚ ዘይምትእምማን መንቀሊ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ጥልመትን ኣብ ብዙሕ ጉዳያት ከምቲ ዝብሎ ኮይኑ ዘይምቕራብን እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ዝፈጸሞ ጥልመታት፡ ብሓፈሻኡ ጸጋታት ነጻነት ኤርትራ ብምጭዋይ ዝግለጽ ኮይኑ፡ ዝርዝሩ ነዊሕ እዩ። ንኤርትራ ከም ታይዋን ከነህብትማ ኢና፡ ብመንገዲ ጥሙር ሕርሻ ክንህብትም ኢና፡ ብሕገመንግስቲ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ክንምስርት ኢና፡ ውተሃደራዊ ኣገልግሎት 18 ኣዋርሕ ጥራይ ክኸውን እዩ፡ እንደጋና ሓድሽ ሕገመንግስቲ ክንነድፍ ኢና፡ ኣብ ጥሪ 2015 ኮይኑ ድሕሪ 3 ኣዋርሕ ተኣምራዊ ዕቤት ከነርኢ ኢና … ወዘተ ካብቶም ብዙሓት ዘይተተግበሩ መብጸዓታት ህግደፍ ውሑዳት እዮም።
ምስዚ ኩሉ እቲ ጉጀለ ሓንሳብ ዓይኑ ብጨው ተሓጺቡ ኣብ ናይ ምትላል ዓለም ክነብር ዝወሰነ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ ድማ ነቲ ብሰንኩ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ሓሳረመከራን ጥልመትን ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደትን ብሰንኩ ምዃኑ ሓቢኡ፡ መንቀሊ ናይቲ ስደት ፍትወት ነብስን ህርፋን ሃብትን እዩ ኢሉ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም የታልል ኣሎ። እዚ ጉጅለ ከምቲ ካልእ ግፍዕታት ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ምስ መለአ ናብ ደገ ዝፈስስ ሕማቕ ተግባራቱ፡ ነዚ ምትላልዚ’ውን ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ ጀሚርዎ። ነቲ ንኩነታት ብዓይኑ ዝርኢ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ’ኳ ንግዜኡ እንተኾነ እውን ከታልል ዝኸኣለ፡ ካብ ኤርትራ ርሒቖም ንዘለዉን እቲ ምረት ከም ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘየሳሕዮምን ወገናት ንምትላል ድሕር ከምዘይብል ከዓ ንዕዘቦ ኣለና። እዚ ጉጅለ በብግዜኡ ንምትላል ዘቕርቦም ሓሶታት ዝተፈላለዩ ኮይኖም፡ ኣብዚ ቀረባ እዋን ድማ ነቲ ዝተበገሰሉ ሕግታት ጥሒሱ ደረት ንዘየብሉ ግዜ ከካይዶ ዝጸንሐ ወተሃደራዊ ኣገልግሎት ናብቲ ግቡእ ግዜኡ 18 ኣዋርሕ ክመልሶ እየ ክብል ጀሚሩ ኣሎ። ናይቲ ሽግር መንቀሊ ንሱ ጥራይ ከም ዝኾነ ብምምሳል። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ነቶም ብሰንኪ ናቱ ወጽዓን በደልን ናብ ስደት ዝኸዱ እሞ ክወጹ እንከለዉ ኣብ ዝተረኽብዎ ንክርሸኑ ዝፈረዶምን ንሓንሳብ ሓተላ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ግለት ክብሎም ዝጸንሐ ዜጋታት “ናብ ሃገሮም እንተተመሊሶም ኣይትንክፎንም እየ” ክብል እውን ይስማዕ ኣሎ። እቲ ዘገርም ከዓ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ናብ ኣስመራ ገይሹ ንዝነበረ ናይ ሃገረ ኢጣልያ ልኡኽ ኣብዘን ዝመጻ ዘለዋ ካብ 3 ክሳብ 5 ዓመታት መስርሕ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ከም ዝተኣታቱ ከም ዝገለጸሉ ኣብ ዜናዊ ማዕከናት ኣንቢብናን ሰሚዕናን። እዚ ኣብ ቅድሚ እቲ ብዘይትግበር መብጸዓታት ዝላደየ ኣእምሮ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቦታ ከምዘይህልዎ ከሎ ጋና ርዱእ እዩ።
ከምቲ “ክሰርቀኒ ዝረኣኹዎ ክመልሰለይ ኣይኣምኖን” ዝበሃል ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በዚ ናይ’ዚ ጉጅለ ሃተፍተፍ ዝርስርስ ልቢ የብሉን። ምናልባት ግና ንውሽጢ እንዳነበዐ ንደገ ይስሕቕ ይኸውን። እንተኾነ ከምዚ ኣብ ሓደሓደ ሃገራት ኤውሮጳ ክቀላቐል ንዕዘቦ ዘለና፡ ገለ ኣብ ቀረባ ዝጸንሑ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ተማጻደቕቲ ወገናት ብዚ ሓሶቱ ሰንከልከል ይብሉ ይኾኑ። ምናልባት እውን በዚ ተሰናቢዶም ጅቦኦም ዝኸፍትሉ መንግስታት ኣይሰኣኑን ይኾኑ። እነሆ’ኳ ናይ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ 312 ሚልዮን ዩሮ ናይ ምሃብ ድንዕምንዕ። እዞም ወገናት እዚኣቶም ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝሃብካ እንተሃብካዮ ቆርጢሙ ዝድቅስ እምበር ካብዚ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ ናይ ጥፍኣት መንገዲ ተመሊሱ መንገዲ ደሓን ንክሕዝ ባህርያቱ ከም ዘይፈቕደሉ ተረደኦኦም ካባና ንላዕሊ እንተዘይኮይኑ ንታሕቲ ከምዘይከውን ምግማቱ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ንሳቶም እውን በብደረጃኡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ግዚያት ናይቲ ጉጅለ ግዳያት ዝኾንሉ ተመኩሮ ስለ ዘለዎም። እዞም ወገናት ካብ ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕግታትን ሰብእውነትን ነቒሎም፡ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ በቲ ጉጀለ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግፍዕታት’ኳ ዘሻቕሎም እንተኾነ፡ ክንድቲ ንሕና እንህቦ ክብደት እንተዘይሃብዎ ግን ዘገርም ኣይኮነን። ዘይኤርትራዊ ወገናት ነዚ ተረኽቦ ከምቲ ካልእ ዛዕባ ካብ ነናይገዛእ ርእሶም ድሕነትን ረብሓን ክርእይዎ ባህርያዊ እዩ። ስለዚ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ጸረ ህዝብን ሃገርን ባህርያት ዘይጽገን ምዃኑ እንዳፈለጡ፡ ምእንቲ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ተቐቢሎም ከየመሓድሩ፡ በዚ ናይ ህግደፍን ዘይትግበር ቃልን ተኸዊሎም ንዓኣቶም ዘዋጸኦም ክውስኑ እንተፈተኑ ዘገርም ኣይኮነን።
ቅድሚ ሕጂ ካብቲ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍን ምዕራባውያን ትካላትን ከሰሓሕቦም ዝጸነሐ ጉዳያት ሓደ፡ ንሳቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ ብናታቶም ተቖጻጻርነት ኣብ ናይ ልምዓትን መሳለጥያታትን ትካላት ከነውፍር ክብሉ እንከለዉ እቲ ጉጅለ ግና “እቲ ገንዘብ ንዓና ሃቡና ባዕልና ክንሰርሓሉ” ብዝብል ምንባሩ ዘይንርሰዖ እዩ። እዞም ለገስቲ ንናይቲ ጉጅለ ሓሳብ ክቃወሙ ዝጸንሕሉ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ከዓ እቲ ጉጅለ ነቲ ዝወሃቦ ኣብቲ በሓቲ ስልጣኑ ዘደልድል እምበር ኣብ ህዝቢ ዝርበሓሉ መዓላ ኣይከውዕሎን እዩ ዝብል ጥርጠራ ምንባሩ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እነሆ ከዓ ሎሚ ዋሕዚ ስደት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ሃገራት ኤውሮጳ ዕቑባ ብምሃብ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ሃገሮም ናይ ስራሕ ዕድል ብምፍጣር እዩ ክዕገት ዝከኣል ዝብል ምስ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ርኢቶን ህርፋንን ዘሳኒ ዝመስል ሓሳብ ይቀላቐል ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ እቲ ጉጅለ ክጽበዮ ዝጸንሓን ሚልዮናት ዩሮ ክሓቐፈሉ ሃንቀው ዝብለሉ ዘሎን እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ እቲ ዝወሃቦ ገንዘብ ነቲ ዝተባህሎ መዓላ ከየውዕሎ ከዓ ዕደ። እተን ሃገራት እውን ናይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ሓላፍነት ካብ ምስካም ኣተሃድማ ዕቡያት ንምህዳም እንተዘይኮይኑ ሕዱር ሕማም ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ዘይሓወየ እኳ ደኣ ከም ዝገደዶ ይጠፍአን ማለት ኣይኮነን።
እዚ ከም ሓድሽ ዝቀላቐል ዘሎ ንጉጀለ ህግደፍ ኣጸባቢቕካ ናይ ምቕራቡ ጉዳይ ናባና ማለት ብሓፈሻ ናብ ኤርትርውያን ብፍላይ ድማ ናብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዘመሓላልፎ ረዚን መልእኽቲ ኣለዎ። ነዚ ተግባራተን ንቕበሎዶ ኣይንቕበሎን ሕራይ ከም ዘይንቕበሎስ ርዱእ እዩ። ክንድቲ ዘይምቕባልናዶ ንክይትግበር ንሰርሓሉ ኣለና ግና መልሱ ኣይፋልናን እዩ። ገለ ሃገራት ብኸምዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ምስቲ ጉጅለ ጉጅም ክብላን ብዛዕባ ምጽጋኑ ክሓስባ ጀሚረን ዘለዋን ናይቲ ጉጅለ ባህርያት ጠፊእወን ዘይኮነስ፡ ነቶም መተካእታ ክንከውን ዝግበናን ሃሰስ ኢለን ስለ ዝሰኣናና ምዃነን ዋላ ቅር እንዳበለና ክንቅበሎ ዝግበኣና ተረኽቦ እዩ። ስለዚ ካልእ ተተረፈ ኣብቲ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ መድረኽ ክንረአ ናብ እንኽእለሉ ደረጃ ክንበጽሕ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ብደሆ እዩ። እዚ ድማ ብድኽመትን ተነጽሎን ናይቲ ጉጅለ ዘይኮነስ ብናትና ፋሕተርተር ጥራይ ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ነዚ ዘብቅዕ ዓቕሚ ምፍጣር ቀሊል ከምዘይኮነ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ እታ ዝርካባ ዓቕምናኸ ኣብ ምንታይ ነውዕላ ከም ዘለና ንሕሰብ። ነዚ ንክትበቅዕ ዝርካቡ ዓቕምኻ ምእካብ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ክሳብ ክንደይ ንምቅርራብን ሓቢርካ ምስራሕን ዋጋ ንህብ ኣለና ድማ ንሕሰብ። ብመንጽር እቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዘውርዶ ዘሎ በደል ህጹጽነት ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ልዑል ምዃኑ ብሩህ እዩ። እንተኾነ እዚ ኣቐዲምና ዝገለጽናዮ ናይ ዝተወሰኑ ወገናት ምልስላስ ዕድመ እቲ ጉጅለ ኣብ ስልጣንን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዘውርዶ በደልን ከም ዘናወሕከ ንሓስበሉዶ ኣለና። ዝተወሰኑ ኣብ ምኽባር ደሞክራስያውን ሰብኣውን መሰላት ዝነጥፉ ኤርትራውያንን ብዛዕባዚ ዞናና ዓሚቕ ፖለቲካዊ ኣፍልጦ ዘለዎም ዘይኤርትራውያን ግዱሳት ምሁራትን ነዚ ገለ ወገናት ንህግደፍ ክጽግኑ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ፈተነታት ብምቅዋም ብ1 ማዝያ 2015 ዘውጽእዎ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጺ ዘተባብዕ ኮይኑ፡ ናትና ድምጺ እንተኾነ ካብኡ ክብ ብዝበለ ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ማዕሪኡ ክስማዕ ዘይምኽኣሉ ከዓ ዘሕፍር እዩ’ሞ ግቡእ ኣቓልቦ ንግበረሉ።
16 ማዝያ 2015
Radio Voice of Liberty from Sweden Apr.11, 2015
Written by Radio Voice of Liberty SwedenAppeal to all Eritreans regarding the Eritrean Refugees' in Yemen
Written by Eritrean National Constants FrontAppeal to all Eritreans caring and jealous of their families to donate generously to save the Eritrean refugees in Yemen. We in the Eritrean National Constants Front, in cooperation with the Committee of Eritreans Refugees in Yemen, appeal to every Eritrean caring and jealous of his family to contribute in order to rescue the lives of Eritrean refugees in Yemen who are facing harsh conditions because of the war ignited there, where they lost everything in their refugees' camps and fled after the bombing of Sanaa for their security and safety.
However, the United Nations Office did not provide them with the necessary protection which compelled them to look for renting shelter in Sanaa or lodging with relatives. Their number according to preliminary estimates is about 1,000 refugees, who currently, these poor Eritrean refugees and war victims, run out of all the food and money they had and are unable to get any kind of assistance from the United Nations, which evacuated all its employees from Yemen because of the war resulting in the loss of lost any financial resource to enable them pay for their houses' rent or buy food for their children, especially milk, sugar and flour.
We kindly demand and call upon all Eritreans abroad to urgently donate to their fellow Eritrean refugees in Yemen who became war victims and became entrenched between war oak and hunger hammer, and became homelessness according the Eritrean Refugees' Commission ..
As we all know, the Afwerki regime abandoned its legal and national responsibility to protect its citizens… so, do want to do the same thing and forsake them (the Eritrean refugees in Yemen) too?
Since the possibility of introducing food or medicine to Yemen is not possible, please donate in cash because it can get those nutrients from the black market, despite their very high prices. This action is urgently needed to improve the situation there.
Dear Eritrean compatriot, please donate even one dollar or one Euro… this can save one Eritrean child and mother who are facing real death threats from all sides. We also appeal to all human rights organizations abroad to be active through contacts with concerned international organizations to raise the grave situation of Eritrean refugees' in Yemen.
Eritrean refugees Committee in Yemen account is the( Yemen International Bank account 0002-505936 )
To communicate with the ManagementCommittee of Eritreans Refugees in Yemen to write this e-mail
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April 13, 2015
ህዝባዊ ኣኼባን ሙዚቃዊ ምሸትን ብኣጋጣሚ በዓል ፋሲካ ኣብ ከተማ ከለን፡ ጀርመን
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤጨንፈር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ከለንን ከባቢኣን ብ11 ሚያዝያ 2015 ኣብ ከተማ ከለን ክፉት ህዝባዊ ኣኼባን ሙዚቃዊ ምሸት ብኣጋጣሚ በዓል ፋሲካን ኣዳልዩ ምንባሩ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።
ሓው ዓንደብርሃን ዮውሃንስ፡ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ሰዲህኤ ከለንን ከባቢኣን፡ ንኣኼበኛታት እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም ድሕሪ ብምባል፡ ብምኽንያት ፈሲካ ንተሳተፍቲ ይኹን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ፡ እንቋዕ ጾመ ልጓምክኩም ፈትሓልኩም፡ ርሑስ በዓል ፋሲካ ድማ ይግበርልኩም ብምባል ኢዩ ነቲ ኣኼባ ከፊትዎ። ብድሕር'ዚ መድረኽ ንሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤን ንሓው ተስፋማርያም ክብርኣብ፡ ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ ንኡስ ዞባ ጀርመንን ኣመሓላሊፍዎ።
ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኵነታት ሃገር: ኵነታት ደምበ ተቓውሞን ንጥፈታት ሰዲህኤን ሰፊሕ መግለጺ ኣቕሪቡ። ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ዝሃቦ መግለጺ፡ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ሕጋውነት ዘይብሉ፡ ብሓይሊ ኣብ እንግድዓ ህዝብና ተጻዒኑ ዘሎ ስርዓት ምዃኑ ኣብሪሁ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ'ዚ ስርዓት፡ ብስእነት መግቢ፡ ማይ፡ መብራህቲ፡ ፍትሒ ትምህርቲ፡ ሕክምና ወዘተ ይሳቐ ምህላዉ ውን ኣብነታት ብምጥቃስ ገሊጹ። ሕጂ ድማ፡ ገዛውቲ ኣብ ምፍራስ ተጸሚዱ ምህላዉ ጠቒሱ።
ብዛዕባ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ወይ ደምበ ፍትሒ ብዝምልከት ከኣ፡ ንለውጢ ዘድሂ ወይ ዝጽውዕ ድምጽታት እናወሰኸ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ ገሊጹ። ካብ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ክሳብ ሕጂ፡ እቲ ተቓውሞ እናበረኸ እምበር እናነከየ ከምዘይከደ ኣብሪሁ። ካብ'ቶም ዝተራእዩ ተቓውሞታት ድማ፡ ናይ ተጋደልቲ ናይ 93 ኣድማ፡ ናይ ኣካለ ስንኩላን ተቓውሞ፡ ናይ ጕጅለ 13ን ጕጅለ 15 ተቓዉሞ፡ ናይ ወድዓሊ ናይ 21 ጥሪ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ናይ ካቶሊካውያን ጳጳሳትን ናይ ኦርቶዶክሳዊት ቤተክርስትያን ገዳማትን ተቓውሞታት፡ ናይ መንእሰያት ሰላማዊ ሰልፍታትን ምጥርናፋትን፡ ናይ ህዝባዊ ምጥርናፋት፡ ናይ ዓርቢ ሓርነት ተቓውሞታት ከም ኣብነት ጠቒሱ። ሕጂ ድማ፡ ኣብ'ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ንምፍራስ ኣባይቲ ብምቅዋም፡ ኣብ መንጐ ህዝብን ኣብ መንጐ ወተሃደራትን ሰራሕተኛታት መንግስትን ዝተፈጥረ ኣምባጓሮ፡ ልክዕ ከም'ቲ ፍልስጤማውያን ንኣባይቶም ከፍርሱ ዝመጹ ወተሃደራት እስራኤል ብኣእማን ኢዮም ተሳሂሎሞም ኢሉ።
እንተዀነ ግን፡ ኢሉ ሓው መንግስተኣብ፡ እቲ ተቓውሞ ጥርኑፍ ዘይምዃኑ ማዕረ'ቲ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ ለውጢ ክኸውን ከምዘይከኣለ ድማ ኣስሚርሉ። ነዚ ሽግር'ዚ ንምፍታሕ ኣሳታፊ ዝዀነ፡ ግሉጽ ልዝባትን ርክባትን ናይ ተቓወምቲ ሓይሊ ዕዙዝ ኣድላዪነት ከምዘለዎ ኣሚቱ። እቲ ተቓውሞ ኣድማዒ መታን ክኸውን፡ ናይ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ተሳትፎ ክዓቢ ከምዘለዎ ኣረዲኡ። ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ግዳምን ዘሎ ተቓውሞ ተሓባቢሩን ተወሃሂዱን ዝኸደሉ መንገዲ ምንዳይ ናይ ኵሉ ተቓላሳይ ተሳትፎን ጻዕርን ዝሓትት ምዃኑ ኣተሓሳሲቡ።
ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዘሎ ዝምድና ናይ ቋንቋ፡ ባህሊ፡ መበቆል፡ ታሪኽ፡ ቅርጻ-መሬት (ጂኦግራፍ) ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ፡ ኣብ መትከል ሓባራዊ ረብሓን ሕድሕድ ምድግጋፍን ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያት ናይ ካልእ ዘይምትእትታውን ዝተሰረተ ክኸውን ኣድላዪነቱ ዕዙዝ ምዃኑ ገሊጹ።
ብዛዕባ ሰዲህኤ ብዝምልከት ድማ፡ ኣብ ታሪኻዊ ፍልልያት ምንባር ነጺጉ ንቕድሚት ክጥምት ዝተበገሰ፣ ኣብ መንጐ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ዝተፈላለየ ብርክታት ዘለዎ ምሕዝነታት ክቐውም ዝድግፍ (multi-level alliances)፣ ሃይማኖት ካብ መንግስቲ ዝፈሊ፣ መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝኽበሩላ ዲሞክራስያዊትን ቅዋማዊትን ሃገር ንምምስራት ዝቃለስ ሰልፊ ምዃኑ ብሰፊሑ ገሊጹ።
ንንጥፈታቱ ብዝምለከት ድማ፡ ተዓዛቢ ኣባል ሶሽያሊስት ኢንተርናሽናል፡ መስራቲ ኣባል ገስጋሲ ምሕዝነት ኰይኑ፡ ኣብ ኒጀር፡ ቱኒዝያ፡ ጀርመንን ሽወደንን ዝተኻየደ ኣህጕራዊ ኣኼባታት ከምዝተሳተፈ ሓቢሩ። ከምኡ'ውን፡ ካብ 15 ሃገራት ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ዝመጹ ኣባላት ዘለውዎ ምስ ጕዳይ ኤርትራ፡ ፍልስጤም፡ ምዕራባዊ ሰሃራን ስዋዚላንድን ዝደጋገፍ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበር ብዝገበሮ ዕድመ መሰረት ወከልቲ ሰልፍናን መድረኽን ተረኺቦም ብዛዕባ ሃለዋት ኤርትራ መግለጺ ሂቦም፣ ናይ ረድዮ ቃለ-መሓትት ኣካይዶም፣ ምስ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ'ውን ተራኺቦም ኢሉ።
ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ንጕዳይ ስደተኛታት ብዝምልከት ሰልፍና፡ ናብ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ናብ ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረትን ዝተፈላለዩ ትካላቱን፡ ናብ ሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት፡ ናብ ተጣበቕቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ናብ መንግስታትን ሰልፍታትን ዓለም ብርክት ዝበሉ መዘክራት ልኢኹን ብርክት ዝበሉ ርካብት ኣካይዱን ኢዩ ኢሉ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ካብ ኣኼበኛታት ዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት ድሕሪ ምምልሳስን ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን ድሕሪ ምስማዕን ኣኼባ ብዝኽሪ ናይ ስውኣት ተዛዚሙ።
ስዒቡ፡ በቶም ወናማትን ዘይደኽሙን ደረፍትን ሙዚቀኛታትን ዝተዳለወ ናይ ወጋሕ ትበል ለይቲ መደብ ተኻይዱ።
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Tv Demtsi Hezbi with Prof. Sebhatu G/micheal P I
A Book Review. Paulos Tesfaldet (2013). በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ. Besikdira and Its Children. Författares Bokmaskin, Stockholm, 102pp.
Written by By Kiflemariam Hamde, Umeå, SwedenBesikdira and its children, በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ is the latest Blin literary work, in the fiction genre, mainly based on historical, real events in Eritrea since 1960s. The book consists of 21 chapters opening up with a Preface and Acknowledgement. In this review, I find only point out the main story lines. The narrative is centred around, but not limited to, the massacre in the village of Besikdira, 15km east of Keren town. After burning seven villages the previous days, the uninvited Ethiopian army visited Besikdira in November 30, 1970 only to destroy it. The officer (ሻምበል) Teshome, and his Amharic-speaking troops, also including Eritrean-born Kumandos, posed two immediate questions to the people in Tigrigna (only 5 adults could speak it) as the people did not understand Amharic: (1) if the village is free from bandits (ሽፍታ, shifta)[i], in his own words bedbugs and fleas), and (2) if they were either Muslims or Christians. Mr Mender Beimnet, the village chief, and Mr Tesfu Almedom responded that they did not know of any bandits and that the people belonged to both Christianity and Islam. Upon learning that the people did not want to get separated along religious lines, the troops forced the inhabitants into the village Mosque and shot them down indiscriminately, killing 118[ii] civilians 11 of whom were pregnant mothers, 20 were children, and the rest were youngsters and adults[iii]. The author narrates in his fictional work about the details in the killing. The next day, December 1, 1970 was the turn of Ona village, only 4-5 Kms north east of Keren, when the military forces headed by Colonel Welana massacred almost 800 civilians indiscriminately, and without any notice. There was no question that the people supported the liberation movement since 1962.
The story starts off with the general political instability since the 1960s when the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) confronted Ethiopia’s domination after the latter had annexed Eritrea as its 14th Province, revoking the UN arranged Federation (1952-1961). As the ELF was active in the Western lowlands, Ethiopian atrocities increased heavily and the apex of that came in the fall of 1970 when the ELF ambushed and killed General Teshome Ergetu, head of the Second Military Division in October 1970. He was heading toward his new headquarters in Keren town to crash the ELF and the people, to ‘dry the sea in order to catch up the fish’, i.e., to target the civilians in order to weaken and consequently destroy the ELF. Those massacres are put in this context, and one man’s life was to be compensated for by around 1000 within less than 24 hours in Besikdira and Ona. Interestingly enough, the author accounts for how the atrocities became catalyst and intensified struggle for independence.
In his fictional description, the author exemplifies the events in a life of a nuclear- and extended family members, the inhabitants of Besikdira, its environs, the Sekwina district, the Senhit Province, events all over Eritrea, the fate of youngsters in their yearning for freedom, justice and equality, and finally, the inflicting cruelty of Ethiopian soldiers. The centre stage actor becomes the family of Fickak and his wife Afiet, their only son Terexbe[iv] who got married to the beautiful Melika and begot two sons, Aybu and Abbe. Unfortunately, on the bloody Monday massacre at Besikdira where the people were forced into a small mosque only to be shot down, ((እልላ, ኣጣቅዕዳ, p. 57-60) the young wife of Terexbe, and the mother of the two, Malika, fell dead alongside the other 117 victims in the mosque. Survivors discovered that it was her bold that they were covered by, and that her younger son suckled her dry breasts for milk.
On the one hand, Paulos beautifully crafts the Blin language to narrate how the family not only suffered physically the painful events of the period such as imprisonment (when Terexbe was imprisoned, (ንሽዋ p. 32-37), continued house-burning (48-49), sexual harassment and abuse but also in terms of psychological inhumation. He also describes in detail some more events, such as forced displacement (ገዓዳ, p. 49) etc., On the other hand, Paulos depicts how the Fickak family enjoyed the good sides of life, often highlighting underlying cultural values and societal norms, entertaining daily communal routines such as coffee break, child rearing and development, engagement, initiation rite, Blin-style brethren hood, story-telling (dannar–jigna, p. 12-13), neighbourly life (gor-dannar, 14-17), wedding festivities (ferwenter, p. 24-28), youth love, socialization and friendship (wrznet, p. 12-15), pastoral life, initiation rite ceremonies (Hiche, shngalle, kxan, p. 18-23), wealth-sharing, development, dreaming for peace, avoiding hatred or disagreement, war and conflict.
The family exemplified the fate of Eritreans at that time. Terexbe was imprisoned (p. 32) because a certain informant (ሺኩት) spied to the Amhara[v] that Terexbe was a member of the village lajnet, with the responsibility for collecting the monthly dollar per family, qesem, which every Eritrean adult had to contribute for the liberation movement, i.e., ELF. Malika was shot dead in the Mosque, and Terexbe’s parents were also dead because they could not bear the pain. Eventually, once on age, the two brothers joined ELF and the EPLF, respectively, in order to revenge their mother’s loss in the Mosque, leaving Terexbe alone in the house (pp 77-80).
The reader also finds a lot of Blin liberation songs, praising the independence and rebuking the enemy, such as –“Na Shugutl: Shebab Axnima genjew DeAritl”, literally, aren’t the youth reside in Deari in such a tender age” (p. 34). +A recurring worry of the author, however, lies in the never-ending disagreement between the two ‘siblings’, ELF and EPLF, that “resulted in unnecessary loss of Eritrean lives and consequently, prolonged the independence day to 1991” (interspersed in the overall text). Paulos also notes the series of Ethiopian war crimes and major massacres and since 1961 in Eritrea, narrating the events not only as they occurred but also rhetorically in their connection to the dreams of people to live together in good or bad times, peacefully.
Finally, in 1980, the ELF and EPLF clashed in Halhal, the worst event which occurred to many Eritrean families who sided with the wrong side (p. 99-100), and Aybu shot down his own brother Abbe ‘simply assuming that he was the foe. Aybu was not alone in that incident as many other Eritreans also shared that fate’, narrates the author. The story culminates in an eventual meeting of the EPLF fighter Aybu and his father Terexbe after the latter wanted to meet his son, Abbe. Unfortunately, Aybu was forced to reveal the truth, and finally exclaimed, “Daddy, I will tell you a taboo, (ኤበ, ዲደትድውየከ ግን), I killed my own brother even I if rejoiced at first when I thought I won over the enemy in that civil war” (p. 99). “That is the fruit of disagreement among brothers and sisters”, laments the author (p. 99-100). Disappointed, sad and frustrated, Terexbe returns home and continued living alone. Terexbe had only one hope, supporting the even much more independence movement for which he was imprisoned and waiting for the return of his only remaining family member alive, Aybu – “as did many Eritrean parents”, notes Paulos.
The concluding chapter (p. 102) is in fact a methodological note on the writing process. The author advises potential authors to follow standard referring system, interview the living witnesses of events in Eritrea, and coming up with a quality research work: “My advice to potential authors is that we have to write different kinds of literature because there lies our cultural capital. We praise those who have already written something, and at the same time we criticize those who did not write anything (yet). Future generations need to benefit from our literature as their heritage. Thus, I encourage you all to write about something” … so that one can improve the style and content in the literature, to sustain existing knowledge and create new knowledge – for the sake of future generations” (p. 102).
This unique work in narrative genre is a welcome contribution to the literature in Blin with its rich documentation of knowledge of values, norms and daily lives, with substantial contents as well as presentation.በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ[vi], ‘Besikdira and its Children’ fills a badly needed gap about historical events delving into Eritrean/Blin mentality in coping with problems and bad situation. I only commend Paulos work as one the boldest contribution so far on the emerging Blin (and other Eritrean) literature with its deep narration of events that will live for many generations to come.
As a reader, I enjoyed reading በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲand I hope that this work will only be the beginning. ኣጃሀብሪዅይዳን. Well-done a young author!
I recommend this book to anybody who is interested to know more closely the situation in Eritrea during (and shortly after) the war for independence from a local point of view. Those who want to develop literacy work in the Blin language are also recommended to read this book as well as those who want to write and learn in Blin script.
A father of two, Paulos Tesfaldet lives in Oslo, Norway.
For any contacts about the book, mail Paulos at: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
[i] When the Ethiopians referred to the liberation fronts as shifta (ሽፍታ) as bandits, Eritreans in general (excluding the shikut, jasus, and some of the wedo-geba) reacted that ‘they did know anything about shifta”, implicitly protesting that the ELF and later on the EPLF were not bandits but liberation fighters. Yn shifta aerini, runs in Blin.
[ii] There were more than 50 survivors, including this reviewer’s close relatives, who still narrate the sad events vividly. The victims, however were not only from Besikdira village but also from adjacent villages who were forced to settle in Besikdira in May 1970, including Sanqa, Hangol, Feledarb and Fissoruxw, victims from the latter two were passersby. The author mentions other displaced villages in the former Senhit District (p. 48-56).
[iii]There are a couple of historical work on Ethiopian War Crimes (massacres) in Eritrea, including (1) Abba Teweldebrhan Geberemedhin and Abba Zerayakob Okbamikael, Capuchin friars (2001): መሪርግፍዒኣብበስክዲራንከባቢኣን (A Painful Massacre at Besikdira and its Environs), ትምጻእመንግስትከ (Adveniat Regnum TUUM), 44th Year, Nrs 73/74, 2000-2001, page 1-14; (2) Amina Habte (2001), Ethiopian war Crimes in Eritrea: A Case Study of the Massacres of Besik-dira and Ona in 1970. BA thesis, Asmara University; Kiflemariam Hamde (2004) “The Impact of war and climatic changes on the environment in Eritrea: The Case in Senhit Villages” (www.daberi.org); (3) Downey, Marty & Hugh (1996), On Heart’s Edge. Arvada, CO: Mikeren Publications, and (4) (Habtu (Fr. Athanasius) Ghebre-Ab (2013), “The Massacre at Wekidiba: The Tragic Story of a Village in Eritrea”, RSP, and (5) “List of massacres committed during the Eritrean War of Independence”, in Wikipedia.
[iv] In Besikdira and Its Children,በስግዲረዲንርቍርዲ, the main actor Terexbe sharply contrasts with Salih “Gadi” Johar’s actor, Ghebrebbi in his 2010 book, Of Kings and Bandits. However, if one looks closely both fiction works, they complement each other, in many, many respects, in spite of the common geographical location and the suffering incurred to them by the Ethiopian army (and their collaborators), illustrating social life in the then Senhit area, rich in diversity of values, norms and languages. Issues of religion come close in both readings, Gebrebbi being from a Muslim family, while Terexbe is from a Christian family. These are shown in the rites of passage, child development, training, and other issues. It seems to me that the authors communicated with each ‘in spirit’, without clashing, and thus made their point jointly that people can live together peacefully only if they accept and respect each other’s difference, the same way as the Besikdira residents refusing to get separated in terms their religion (to heaven or hell we got together’, expressed the late Mr. Meibetot Berih, a survivor in an oral communication with the reviewer, Besikdira, January 9th, 2007.
[v] Amharu or Amhara in the text is used synonymously with Ethiopians and Ethiopia, connoting the Ethiopian Military Army.
[vi] The reviewed work is in fact preceded by a dozen literary works in Blin, for example, the recent books by Medhanie Habtezghi (2008), Lexen (lekhen) axra-mewedi, “The Ring which became a sore”, and (2010) Enkie, (እንከኤ) translated into Tigrigna as lekas. I hope to review these works also so that readers who do not understand Blin may be able to get more information on such literary work. For further works in Blin and on Blin, visit the Blin Language Forum, www.daberi.org
ኤርትራውያን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ቤይ ኤርያ ካሊፎርንያ ነቲ ብምልካዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኣረሜናዊ ኣባይቲ ናይ ምዕናው ተግባር ይኹንን
Written by ኤርትራውያን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኣብ በይ ኤርያ- ካሊፎርንያእቲ ንህዝብና መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላቱን ሓርነቱን ጊሂሱ ብቑጠባውን ማሕበራውን ሕሰም ዘሳቕዮ ዘሎ ዓመጸኛ ስርዓት፡ ካብ መወዳእታ ወርሒ ዓመተ 2014 ኣትሒዙ ውን ነቲ ዜጋታት ሙሉእ ዕድሚኦም ሰሪሖም ብዘጠራቐምዎ ገንዘባውን ንዋታውን ሃብቲ ዝሃነጽዎ ገዛውቲ ብዘይ ዝኾነ ሕጋዊ መርትዖን ቁቡል ስነ ሞጎትን ካብ ሓደ ከባቢ ናብቲ ሓደ ከባቢ ብምንጣር ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸር ገዛውቲ ብጭካነ የዕንዎ ኣሎ። ከም ውጽኢቱ ድማ ብኣሻሓት ዝቑጸራ ኤርትራውያን ሲድራቤታት ብዘይ መዕቖቢ ተሪፈን ኣብ ፎቖዶ ጎደናታት ንጸሓይን ቑርን ተቓሊዐን ይርከባ።
እዚ ኣብ ጸሎት ጀመሩ ብቤት-መኻእ ኣቢሉ ናብ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ፡ ዓዲ-ቐይሕ፡ ዳዕሮ ጳውሎስ: ሰገነይቲን ዝቕጸለ ኣረሜናዊ ናይ ምዕናው ስጉምቲ፡ ሕጂ ውን ናብ ካልኦት ገጠራትን ከተማታትን ኤርትራ ክልሕም ከም ዝኽእል ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ማዕከናት ዜና ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዝተዘርግሐ ሓበሬታ ይእምት።
ሽሕ እኳ እዚ ምእንቲ ሰላምን ፍትሕን መደርግቲ ኣልቦ መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈለ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ቃልዕ ወጺኡ ተቓውምኡ እንተ ዘይገለጸ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ዘመነ መግዛእቲ ውን ርኢዎ ዘይፈልጥ ነውራምን ዘይሓላፍነታውን ተግባር ዝተፈላለየ ኣገባባት ብምጥቃም ይኹንኖ ከም ዘሎ ካብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝዝርግሑ ዘለው ዜናታት ይሕብሩ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ዓዲ-ቐይሕ ተማሃሮን ምንእሰያትን ነቲ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይኖም ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ጽዩፍ ተግባር ክጻወርዎ ስለ ዘይካኣሉ ነቶም ነቲ ተግባር ዝፍጽሙ ዝነብሩ ኣባልት ሰራዊትን ጸጥታን ኣእማን ብምድርባይ ከም ዝተቓወምዎምን እቲ ናይ ምዕናው ተግባር ንግዚኡ ደው ከም ዝበለን ይዝከር፡፡ ከምኡ ‘ውን ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ህዝቢ ዳዕሮ ጳውሎስ ኣብ ቅርዓት ዓዲ ታቦት ብምውጻእ ጸሎትን ምህለላን ብምክያድ ተቃውሞኡ ከም ዘስምዐ ዝተተፈላለያ ብጉዳይ ኤርትራ ዝግደሳ ማዕከናት ዜና ሓቢረን እየን።
ንሕና ኣብ ቤይ ኤርያ ካሊፎርንያ እንነብር ኤርትራውያን ውን ነዚ ብምልካዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ኣዕናዊ ተግባር ኣትሪርና ንኹንን። ነቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መሰሉን ክብረቱን ንምርግጋጽ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ዝተፈላልየ ናይ ተቓውሞ ኣገባባት ምሉእ ደገፉ የረጋግጽ። ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝርከብ ህዝብና ከኣ ነዚ ኣረሜናዊ ተግባር ኣብ ምክያድን ህዝቢ ኣብ ምብስባስን ብሓላፍነት ይሳተፉ ናይ ዘለው ዜጋግታት ጽፉፍ መዝገብ ክሕዝን ነቲ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ኣረሚናዊ ተግባራት ብቪድዮን ደረቕ ስእልን ብምልዓል ክስንዶን ከኣ በዚ ኣገጣሚ ንጽውዕ። ኣብ መላእ ዓለም እንርከብ ኤርትራያን ከኣ ከም ውትሩ ሰፊሕ ተሳታፍነትን ዝርገሐን ዘለዎ ሰልማዊ ሰልፍታት ብምክያድ ነዚ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝከይድ ዘሎ ነውራም ተግባር ኣብ ምቅላዕ ሓቢርና ክንሰርሕ ጻውዒትና ነቕርብ።
10 ምያዝያ 2015
ኤርትራውያን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኣብ በይ ኤርያ- ካሊፎርንያ
ንጉዳይ ልዑላውነት ብግቡእ ንምርዳእ ኣብ መንጎ (government) መንግስቲ ወይ ምምሕዳርን ኣብ መንጎ (State) ሃገር ወይ ደውላን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ብግቡእ ምርዳእ የድሊ። መብዛሕትኡ ግዜ ተራ ሰባት ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣብ ቋንቋ ትግርኛ ድማ ብፍላይ ንኽልቲኡ (ማለት ንstate and government) መንግስቲ ዝብል ቃል ኢዮም ዝጥቀሙ። ስለዚ፡ ነዚ ሕልኽልኽዚ ንምብራህ መንግስቲ ንgovernment ሃገር ወይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ድማ ንstate ዝብሉ ቃላት ክጥቀም ኢየ። ነዚ ንምብራህ ዝሕግዝ ዝረኸብክዎ ጽሑፍ ውን ብኸፊል ተርጕመ ከቕርቦ ክፍትን ኢየ።
1. ሃገር ብኣርባዕተ ረቋሕቲ ዝቖመ ኣምር ኢዩ። ንሳቶም ድማ፡ ህዝቢ ወይ ነባሮ፡ ዶብ፡ ምምሕዳርን ልዑላውነትን ኢዮም። መንግስቲ ወይ ደውላ ክንብል ከለና ግን፡ ሓደ ኣካል ወይ ባእታ ናይ ሃገር ኢዩ። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ መንግስቲ መሳርሒ ናይ ሃገር ኢዩ። ስለዚ ከኣ ኢዩ ኣብ ዲሞክራሲ መንግስቲ ከም ኣገልጋሊ ሃገር ድማ ከም ጎይታ ወይ ዋና ዝቑጸር። ብዝያዳ ንምብራህ መንግስቲ ከም ሓንጎል ወይ ርእሲ ናይ ወድሰብ ሃገር ድማ ከም ኩሉ ኣካላት ወዲ ሰብ እንተላይ ሓንጎል ጌርካ ክውሰድ ይከኣል።
1. The State has four elements like population, territory. Government and sovereignty. Government is a narrow concept and it is an element of the State. It is rightly said the State is an organic concept in which the government is a part. Willoughby writes. "By the term government is designated the organization of the State machinery through which is designated the organization of the State machinery through which its purposes are formulated and executed'". Government is an agent of the State. That is why in a democracy, it is considered as servant and the State as master. Government is compared with the brain of the living organism; what the brain is to the man. The government is to the State.
2. ሃገር ቀዋሚ ወይ ነባሪ ወይ ዘይቀያየር ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ወይ ምምሕዳር ግን ግዝያዊ ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ይቐውም ብኻልእ መንግስቲ ከኣ ይትካእ። መንግስቲ ብሞት ናይ መራሒኡ ወይ ብዕልዋ ወይ ብምርጫ ተሳዒሩ ይቕየር፡ እታ ሃገር ግን ነባሪት ኢያ።
2. The State is more or less permanent and continues from time immemorial. But the government is temporary. It changes frequently. A government may come and go, but the State continues for ever. Death of a ruler or the overthrow of a government in general elections does not mean the change of the State. If the Janata Government replaces the Congress Government, it involves no fundamental changes in the structure of the State of India.
3. ሃገር ወይ ደውላ ብኩሎም ዜጋታቱ ኢዩ ዝቐውም። ኩሎም ግን ኣባላት መንግስቲ ወይ ምምሕዳር ኣይኮኑን። መንግስቲ ብውሑዳት ሰባት ኢዩ ዝቐውም። ኣካላት መንግስቲ 3 ኢዮም። ሓጋጊ፡ ፈጻምን ፈራድን ከኣ ይብሃሉ። ነዚኦም ዘምሓድሩ ድማ ሒደት ሰባት ኢዮም። ስለዚ፡ ሃገር ካብ መንግስቲ ዝሰፍሐ ኢዩ። ኣባል ናይ ሃገር ክትከውን ናይ ግድን ኢዩ፤ ኣባል ናይ መንግስት ክትከውን ግን ናይ ግድን ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ኣባል ናይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ክኸውን ናይ ግድን ኢዩ፤ ኣባል ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ክኸውን ግን ናይ ግድነት ኣይኮነን።
3. The State is generally composed of all citizens but all of them are not members of the government. The government consists of only a few selected citizens. The organ of the government consists of only a few selected citizens. The organs of the government are executive, legislature and judiciary. The few selected persons will run these three organs of the government. Thus, the State is a much broader organization than the government. Membership of the State is compulsory but not that of the government.
4. ሃገር/ደውላ ልዑላውነት ኣለዋ። ስልጣን ሃገር/ደውላ ፍጹም ወይ ደረት ዘይብሉ ኢዩ። ስልጣኑ ብዝኾነ ይኹን ካልእ ትካል ክምንዛዕ ኣይፍቀድን ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ግን ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ልዑላውነት የብሉን። መንግስቲ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ስልጣን የብሉን፤ እንታይደኣ ብመሰረት ቅዋም፡ ብሃገር/ደውላ ኢዩ ዝውከል ወይ ዝምዘዝ። ስልጣኑ ብውክልና ኮይኑ ደረት ዘለዎ ውን ኢዩ።
4. The State possesses sovereignty. Its authority is absolute and unlimited. Its power cannot be taken away by any other institution. Government possesses no sovereignty, no original authority, but only derivative powers delegated by the State through its constitution. Powers of government are delegated and limited.
5. ሃገር ዝብል ኣምር ረቂቅ ወይ ዘጭበጥ ክኸውን ከሎ መንግስቲ/ደውላ ግን ዝጭበጥ ኢዩ። ሃገር ኣይርአን ኣይዋሳእን ኢዩ። መግለጺ ሃገር/ደውላ መንግስቲ ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ብውሱናት ዝርኣዩን ዝጭበጡን ሰባት ዝቖመ ትካል ኢዩ። መንግስቲ/ደውላ ክርአን ክሕተትን ዝከኣል ጭቡጥ ውድብ ኢዩ።
5. The State is an abstract concept whereas government is a concrete one. Nobody sees the State and the State never acts. The government is a physical manifestation and it acts for the State. It consists of a definite group of persons who can be seen and known. It is a tangible organization which can be seen and questioned.
6. ሃገራት ኩለን ሓደ ዝኾነ ባህርያት ኢዩ ዘለወን። ዓበይቲ ይኹና ንኣሽቱ ብዘየገድስ ባህርያተን ሓደ ኢዩ። መንግስታት/ደውላታት ግን ዝተፈላለያ ኢየን። ንጉሳዊ፡ ዲሞክራስያዊ፡ ሪፑብሊካዊ፡ ምልካዊ፡ ወትሃደራዊ፡ ኣሃዳዊ፡ ፈደራላዊ፡ ፕረሲደንታዊ፡ ፓርሊያመንታዊ ...ወዘተ መንግስታት ምህላዎም ከም ኣብነት ምጥቃስ ይከኣል።
6. All States are identical in character and nature. Whether big or small, the characteristics of the State do not undergo changes. But governments are of different types and they may vary form the State to the. State Various political scientists, have given different classifications of government. Aristotle had classified government into monarchy, aristocracy and democracy Marriot has classified government into parliamentary or presidential and unitary or federal. Thus, there is no uniform pattern of government. But the State is a universal institution having one single form with its four essential characteristics.
7. ዜጋታት ኣንጻር መንግስቶም ክኾኑ መሰል ኣለዎም ኣንጻር ሃገር ክኾኑ ግን መሰል የብሎምን። ንሃገር ወኪሉ ዝሰርሕ መንግስቲ ኢዩ። ስለዝኾነ ጌጋ እንተደኣ ተፈጺሙ፡ እቲ ጌጋ ናይ መንግስቲ/ደውላ እምበር ናይ ሃገር ኣይኮነን። ዜጋታት ኣባላት ሃገር ስለዝኾኑ ኣንጻር ገዛእርእሶም ክኾኑ ኣይክእሉን ኢዮም።
7. Lastly the citizens possess rights to go against, government and not against the State. The State only acts through the government and the government may commit mistakes and not the State. Thus, the citizens have only rights to go against the government. Moreover, the State consists of a the citizens, the citizens go against the State, it will mean to go against themselves. This is an impossible proposition. The State is therefore, and indestructible union of citizens having the chief characteristic of permanence and continuity. Government is only a part of the State.
ብቐሊሉ ኣብ መንጎ መንግስትን ሃገርን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ንምርዳእ ንጉዳይ ፍልስጤም ከም ኣብነት ክንወስድ ንኽእል ኢና። ፍልስጤማውያን ኣብቲ ዝቖጻጸርዎ ከባቢታት ናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም መንግስቲ/ደውላ ኣለዎም። ኣብ ቃዛን ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ገማግምን ናቶም መንግስታት/ደውላታት ኣለዎም፤ ሃገር ግን የብሎምን። ሃገሮም ኣብ ትሕቲ እስራኤል ኢይ ዘሎ። ክልተ ሃገራት፡ ናይ እስራኤላውያንን ናይ ፍልስጤማያንን ንምምስራት ድማ ብሕቡራት ሃገራት ዝካየድ ዘይተዓወተ ጻዕርታት ኣሎ።
ነዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሰ ሓቅታት ምስ ኵነታት ኤርትራ ኣገናዚብና ክንርእዮ ከለና፡ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ክበሃል እንከሎ፡ መንግስቲ/ደውላ ኤርትራ ማለት ከምዘይኮነ ብሩህ ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ሃገረ ኤርትራ ክበሃል ከሎ፡ ህዝቢ፡ ዶባት፡ መንግስትን ልዑላውነትን ኤርትራ ዘጠቓለለ ኢዩ።
መንግስቲ/ደውላ ህግደፍ፡ ብሃገረ ኤርትራ ዝተወከለ ወይ ዝተመዘዘ ኣካል ኣይኮነን። ብኢደ ወነኑ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝተወጥሕ ጉጅለ ኢዩ። ንልዑላውነት ናይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ወይ ንህዝባን ዶባታን ልዑላውነታን ዘድፈረ ሓይሊ ምዃኑ ኩሉ ዝሰማምዓሉ ሓቂ ኢዩ። እዚ ስለዝኾነ ግን፡ ካልእ ንሃገረ ኤርትራ ክከላኸል መሰል ዘለዎ ኣካል የለን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ነፍስወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ይኹን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባቱ ከም ኣባል ሃገረ ኤርትራ ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ክከላኸሉ ሓላፍነትን ግቡእን ኣለዎም።
ብ5 ሚያዝያ 2015 ብዮውሃንስ ኣስመላሽ ዝምራሕ ኤርትራዊ ስምረት ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ዝወጸ ንመጥቃዕቲ ናይ ቢሻን ማይ ዕዳጋን ዝምልከት መግለጺ እዚ ዝስዕብ ጥቕሲ ኣንቢበ "እዚ ይኹን እቲ ዝተደብደበ ቀንዲ ቁጠባዊ ምንጪ ናይቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዒት ካብ ኮነን እቲ ዝተደብደበ ወተሃደራዊ ትካል’ውን ቅድሚ ኩለ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቀጺለ ከኣ ንጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ሰላም ዝኸልአን ኣገባብ ክሳብ ዝኾነ መን ገበሮ ብዘየገድስ ኣገናዕ ክበሃል ዝግብኦ ስርሒት ምዃኑ ሙሉእ ዕግበትና’ዩ።ከም'ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ስርሒት ንህግደ ፍጹም ትንፋስ ዘይህብ ኣብ ሳልስቲ ሳልስቲ እንተዝደጋገም'ውን ዕምሪ ናይቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዒት ህግደፍ ንምሕጻርን እፎይታ ውጹዕ ህዝብና ንምቕልጣፍ ዒቢ ተራ ዜጻወት’ዩ።
ኣብ ከም'ዚ ዜኣመሰለ ህሞት ንጉዳይ ናይቲ ህዝቢ ብምዝንጋዕ ኩሉ ግዜ ዝደጋገም ልዕላውነት ዝብል መዝሙር ትምክሕተኛታት ክዝመር ይስማዕ’ዩ።"
እዚ እምነትን እዚ ዕግበትን እዚ ናይ ሕጊ ኣልቦነት ስርዓት ንኽነግስ ዝድግፍ ናይ ጭቁናት ዘይኮነስ ናይ ጨቆንቲ ድምጺ፣ ድምጺ ናይ መሰል ወይ ፍትሒ ዘይኮነስ፡ ድምጺ ናይ ህርፋን ስልጣንን ድምጺ ናይ ገዛእትን ኢዩ። ዝኾነ ይኹን መንግስቲ፡ ህዝቢ ዘይጥቀመሉ ትካላት ብዝብል ምስምስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ካልኦት መንግስታትን ሃገራትን ውግእ ክውልዕ ዝጽውዕ ናይ ዕንወትን ብርሰትን ዕድመ ኢዩ።
እቲ መግለጺ ናይ ኤስደለ፡ ብምጥሓስ ናይ ዶባት ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን በቲ መጥቃዕቲ ክወርድ ብዝኽእል ጉድኣት፡ ኮታ፡ ነቶም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሱ ናይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ መለለዪ ዝኾኑ ረቛሕቲ ዝግበር ጥሕሰት ብፍጹም ዘየሕምሞ ውድብ ምዃኑ ካብ ቃላቱ በሪሁለይ።
ኤርትራ ብ1993 ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ሪፈረንደም ናጻን ልዕላዊትን ሃገር ኮይና ኣብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ክቡር ቦታ ከምዝረኸበት ዝረስዐ መግለጺ ኢዩ። እዚ ቦታዚ ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዘይኮነስ ናይ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ቦታ እኳ'ዩ። ኤረ! ከመይ ገይሮም ኢዮም ኣብ መንጎ መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ሃገረ ኤርትራን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ክርድኡ ዘይከኣሉ?!!!!!
ብመንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ልዕሊ ትካላት ኤርትራ ንዝግበር መጥቃዕቲ ንዝተቓወሙ ኤርትራውያን ዜጋታት ይኹኑ ውድባት ትምሕክታውያን ምባል ንሓላፍነትካ ምዝንጋዕ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ "ተሓጓሚ ከሎስ፡ ተሓዚ ይጠርጥ" ዘብል ኢዩ። ነቲ ብኢትዮጵያ እተገብረ መጥቃዕቲ መን ገበሮ ብዘየገድስ ኣገናዕ ክበሃል ዝግብኦ ስርሒት ምዃኑ ሙሉእ ዕግበትና’ዩ ዝብል ሃገራውን ዲሞክራስያውን ፤ ነዚ ዝተጻረረ ድማ ትምክሕታዊ ኢዩ ምባልሲ ግርንቢጥ'ዶ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ሰሳልስቲ ደጋጊምኩም ጽፍዑና ምባል ድዩ ሃገራዊ????!!!
ምክልኻል ልዑላውነት ናይ መንግስታት ሓልፍነት ብሓፈሻ ወይ ናይ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ሓላፍነት ጥራሕ ኣይኮነን። እንታይ'ደኣ ናይ ኩሉ ዜጋ ሓላፍነት ኢዩ። እትረፍ'ዶ ንዶባትካን ዜጋታትካን ናብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱ ስጉምቲ ዋላ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዜጋታትካ ኣብ ግዳም ዝወርድ ግፍዕታት ምክልኻል ኣካል ናይ ልዑላውነትካ ምክልኻል እምበር ንዓሌትካ ወይ ዘመድካ ዝወረደ ግፍዒ ምክልኻል ኣይኮነን።
ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ብዛዕባ ዶባት፡ ህዝቢ፡ ልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ዝግደስ ኣይኮነን። ንሕና ግን ከም ዜጋታት ብዛዕባ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣብ ምድረበዳን ባሕርን ዝሃልቁ ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት፡ ብዛዕባ ምውዳቕ ናይ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ክንዛረብን ክንሰርሕን ሓላፍነትና ኢዩ።
ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራት ዘሎ ዝምድና ኣብ ዲሞክራሲ ዝተመስረተ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ናይ ሕድሕድ ረብሓን ምክብባርን፡ ኣብ ኣህጉራዊ ውዕላትን ስምምዓትን ዝምርኮስ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ዝምድናታት ኢዩ።
ብርሃነ ኣብርሃ