Thursday, 17 December 2015 10:35

المكان أم الأجندة؟

Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري

في الأمثال الشعبية يقولون: (من اللقاء ينطلق الحوار ومن الحوار ينبثق الحل لأية مشكلة تتم مناقشتها علي مائدة الحوار)، وفي السياسة كما في كل المجالات من الطبيعي أن تتباين الآراء حيناً وتلتقي حيناً، لكن ليس كل خلاف في الرأي يؤدي بالضرورة الي الفراق والشقاق، إذ يمكن أن يتعايش الفرقاء مستندين الي ما يجمع بينهم ومتحاورين حول ما يفرقهم من وجهات النظر، وخلال مسيرة التلاقي والحوار تتقلص الفجوة بين الآراء وتذوب معظم الفوارق. كلا الفريقين يدركان عبر الزمان عبثية بعض نقاط خلافهما وموضوعية بعض النقاط مما عند كلٍّ منهما.

اللقاءات أو الاجتماعات تعقد لوضع الأمور العالقة في نصابها ومن ثم الوصول الي تحديد نقاط الاتفاق ونقاط الخلاف، ليستخلص من تلك النقاط الرأي المعبر عن المشترك بين المتحاورين لنرسم من ذلك السياسة المشتركة، ذلك أنه ليس هناك خيار صحيح بنسبة 100% ولا خيار خاطئ بذات النسبة، بل يتم انتقاء الموضوعي والصحيح من أجندة المناقشة من خلال مناقشة المطروح من الخيارات. إلا أن من عيوب المناقشات لرسم الخيارات الصحيحة المشتركة التمسك بالخيار الشخصي للفرد أو الجماعة واعتباره منزهاً غير خاطئ البتة واعتبار خيار الآخر محض خطأ لا يمكن قبوله أبداً ومن ثم الوصول الي طريق مسدود.

عند الدعوة أو التداعي لأي لقاء يتم الاتفاق علي تحديد الآتي: مكان وزمان الاجتماع، الجهات المدعوة، موضوع اللقاء والهدف الرئيس لانعقاده، أي المطلوب الوصول اليه من خلال الاجتماع. أما مهمة إيضاح وتحديد هذه العناصر فمن نصيب الجهة الداعية للاجتماع. وبالطبع لصاحب الدعوة وجهة نظره التي يحدد من خلالها عناصر الاجتماع من حيث المكان والزمان والجهات المدعوة وموضوع اللقاء والهدف منه. تقديرات الجهة الداعية في تحديد تلك العوامل قد تتفق أو تختلف جزئياً أو كلياً مع تقديرات الجهات المدعوة، لكن مع كل تحفظاتهم ليس من حق المدعوين رفض الدعوة أو التدخل في تحديد عواملها أو أجندتها، عليهم أن ينظروا للأمر برؤية الجهة الداعية وليس المدعوة.

خلال الأسابيع القليلة الماضية انعقد بكلٍّ من فرانكفورت – ألمانيا – ونيروبي – كينيا لقاءان يتعلقان بمناقشة الوضع السياسي الارتري الراهن، مادة اللقاءين وإن كانت واحدة تتمثل في تفحص الوضع الارتري ودراسة المخارج من أزماته، إلا أن اللقاءين اختلفا زماناً، مكاناً، مدعوين وأصحاب دعوة. بالطبع كان من المفروغ منه أن يخضع اللقاءان للمناقشة بل والتـَّــأوُّلات قبل الانعقاد وبعده، من قبل المشاركين فيهما وغير المشاركين، لكن الكل يتوقع أن تتناول المناقشات لب الموضوع لا قشوره وجوانبه التكنيكية، أي أننا نتوقع أن ينصب الحديث في مدى تلبية الاجتماعات وأجندتها الموضوع الرئيس الذي عقدت فيهما الآمال بمناقشته وإيجاد الحلول والمخارج له.

أما أن تتجاهل موضوع اللقاءات الجدير بالمناقشة في أي مكان وزمان وتدبج التحليلات المطولة والممجوجة عن الاعتراض علي مكان الاجتماع (المانيا، كينيا) فلم يكن بالأمر المستحق لكل تلك الجهود والطاقات العلمية والأدبية المهدرة، وإذا تساءلت: ما عذر هؤلاء في الاعتراض علي المكان؟ فلن يجيبك أحد. وإذا أجابك أحدهم عن الأسباب فلن تجد سوى إجابات هلامية معممة، لكن من باب التحجج قد يطرح البعض الهاجس الأمني في الاعتراض علي مكان اللقاء الأخير، أي نيروبي، لكن عندما يأتي مثل هذا الاعتراض من قبل من يقيمون من قمة القيادة الي أسفل قواعد العضوية بأماكن ومواقع تسرح وتمرح فيها طغمة الهقدف كيف شاءت، تدرك تماماً أن الأمر مجرد اعتراض تعلــُّــلِي للتشويش والشغب علي إنجازات اللقاءين.

علي مرِّ الزمان ظل المشكل السياسي الارتري يناقـَــش في عدة أماكن إقليمية ودولية، في امريكا، أوربا، الشرق الأوسط وأصقاع مختلفة من إفريقيا. وإثيوبيا تحديداً شهدت عدداً ضخماً من لقاءات المعارضة الارترية خاصةً في السنوات القليلة التي أعقبت الاستقلال، توزعت هذه اللقاءات في المدن والمواقع التالية: أديس أبابا، دبر زيت، أقاقي، أواسا، غوندر، مقلي، عدي قرات وشري، علماً أن العلاقات الأزلية والإستراتيجية بيننا وبين الشقيقة اثيوبيا كانت وستظل قائمةً يتخللها التأثـُّــر والتأثير. لذلك فإن انعقاد هذه اللقاءات خارج اثيوبيا لا يقدح في الدور الاثيوبي الايجابي تجاه الشعب الارتري سياسياً ومدنياً وإنسانياً، وخلال الأيام القليلة الماضية كان أحد قادة منظمة (مدرخ) التي نظمت ورشة نيروبي الارترية التشاورية في زيارة الي اثيوبيا عقد خلالها عدة لقاءات تتعلق بالشأن الارتري، مما يعكس تعاطف اثيوبيا العميق مع قضايانا، وما عقدنا اللقاء الحالي في كينيا جارة اثيوبيا اللصيقة إلا مكسب اقليمي آخر لقضيتنا ضم الينا دولة اقليمية أخرى تتعاطف معنا. لذا ليس من الحكمة الاعتراض علي لقائنا بكينيا لمجرد أنها جارة لا نلتقي معها بحدود برية مباشرة مثل اثيوبيا، السودان، جيبوتي.

في اعتقادنا لا يهم أين التقينا، في فرانكفورت، نيروبي، أديس أبابا أو الخرطوم، إنما المهم ماذا حققنا من إنجاز، البعض أيضاً قد يعد من إيجابيات ملتقانا هذا أنه عقد خارج اثيوبيا، هذا أيضاً رأي خاطئ، لذا بغض النظر عن مكان وزمان وحضور اللقاء يجدر بنا أن نعالج أخطاءنا ونجري التغيير في عقلياتنا التقليدية، أما نجاح اللقاء فلا تحدده أمزجة وتأويلات المدعوين بل الجهة الداعية هي التي تحدد نجاح أو فشل دعوتها في بلوغ الأهداف المرجوة منها.

أضف الي ذلك أ

ن حضور الملتقيين – فرانكفورت ونيروبي – لم يأتوا من العدم ولم ينزلوا من الفضاء، بل هم من مكونات المعارضة الارترية المنتمين الي خلفية مدرستي النضال الارتري – الجبهة والشعبية – ولكلٍّ من هؤلاء المشاركين في تلك الملتقيات دوره السلبي والإيجابي في مسيرة المعارضة الارترية، وإدانة هؤلاء لمجرد ضعفهم بأنهم لم ولن ينتصروا أو أن الفشل حليفهم الدائم أيضاً رأي خاطئ للغاية، هذا فضلاً عن أن النصر أو الإنجاز ليس بالسهل المنال، إنه أمر يتطلب النضال والمعاناة في الدروب الوعرة والمنعطفات الخطِـرة.

لننظر أننا بغض النظر عن مكان الاجتماع أنجزنا فيه التفاهمات التالية: (الحرص علي سيادة ارتريا الوطنية ووحدة أراضيها، العمل علي توحيد أهداف دعاة الديمقراطية والتغيير، استبدال النظام الدكتاتوري بنظام ديمقراطي، الإعداد لانتقال سلمي وسلس للسلطة)، ومن تفاهمات ملتقى فرانكفورت: (العمل سوياً علي تحقيق الديمقراطية والتغيير، العمل للحصول علي حل سلمي لقضايانا، التأكيد علي مبدأ حكم القانون والانتقال القانوني للسلطة، فصل الدين عن الدولة مع ضمان الدولة لحرية المعتقدات الدينية، بناء العلاقة مع دول الجوار علي أساس الاحترام لسيادة ارتريا ووحدة أراضيها، اعتبار اللغتين العربية والتجرينية لغتي تعامل للدولة مع ضمان مساواة سائر اللغات الارترية، اعتماد الحكم اللا مركزي)، إذاً ينتقل الكلام الآن الي ما إذا كان أحدنا معترضاً علي تلك التفاهمات، أم فقط يعترض علي مكان وزمان تلك التفاهمات!! إذاً فلننظر الي الأمام ونحقق تلك المطامح، لا أن نتشاءم وننظر الي الوراء ونبكي علي أطلال الأمكنة والأزمنة، لنعمل علي هزيمة السياسات غير المسئولة للهقدف واستبدال قيمه الكارثية بقيم العدالة والديمقراطية والحداثة والمواكبة.

Published in EPDP Editorial

ንዝኽሪ ናይቲ ሓርበኛ

Written by ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ

ኣቦ መንበር ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ዝነበረ ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ብ17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ብሃንደበት ካብ ዝስዋእ፡ እነሆ 10 ዓመቱ መሊኡ። ስዩም ካብ ግዜ ንእስነቱ ጀሚሩ ኩለንተኡ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ዝተወፈየ ንግዜኡን ዓቕሙን ብግቡእ ንረብሓ ህዝቡ ዘውዓለ ነይሩ። ስዩም እንተላይ ዓሰርተ ዓመት ሕሱም ማእሰርቲ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጸላኢ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ መሪር ናይ ቃልሲ መድረኻትን ኣገባባትን ተፈቲኑ ጽንዓቱ ዘመስከረ ሃገራዊ ሓርበኛ ነይሩ። ኣብ ዝሓለፎ ናይ ቃልሲ ምዕራፋት “ብዕራይ ናብ ዘበለ እንተበለ ዕርፊ ኣጽንዕ” ዝብል ምስላ ዘዘውትር ኣብ መትከላዊ እምነቱ ዘይዋገ ጽኑዕን ክብሎ ዝደሊ ካብ ምባል ንድሕሪት ዘይብል ተባዕ ምንባሩ ኩሎም ብቐረባ ዝፈልጥዎ መቓልስቱ ዝምስክርሉ መለለይኡ ነይሩ። ስዩም ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነትን ወሳንነትን ዝኣምን፡ ውዳበ ሓይሊ ምዃኑ ተቐቢሉ ዝጽዕት ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ብፍላይ ናይቲ ኣብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝነበረ ሃገራዊ ማሕበር ሓረስቶት ኤርትራ ኣቦመንበር ኣብ ዝነበረሉ ግዜ፡ ብዘርኣዮ ህዝባዊ ሓልዮት “ስዩም ሓረስታይ” ዝብል ቅጽል ዝረኸበ ናብ ህዝቢ ዝቐረበ እዩ ነይሩ።

ብመሰረት’ቲ መጻኢት ኤርትራ፡ ክብራን ልኡላውነታን ዓቂባ ንክትረጋገጽ ዝነበሮ ዓሚቝ እምንቶ፡ እሞ እዚ ጽንዓትዚ ብደረጃ ውድባት እውን ከሎ ጌና ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ኣንጻር ዲክታቶርነት’ውን ክጅመር ኣለዎ ኢሉ ይኣምን ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ምእንቲ ምውናን ነጻ ውሳነን ርኢቶን ኣብ ዝግበር ቃልሲ ኣብ ቅድሚት ካብ ዝስርዑ ጽኑዓት ኤርትራውያን ባእታታት ሓደ ነይሩ። ንሓደጋ ተንበርካኽነት ክገልጽ እንከሎ፡ ‘’ሎሚ ብጉምብሐጉምብሕ እንተኼድና ጽባሕ ከኣ ብበጠበጥ ክንከይድ ኢና’’ ዝብሎ ዝነበረ ከኣ ካልእ ናይ ጽንዓቱ መርኣያ እዩ። ስዩም ሓድነት ሓይሊ እዩ ኢሉ ብልዑል ይኣምን ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ስማዊ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣርሒቑ ዝጥምትን ኣስሪሑ ዘድምዕን ግብራዊ ምቅርራብ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ንክፍጠር ጻዕሪ ዝገበረ፡ ኣብ ምዕቃብ ሓድነት ህዝብን መሬትን ኤርትራ ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ዘይወርድ ባእታ እዩ ነይሩ። መጻኢ ዝምድና ኤርትራ ዕጹው ወይ ጸቢብ ዘይኮነስ፡ ሰፊሕ ኣብ ዝዝርጋሐኡ፡ ግና ድማ ኣብ ምክብባርን ኣብ ሕድሕድ ኢድ ዘይምትእትታውን ዝሰረተ ንክኸውን ብጽኑዕ ዝኣምን’ውን ነይሩ።

እዚ ዓቕሙን ተወፋይነቱን ኣብ ውድቡ ጥራይ ከይተደረተ፡ ኣብ መላእ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ እውን ቦታ ዝነበሮ ስዩም፡ ብዙሕ ናይ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ዕማማት እንዳሃለዎ እዩ ቅድሚ 10 ዓመታት ብሃንደበታዊ ሕማም ተሰዊኡ። ስዩም ከምቲ ዝተገልጸ ንውልቁ ከይሰሰዐ፡ ግዜኡ ብግቡእ ኣብ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘውዓለ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ዘጣዕሶ ከም ዘይገደፈ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ንዓና ዝገድፈልና ሓላፍነትን ሕድርን ግና ብዙሕ እዩ። ንሕና እውን “ዋላ’ኳ ብኣካል ተተፈለኻና ብዕላማ ግና ምሳና ኢኻ ዘለኻ እሞ፡ ቃልካ ኣይከነዕብርን ኢና ቅሰን” ኢልና ኢና ኣፋኒናዮ። ኣብዚ ድሕሪ መስዋእቱ ዝሓለፈ ክንዲ ሓደ ሲሶ ናይቲ ብረታዊ ቃልስና ዝወሰዶ ግዜ ካብቲ ሕድርታቱ ክንደይ ተግቢርና? ከኣ ኣብዚ ናይ ዝኽሩ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይና ነብስና ክንሓትት ናይ ግድን እዩ። ከነፋንዎ እንከለና ቃል ዝኣቶና ንሕና ናይ ሽዑ ኣባላት ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ናይ ሎሚ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣባላት ጥራይ ዘይኮና፡ መላእ ደንበ ተቓውሞን ደላይ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውን ምንባርና ኣይርሳዕን። ስዩም ምስ ተሰወአ ካብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ዝተራእየ ስንባደን ሕራነን ዝተዓዘቡ ወገናት “ስዩም ሓረስታይስ ምስተሰወአ እምበር መሊሱ ገኒኑ” ዝበሉ ውሑዳት ኣይነበሩን። ስዩም ሓመድ ናይዛ ኩለንተናኡ ዝኸፈለላ ኤርትራ ብዘይምልባሱ “ ስዩም ዘይቅበረላ ኤርትራስ ኣይኤርትራናን” ክሳብ ምባል ዝበጽሑ ኣደነቕቱ ምንባሮም እውን ተኸታቲልና ኢና። እዚ ናይታ ዋጋ ዝኸፈልካላ ሃገር ኤርትራ፡ ካልእ ጸጋታት ምርካብ ተሪፉስ ምስተሰዋእካ ሓመዳ ናይ ምትርኣስ መሰል ዘይምርካብ፡ ኣብ ስዩም ከይተደረተ ካለኦት ሓርበኛታት እውን ኣብ ፈቐዶ ዝተዓቑቡለን ሃገራት ይቕበሩ ኣለዉ።

እዚ ሓርበኛ ጀሚሩ ክንምለኦ ካብ ዝገደፈልና ሕድርታት ሓደ፡ ብሓፈሻ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ መትከል ፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ኣሚንካ ሓቢርካ ዘስርሕ ኩነታት ናይ ምፍጣር ዕማም ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ምርግጋጽ ፍጹማዊ ሓድነት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራን ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ነይሩ። እዚ ክልቲኡ ሰልፍታት ሰሚሩ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝብል ስም ካብ ዝሕዝ ድሮ 5 ዓመታት ኮይንዎ ኣሎ። በዚ ዓወት ስዩም ከም ዝቐስን ርግጸኛታት ኢና። እቲ በዚ ሰልፊዚ ኣቢልካ ሓያል ዓቕሚ ፈጢርካ ብቑዕ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ ናይ ምዃን መስርሕ ከኣ ቀጻሊ ኣሎ። እቲ ሰፊሕ ጽላል ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ናይ ምርግጋጽ ጻዕሪ’ውን ህያው ኣሎ። ኣብዚ እውን ከምቲ ዝድለ’ኳ ተዘይሰለጠናስ ቃል ስዩም ከየዕበርና ብዘይምሕላል ንሰርሓሉ ዘለና እዩ። ንመጻኢ እውን ካብዚ ወጻኢ ካልእ መማረጺ ስለ ዘየብልና ክንቅጽሎ ኢና። እንተኾነ እዚ ዕማም ብናይ ኩልና ደለይቲ ለውጥን ፍትሕን ድምር ጻዕርን ተወፋይነት እምበር በይንና ኣብ መፈጸምታ ነብጸሖ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ካብዚ ኣገዳሲ ኣጋጣሚ፡ ናብ ኩሎም እዚ ጉዳይ ዝምልከቶም ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ተኸኣኢልካን ተኸባቢርካን፡ ኣብቲ ዘሰማመዓካ ብሓባር ናይ ምስራሕ መጸዋዕታና ነሕድስ። ድሕሪ መስዋእቲ ስዩም ኣብ ዘካየድናዮም ጉባአታትና እውን ካብዚ መስመርዚ ፈልከት ከምዘይንብል ኣረጋጊጽና ኢና። ንመጻኢ’ውን ከምኡ።

ሎሚ ዝኽሪ 10ይ ዓመት መስዋእቲ ስዩም ንዝክር ኣሎና። ኣብዚ ዝኽሩ ብዛዕባ ዝሓለፎ ምዕራፋት ቃልስን ቅያታቱን ክንዝክርን ከነዘንቱን ናይ ግድን እዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ መልእኽቲ ናይዚ ኣጋጣሚ ግና እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ቀንዲ ቆላሕታና ከምቲ ከነፋንዎ እንከለና “ቅሰን ዝጀመርካዮ ኣብ መወዳእታ ከነብጸሕ ኢና” ዝበልናዮ፡ ሕጂኸ ኣብቲ ቃልናዶ ጸኒዒና ኣለና ወይስ ኣይፋልናን? ዝብል ሕቶ ኢና ክንምልስ ዝግበኣና። መልስና “እወ ሕጂ’ውን ኣብ ቃልና ኣለና” ከም ዝኾነ ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ተግባርና ዝምስክሮ እዩ። ብመሰረት እዚ ቃል ናብ ተግባር ክንሰግር እንከለና ዝያዳ ቅልጣፈን ተወፋይነትን ከም ዝሓተና ከኣ ቃል ስዩም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ህልዊ ኩነታት ህዝብናን ሃገርናን እውን የገድደና እዩ። ስለዚ ኢና ከኣ ነዚ ኣጋጣሚ “ስዩም ብኣካል እምበር ብሕልናስ ኣይተፈላለናን” ብዝብል ዘይዓመምናዮ ዕማም ንምዕማም ከም መንጠሪ ክንጥቀመሉ ዝግበኣና።

ስዩም ኩለንተናኡ ንህዝብን ሃገርን ዘወፈየን ኣብቲ መስርሕ ነብሱ ከብቅዕ ዝጽዕትን ነይሩ ክንብል እንከለና፡ ከምኡ ንክገብር ናቱ ተባዕ ውሳነ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ቤተሰቡ ደገፍ’ውን ቀሊል ከም ዘይነበረ ዝዝንጋዕ ኣይኮነን። ሳላዚ ናይ ቤተሰቡ ምድግጋፍ ድማ ስዩም ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ ተቓሊሱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እነሆ ደቁ እውን ዓብዮም ሓላፍነት ተረኪቦም፡ ሎሚ ነቲ ዝያዳ ንዓኣቶም ንሃገሩ ዝተወፈየ ሓርበኛ ኣቦኦም ኣብ ዝዝክርሉ ደረጃ በጺሖም ኣለዉ። ብዝገድፈሎም ነገራዊ ውርሻ ዘይኮነስ፡ በቲ ዘውረሶም ቅያን ሓርበኝነትን ከም ዝሕበኑ ድማ ንጹር እዩ። ስለቲ ተቓሊሱ ንከቃልሰና ዝኸፈልዎ ዋጋ ድማ ነመስግኖም።

17 ታሕሳስ 2015

Published in EPDP Editorial

ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል (ሓረስታይ) ቅድሚ 10 ዓመታት ኣብተን ናይ መወዳእታ ሰዓታት

Written by ደበሳይ በየነ

16 ታሕሳስ 2005 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ቅድሚ 10 ዓመታት ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ናይ ሽዑ ኣቦመንበር ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውድቡ ነይሩ። ስዩም ኣቐዲሙ ብ27 ሕዳር 2005 ብውድባዊ ስራሕ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ መጺኡ ዮርዳኖስ ኣብ ዝተባህለ ሆቴል ኣብ ቁጽሪ 206 እዩ ኣዕሪፉ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ዕለት’ዚ ምስ ብጾቱ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ብሓባር ተመሲሑ ኣጋ ሰዓት 3፡30 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ናብ ከዕርፈሉ ዝተመደበ ሆቴል ከይዱ። ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ጸኒሐ እንተመጺአ ክንራኸብ ኢና፡ ተዘይመጺአ ድማ ጽባሕ ንግሆ የራኽበና ኢሉ ተፋንዩና ከይዱ። እንተኾነ ኣቐዲሙ’ውን ሰውነተይ ይኸብደኒ ኣሎ ይብል ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ምሸት ከምቲ ዝበሎ ኣይተመልሰናን። ንሕና እውን ኣቐዲሙ ሓቢሩና ስለ ዝነበረ ብዘይምምጻኡ ብዙሕ ኣይተሻቐልናን።

ንጽባሒቱ ቀዳም እዩ ነይሩ። ካብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ናብቲ ምስ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ብሓባር ንሰርሓሉ ዝነበርና ቤት ጽሕፈት ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኪዳን ንምኻድ እንዳተሰባሸብኩ፡ ስዩም ደዊሉ ናብቲ ሆቴሉ ንኽመጾ ሓቲቱኒ። ሰዓት 7 ናይ ንግሆ እዩ ነይሩ። ቤት ጽሕፈትና ናብቲ ንሱ ዝነበሮ ሆቴል ቀረባ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ናብቲ ሆቴል ቀልጢፈ በጺሐ። ምስኡ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ብምኽንያት ስራሕ መጺኡ ምስ ዝነበረ ኣቶ መንግስተብ ኣስመሮም ድማ ኣብቲ ስዩም ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ ተራኺብና። ስዩም ካብቲ ዓራት ወሪዱ፡ ኮበርታ ደሪቡ ኣብ ወንበር ኮፍ ኢሉ ጸኒሑና። ከም ዝሓመመ ድማ ነጊሩና። ከመይ ከም ዝገብሮ ክነግረና እንከሎ “ቁሪቁሪ የብለኒ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ኣፍ-ልበይ’ውን ውግኣት ይስመዓኒ፡ ክሕሸኒ ኢለ ተተሓጸብኩ ድማ መሊሱ ገዲዱኒ” ኢሉና። ግዜ ከይወሰድና ናብ ሕክምና ክንከይድ ወሲና ድማ ኣነ ሒዘዮ፡ ኣብ ቦሌ ሳይ ኣብ ዝበሃል ህንጻ ናብ እትርከብ ኣቐዲምና ብማዕዶ ናብ እንፈልጣ ክሊኒክ ከይድና። እንተኾነ እዛ ክሊኒክ ተዓጽያ ጸኒሓትና። በታ ዝሓዝናያ ታክሲ ድማ ኣብ መስመር ቀንዲ ጐደና ቦሌ ኦለፒያ ኣብ ዝበሃል ቦታ፡ ጥቓ ናይ ሽዑ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውድብና ናብ እትርከብ ክሊኒክ ቤተዛታ ከይድና። ንግሆ ብምዃኑ መካይን በዚሐን መንገዲ ስለ ዝይተዓጽወ ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ቀልጢፍና በጻሕና። እንተኾነ ሰዓት 8 ስለ ዘይኣኸለ ምዱባት ሓካይም ክንረክብ ኣይከኣልናን። ክሳብ ሰዓት ኣኺሉ ሓካይም ዝመጹ ሓደ ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ዝሓደረ ክኢላ ንግዜኡ ቃንዛ ዘዕግስ መርፍእ ካብቲ ናይታ ክሊኒክ ፋርማሲ ክገዝእ ኣዚዙኒ ምስ ኣምጻእኩ ንስዩም ወጊእዎ።

ሓኪም እንዳተጸበና፡ ንስዩም እቲ ዝወሰዶ መርፍእ ጠቒምዎ እንተኾይኑ ሓቲተዮ። “እወ ደሓን እየ። ግና ሓኪምስ ደንጉዩና ጋና ድዩ ሰዓት” ኢሉ መሊሱለይ። ሰዓት 8፡15 ናይ ንግሆ ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ሓኪም መጺኡ። ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ቀዲሞምና ዝበጽሑ ሕሙማት ስለ ዘይነበሩ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ስዩም ተራእዩ። ኣነ እውን ምስኡ ነይረ። እቲ ሓኪም ብኹነታት ስዩም ከም ዝሰንበደ ካብ ገጹ ይንበብ ነይሩ። ኣነ እውን ወዮ ነቲ ሕማም ኣቕሊለ ዝርእዮ ዝነበኩ እንዳተቐየረ ብውሽጠይስ ክሰግእ ደኣ ጀመርኩ። እቲ ሓኪም መሳርሒታት እንዳቐያየረ ክርእዮ ምስ ጸነሐ፡ ካብቲ ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ ሸረር ብዝብል መንበር (wheelchair) ናብ ካልእ ክፍሊ ወሲድዎ። ካብዚ ጀሚረን እንተን ከይደን ዘይርብርባ ዝነበራ ኣእጋር ስዩም ስራሐን ኣቋረጻ። ስግኣተይ ድማ ማዕረ እቲ ቅልጡፍ ምቅይያር ኣብ ኩነታት ስዩም እንዳዓረገ መጸ። ቁሩብ ጽንሕ ኢሉ ድማ እቲ ሓኪም ንእሽቶ ወረቐት ጽሒፉ ሂቡ፡ ብኣንቡላንስ ካብ ክሊኒክ ቤተዛታ ኣብ ከባቢ ስታድየም ናብ ዝርከብ ሆስፒታል ቤተዛታ ብህጹጽ ክንከይድ ምዃና ስግኣትን ፍርሕን ብዝጸለዎ ቃላት ነጊሩኒ። እዚ ዝኸውን ዘሎ ኣብ ጐረቤት ናይ ሽዑ ቤት ጽሕፈት ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እዩ ኢለ ኣለኹ። ኣነ ኣብዚ ሰዓትዚ ንግሆ ሒዘዮ ዝወጻእኩ ገንዘብ ውሑድ ስለ ዝነበረ ይሓጽረኒ እሞ፡ ናብ ሆስፒታል ቤተዛታ ቅድሚ ምኻድና ብጉያ ናብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከይደ ገንዘብ ሒዘ ተመሊሰ፡ ስዩም ኣብ ዓራት ደቂሱ ሳልሳይና መራሕ መኪና፡ ሓያል ናይ ኣሕልፉኒ ድምጺ ጥሩንባ ብእተስምዕ ጻዕዳ ዝሕብራ ኣንቡላንስ ናብቲ ሆስፒታል ጉዕዞ ጀሚርና።

ኣብቲ ጉዕዞና “ስዩም ከመይ ኣለኻ” ኢለ ሓቲተዮ። በቲ ምዑዝ ኣዘራርባኡ ድማ “እዋእ ደሓን እየ፡ እንተኾነ እታ ሸቕሸቕ ተብለንስ ኣየቋረጸትን” ኢሉኒ። ኣስዒቡ ድማ “እስከ ንኣቶ ገብራይ ደውለሉ እሞ መኪና ሒዙ ናብቲ ሆስፒታል ይምጸኣና” ኢሉኒ። ከምኡ ምስ ገበርኩ ድማ ምስ ኣቶ ገብራይ ኣብቲ ሆስፒታል ተራኺብና። ድሕሪኡ ካልእ ዘረባ ወሲኸ ከየድክሞ ዘረባ ኣይወሰኽኩን። ኣነ ብውሽጠይ በይነይ ይዛረብ ነይረ። ስዩም እውን ከምኡ። እቲ ንኸዶ ርሑቕ ስለ ዘይነበረ ከኣ ቀልጢፍና ኣቲና። ነቲ ድምጺ ጥሩንባ ዝሰምዑ ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሰረሕተኛታት ዝተወጸዐ ሰብ ከም ዝመጸ ተረዲኦም፡ እንዳተጓየዩ መጺኦም ሓጊዘሙኒ፡ ንስዩም ካብታ ኣንቡላስን ኣውሪድና ኣብቲ ናይ ህጹጽ ረዲአት ክፍሊ ኣብ ዓራት ብጐቦ ኣደቂስናዮ። ቅድሚ ሓኪም ምምጻኡ ስዩም “እዚ ሆስፒታል ናይ መንግስቲ ድዩ ናይ ብሕቲ?” ኢሉ ሓቲቱኒ። ኣነ ድማ “ናይ ግሊ እዩ” ኢለ መሊሰሉ። ቀጺሉ “ እሞ ወጻኢ ደኣ ክበዝሓና እንድዩ፡ ናብ ሕስር ዝበለ መንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ዘይንኸይድ” ኢሉኒ። ኣነ ድማ “እዚ ናይ ሕጂ ኩነታትካ ንርኣዮ’ሞ እዚ ትብሎ ዘለኻ ደሓር ቀስ ኢልና ተረኣናዮ እዩ ዝሓይሽ” ኢለ ምስ መለስኩሉ፡ ድሕሪኡ ዘረባ ኣይቀጸልናን። ምኽንያቱ እታ ካብ ክሊኒክ ዝተዋህበትኒ ወረቐት ምስ በጽሓቶ ቀልጢፉ ናብ ስዩም ዝመጸ መንእሰይ ዶ/ር ዮናስ ስለ ዘቋረጸና። ዶ/ር ዮናስ ቅድሚ ስራሕ ምጅማሩ ካብቲ ክፍሊ ክወጽእ ኣዚዙኒ ወጺአ። ድሕሪ እዚ ንስዩም ብጐቦ ዓይነይ እንዳረኹዎ ምስ ተፈላለና፡ እነሆ እቲ ምፍልላይ ንሓዋሩ ኮይኑ።

ዶ/ር ዮናስ ንስዩም ምስ ረኣዮ ብዝሃቦም ምልክት ብቕጽበት ብዙሓት ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሓካይም እንዳጐየዩ ናብታ ስዩም ዝነበራ ናይ ህጹጽ ረድኤት ክፍሊ (emergency room) ክኣትዉ ተዓዚበ። ወዮ ኣብ ቀረባ ዝጸንሐ ፍርሐይ ድማ ናብ ስንባደ ተቐይሩ። ንሕማም ሰጊረስ ብዛዕባ ካልእ ከቢድ ጉዳይ ክሓስብ ጀሚረ። በቲ ኣጸቢቖም ዘይዓጸውዎ ናይቲ ስዩም ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ መስኮት መጋረጃ ኩሎም ኣቶም ሓካይም ክኸብዎ ተዓዚበ። ካብቲ ምንቅስቓሳቶም ብውሕዱ ስዩም ትንፋስ ከም ዝሓጸሮ ተገንዘብኩ። ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ ደቓይቕ፡ ከባቢ ሰዓት 10 ናይ ንግሆ ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ሕጂ ስሞም ዘይዝክሮ ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሕክምናዊ ዳይረክቶር “ቤተሰብ ኣቶ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል” ኢሎም ጸውዑ። ኣነን ናይ ስዩም ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ዓርክን መቓልስትን ኣቶ ገብራይ ገብረ እየሱስን ኮይና ኮን ደኾን ተስፋ ንረክብ ብዝብል ትጽቢት ቀልጢፍና ቀረብናዮም። ዝሃቡና ሓበሬታ ግና “ኣቶ ስዩም ልቦም ስረሓ ኣቋሪጻ እያ። ናይ እግዚኣብሄር ደገፍ ተተወሲኽዎ ሓካይም ህይወቶም ንምድሓን ይቃለሱ ኣለዉ” ዝብል ቀዳማይ ደረጃ መርድእ ነይሩ። ኣቶ ገብራይ ነቶም ሓኪም “ናብ ዝሓሸ ሕክምና ዋላ ናብ ወጻኢ ምውሳድከ ኣይትተሓባበሩናን?” ኢሉ ሓቲትዎም። እቶም ሓኪም ድማ ወዮ ኩነታት ኣበይ በጺሑ ከምዘሎ ስለ ዝፈልጡ “ንሱ ሕጂ ዝግበር ኣይኮነን” ኢሎም መሊሰሙልና፡ ናብቲ ስዩም ዝጸዓረሉ ዝነበረ ክፍሊ ተመልሱ። ድሕሪዚ በብውሽጥና ስዩምን ሞትን ኣዝዮም ተቐራሪቦም ከም ዝነበሩ ገመትና። ደፊርና ግና ስዩም ክመውት እዩ ኢልና ክንዘራረብ ኣይከኣልናን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፡ ናይቲ ኩነታት ህጹጽነት ዝሓበርኩዎም ኣሕዋት መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ( ናይ ሎሚ ኣቦመንበር ሰደህኤ)፡ ገብሪህይወት ጸጋይ፡ ጅምዕ ኣሕመድን ተኽላይ ተስፋጋብርን ናብቲ ሆስፒታል መጺኦም ኩነታት ይከታተሉ ኣለዉ። እንደጋና ከባቢ ሰዓት 11፡30 ረፋድ እቶም ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ላዕለዋይ ሓላፊ ዶክተር ጸውዑና’ሞ ከምቲ ናይ ቅድም መዓንጣና ሓቚፍና ቀረብናዮም። “እዚኣ ኣብ ክፍሊ ገንዘብ ከፊልካ ምጻእ’ሞ ቅብሊት ሒዝኩም ተመለሱ” ኢሎም ናይ 194 ብር መእዘዚ ሰነድ ሃቡኒ። ከፊለ ቅብሊት ሒዘሎም ምስ ተመለስኩ እቶም ዶክቶር፡ በቲ ጭንቅና እንዳተጨነቑን እናሕዘኑን “እምበኣር ጻዕርና ኣይሰመረን ሓውኩም ኣቶ ስዩም ዓሪፎም ፡ ጽንዓት ከኣ ይሃብኩም” ኢሎም ኣርዲኦሙና ናብ ካልእ ስረሖም ከዱ። በዚ ድማ እነሆ ናይ መወዳእታ ናይ ስዩም ቃላትን ናይ ስዩም ዕረፍትን ቀዳማይ ሰማዒ ክኸውን ክኢለ። ብኡንብኡ ድማ ነቶም ኣብኡ ብስግኣት ተዋሒጦም ዝነበሩ ኣቐዲመ ኣስማቶም ዝዘርዘርኩዎ ኣሕዋት’ውን ኣርዳእናዮም። ጸሓይ እቲ ባህርያዊ ብርሃን ናይ ምልጋስ ተግባራ ኣይቀየረት። ንዓና ግና ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ብቐትሩ ጸልሚቱና። ንደገን ንውሽጥን ድማ ከም ሕሱም ነቢዕና። ን17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ድማ ረገምናያ።

ድሕሪ እዚ ብጉዳይ ህይወት ናይቲ ሰሪሑ ዘይደክም፡ ኩነታት ተጸበብ’ውን ዘይሽበር ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዘይኮነስ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣስከሬኑ ክንሓስብ ተገዲድና። ስዩም ድማ ድሮ ብዛዕብኡ እንዳተዛረብና ናብ ዘይዛረብ ፍጡር ተቐይሩ። ንሕና ከኣ ብሃንደበታዊ መስዋእቲ ብጻይ ስዩም ዝተገዝኤ ነናትና ሓድሽ ስረሓት ክንዓምም ተቐሲብና። ገሌና ንላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶን ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ንዝርከብ ኤምባሲ ሆላንድን ዝምልከቶም ኣብ ምሕባር ተዋፊርና። ገሌና ድማ ኣብ ምውጋን ኣስከሬን ናይቲ ሽዑ ዝተፈልየና ሓርበኛ ተጸመድና። በዚ መሰረት ቅድሚ ኣበይን ብኸመይ ይቕበር ዝምልከት ውሳነ ምፍላጥና ኣስከሬኑ ክምርመር ናይ ግድን ስለ ዝነበረ፡ “ገብረ እግዚኣብሄር” ካብ ዝበሃል ትካል ኣስከሬን ኣትጸውር መኪናን ሳጹንን ኣምጺእና “ናይ ኣስከሬን ይመርመረልና” ጥርዓን ኣቕሪብና ናብ መንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ሚነሊክ ወሲድናዮ። ዕለቱ ቀዳም ስለ ዝነበረ ከኣ ሰኑይ ክንምልስ ቆጸራ ወሲድና። ንስዩም ምስ ከዛርብዎን ከዛርቦምን ዘይክእል ኣስከሬናት ገዲፍናዮ ተመሊስና። እዚ ኩሉ ወዲእና ከባቢ ሰዓት 3 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ብመሪሕነት ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈትና ተኣኪብና። ኣብዚ ኣኼባና ሓዘንና ክኢልና፡ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዘይነበሩ ኣባላት ውድብና’ውን ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲና፡ ነብስና ከፋፊልና ክንዓሞ ብዛዕባ ዝግበኣና ስረሓት ወሲና። ሰኑይ ንግሆ፡ ገሌና ጉዳይ መርመራ ኣስከሬን ክንከታተል፡ ገሌና ብዛዕባ ኣስከሬን ናብ ሆላንድ ዝጐዓዘሉ ኣገባብ፡ ምስ ናይታ ሃገር ኤምባሲ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትርን ርክባት ክንገብር ዝተረፍና ድማ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኮይና ሓዘኖም ክገልጹ ንዝመጹ ኣጋይሽ ክንቅበል ናይ ስራሕ ምክፍፋል ገበርና።

ሰኑይ 19 ታሕሳስ 2005 ምስ ኮነ እቶም ጉዳይ ኣስከሬን ንከታተል፡ ንጉዕዞ ብዘኽእል ኣገባብ ብኩባዊት ክኢላ ኣመርሚርና፡ ንናይ ርሑቕ ጉዕዞ ዝምጥን ሳጹን ገዚእና ነቲ ኣስከሬን መዝሓሊ ናብ ዘለዎ ዘይመንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ሓያት ወሲድና ዓቀብናዮ። እቶም ኣብ ካልእ ስረሓት ዝተዋፈሩ ኣሕዋት እውን ብተመሳሳሊ ስረሓቶም ኣሰላሲሎም። ኣስከሬን ሰሉስ 20 ታሕሳስ 2005 ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ሆላንድ ክጉዓዝ ከም ዝኽል ርግጸኛታት ምስ ኮና ድማ ኣብ ነፋሪት መንግዲ ኣየር ኢትዮጵያ ቦታ ኣትሒዝና።

ብ20 ታሕሳስ 2005 ኣብ ሰዓታት ድሕሪ ቀትሪ፡ ቅድሚ ኣስከሬን ጉዕዞ ናብ ሆላንድ ምጅማሩ፡ ሆስፒታል ሓያት ኣዳራሽ ፈቒዱልና ናይ መፋነዊ ፕሮግራም ሰሪዕና። ኣብዚ ናይ ፈነወ መደብ ሓጺር ታሪኽ ህይወት ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤልን ንሓርበኝነቱ ዝገልጽ ግጥምታት ተነቢቡ። እዚ ናይ ፈነወ ስነ-ስርዓት ንሓርበኝነት ስዩም ዝበቅዕ እኳ ተዘይነበረ፡ ሓያሎ፡ ቤተሰቡ፡ ፈተውቱን፡ መራሕትን ኣባላትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራውያን ነበርቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ኢትዮጵያውያንን ተሳቲፎም። ብወገን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ካብ ኢህወደግ፡ ኣንበሳድር ሱሌማን ካብ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስተር፡ ኣንበሳደር ሃይለ ኪሮስ ገሰሰ ናይ ሽዑ ኣንበሳደር ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ቻይና፡ ኣቶ ሕቡር ገብረኪዳን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ምትሕብባር ፎረም ሰንዓን ካለኦትን ይርከብዎም።

ድሕሪ እዚ ምሸት በዚ ዕለት እዚ ክሳብ ሰዓት 10 ኣብ ዝነበረ ግዜ ኣስከሬን ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካእል ናብ ሆላንድ ብኣድራሻ በዓልቲ ቤቱ ወይዘሮ ኣዝመራ ሃይለ ኣፋኒና። ሓው ጅምዕ ኣሕመድ ድማ ኣስከሬን ኣሰንዩ ተጓዒዙ። ድሕሪ’ዚ ናይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ሓዘንና ዓጺና።

ደበሳይ በየነ

17 ታሕሳስ 2015

Thursday, 17 December 2015 01:13

Sad to Say it, We're Still in Exile, SOM

Written by By Woldeyesus Ammar

17 December 2015

This is my personal letter to you, SOM (Seyoum Ogba-Michael) at this 10th anniversary, to the day, of your untimely martyrdom that occurred because the very elementary tools that could have saved the moment and let you continue the unfinished struggle were not available in that ill-equipped Addis Ababa clinic you afforded to visit. Anyway, the aftermath of your departure was really hard, but we could withstand it fairly well. Now, we are not still grieving over your martyrdom, which we could not stop, but celebrating your worthy deeds and happy memories. In fact in two days, we will gather around your family in Rotterdam, Holland, soon after an early morning visit to your remains at the Vlaardingen cemetery followed by a memorial church service.

At that around your family, your comrades-in-struggle will be talking many memorable events in your life, including your endless jokes and unforgettable sound-bites. On my part, I intend to tell your children a few historic anecdotes related to your life in struggle. In this letter, I will briefly tell you what I will tell your kids and then brief you on some of the developments that unfolded around us since your departure.

Back to the intended celebration of 19 December, SOM: I will tell your three daughters and three sons - Lili, Destiny, Solomon, Samson, Paulos and their elder sister Aida - that you, SOM, were born to be a freedom fighter, a tireless struggler whose legacy of steadfastness is still alive in the person of each of your comrades-in-struggle wherever they may be - of course save those still in the evil camp of PFDJ/Higdef. I will say how you, Woldedawit and I met in the historic September of 1961 at grade nine in Prince Mekonnen Secondary School and how soon your and my political chemistry mixed so quickly to jointly start agitating at that early age to spread awareness among the rest of our generation

SOM 10th anniversary2

SOM's 9th grade class at Prince Mekonnen Secondary School in 1961.

in the still unfinished struggle for national cause. I will not forget to mention:

That you were a vital engine in the student movement of that period;
Your uncompromising love for the Blue Flag, with the poem you wrote about it in 1963 and how dangerous it was to distribute that poem with its Blue Flag in the major streets of the then beautiful Asmara;
Your role in organizing the massive demo of March 1965 and your departure to the ELF together with Woldedawit Temesgen;
The clandestine return of you two to Asmara in August 1965 to organize ELF cells and your arrest by security agents in Martyr Siraj Ahmed's house at Kidane Mihret while talking to my political mentor, Memhir Seyoum Negassi, whom I brought to that fateful meeting to help us organize ELF cells among Eritrean teachers;
Your political awakening activities for 10 years in prison with your role in the liberation of yourself and other 1,000 prison inmates in 1975;
Your role in building the ELF-RC until your final departure in 2005.

SOM 10th anniversary3

The story is too long to be covered by one person, and that is why I said many will join me in telling just part of the momentous chronicle that remains yet to be told about you to the present and future generations. Azmera Haile, your widow, will be one of the potential story-tellers at your 10th anniversary about you and your life-time comrade-in-struggle, Martyr Woldedawit.

The second point to be included in this private message to you is on how we are doing now and what occurred since December 2005. Well, eeehh.. We are still in exile, SOM, and I know that will deeply upset you. But, frankly speaking, we could not make it happen because of the many factors that you knew well. What you used to call "that exclusionist and chauvinist regime" has continued deepening its hate and divisive messages and broke down the nation into its primordial pieces. Our opposition camp continued to multiply. You left us 11 but in recent years, we counted up to 34 "political organizations" in the diasopra. This sad situation has prevailed until now while the PFDJ state has failed to deliver all the promises of our Revolution. However, there is some hope these days: the regime and its head are in their death-beds, and the forces of change appear to be reviewing their weaknesses (our weaknesses). Many of us hope that something good can happen in the coming New Year - Inshallah. And I will write to you when it happens!!

You left us arguing over articles 3 and 4 within the EDA/Kidan whose members continued to violate agreed upon laws. Similar outfits were built SOM 10th anniversary4 over it after your martyrdom, but that new edifice again failed to accommodate many others, including us, let alone to deliver what was expected of it.

Regarding your organization, the ELF-RC, we encountered the challenges of the vacuum you left by increased personal sacrifices: e.g. Degiga, Melekin, Mengistu and yours-truly vowed to join full-timer comrades like Menghisteab Asmerom, now the chairman, to keep alive your dream of building a viable organization. Through exigent efforts, we created a new party called EPP; then joined with brother Ismail Nada's Gash-Setit and also continued your blue-print for narrowing down the old ELF/EPLF divide. Breaking many barriers, we forged unity that gave birth to what we named EPDP. We are still in the uphill process of building that much dreamt viable force, always without overlooking our ever-existent principle of building a truly inclusive force that can confidently create a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Eritrea.

SOM 10th anniversary5

Finally, I have other bad news to tell you, SOM, in case you did not yet meet them at your end. For example, of those ELF-RC leadership colleagues with whom you decided on so many historic resolutions at the Damascus meeting of 1997 (see picture above), Chairman Ahmed Nasser, Dr. Beyene Kidane, and Dini Ismail have followed your path. Your other close comrade, Ibrahim Mohammed Ali, is not in excellent health condition, while the whereabouts of Mohammed Ali Ibrahim are not known; he disappeared from Kassala. Nor did we yet obtain any news about Woldemariam Bahlibi and Teklebrahan 'Wedi Bashai', who, as you knew, faced the same kidnap fate way back in April 1992 by the evil regime of your schoollmate, Isaias.

I will stop here for today. Since this letter is also to be copied to your children, who by now are well versed in the English language, I am annexing here for their interest a small writing about you done 10 years ago this month.

*****

Tribute to a Brave Old Friend,

Seyoum and His Generation

Woldeyesus Ammar

30 December 005

I shudder under spells of pain combined with anger every time I recall or hear people mention names like: Michael Ghaber, Mahmoud Jenjer, Woldedawit Temesghen, and Mussie Tesfamichael – old time close friends whose burial I could not attend when they fell while contributing more than their share for the national cause and its sentiments that we shared with extraordinary intensity. Seyoum Ogbamichael has now elongated the list and in his special ways made the pain almost unbearable to human limitations and frailties. Little understood and little known hero till the end, Seyoum was a big asset to our entire liberation struggle era as well as to the current uphill fight for reconciliation, acceptable change and democratization. His death is a loss beyond description at this hour of the unfinished struggle that he helped build at the cost of his entire life and at a big price paid by his loved ones.

A Person of Rare Qualities

Seyoum was a man of exceptional attributes. Until he let out his last breath in an Addis Ababa hospital, where he stepped in during the morning hours of 17 December, still walking straight and sturdy, Seyoum possessed inexhaustible physical energy and vitality that helped him accomplish all what he was doing. In average, he slept less than five hours every night throughout his adult life - yet he did not show weakness until the fateful 17 December 2005.

As of his early teenage, Seyoum single-mindedly wanted to see an independent Eritrea flying the Blue Flag. No flinching. His steadfastness and courage remained big astonishment even to his close peers at all stages of his life. His prioritization of tasks and reading of situations usually led him to conclusions almost all of which were proven by future developments to had been right and correct. He advocated and championed those conclusions and beliefs with absolute determination. The intelligent and gifted Seyoum I knew possessed huge self-acquired knowledge and competence that justified his drive to achieve under any circumstance. And everyone who knew him well will recall that Seyoum was always willing to accept responsibility with self-confidence. The very nature of the fight for national liberation and transition to democracy required not only a huge capacity to communicate through the spoken and the written word, but it also required the skill to motivate others for more work and sacrifice of their time and energy. These are among the much looked after qualities for success in one’s work, especially as a leader. Seyoum had them all in plenty - and for sure more than any of his political critics at any time in the long or the recent past. In other words, Seyoum was a Successful Motivator and a Great Communicator who could make his listeners see the Hopes and the attainable Visions that he saw and that were clear in his head and clear in his language.

I Met Seyoum 44 Years Ago

It was in September 1961 that Seyoum Ogbamichael and I first met as classmates in grade 9 at Prince Mekonnen Secondary School in Asmara. Seyoum was about 15 and I a couple of years older and almost ‘mature’ enough with my ‘political awareness’ about Eritrean nationalism – probably because of the age-advantage plus the advantage of my background from the ever restive Keren and its highly politicized shopkeepers; outspoken and authority-defying elders like Balambaras Tiluq Hamad; class teachers like Seyoum Negasi, and ardent nationalist classmates like Mahmoud Jenjer (who joined the ELF in 1963 and martyred in 1966). Young Seyoum Ogbamichael was among the first ‘comrades’ I met and felt comfortable with at Prince Mekonnen, whose political environment gradually became Keren-like.

And it was after a couple of previously quiet years in Asmara that we, 9^th graders of the 1961-62 academic year, succeeded to restart student militancy and organized our first big demonstration in May 1962, parading in the streets of Asmara and embarrassing government officials and onlookers with our audacious chant of:

Natsinet Delina!

Hagizuna!!

The phrase was put together in a chat between us the ‘ring leaders’ while running near Cinema Roma on our way to the Parliament soon after we (Seyoum and other students from Prince Mekonnen) managed to go and force out from their classes the then less politically active Haile Selassie I Secondary School students to join us in that initial demo. By 1963, Seyoum was a fire-brand student leader. In fact, I used to call the 1963 demonstration “Seyoum’s demonstration” because it was he who pushed the rest of us to organize it!

Between 1961 to 1965, Asmara demonstrations became yearly events from our school, with the same batch of students leading those modest political acts that eventually helped awaken many Asmara residents to full and passionate national awareness. Seyoum was already a prominent member of this small group of student leaders, who, incidentally, were same class or same grade-mates for four years. Besides Seyoum and I, the others included my closest friend Michael Ghaber, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile Woldetensae, Isayas Afeworki, Bereket ‘Aket’, Abdurahman Hassan Mehri, the twins Andom/Habtom Ghebremichael and a few others in the lower grades, among them Gherezgheher Tewolde and Abdalla Hassan.

Seyoum with ELF in 1965, Aged 19

After another big demonstration in mid-March 1965, Seyoum and his closest friend Woldedawit thought that we three were the most wanted by the security at Agip and that we better join the ELF in the field within days. I objected justifying that we would, among other excuses, serve the cause better inside Asmara and later in Addis than in the field and that it was preferable for us to take the risk of a short imprisonment at Agip. Seyoum and Woldedawit did not agree. Finally, by the third week of March 1965, the three of us found ourselves standing at the Asmara bus station: I seeing them off and remaining behind and they trying to reach the field by making a diversion through Ethiopia. When they finally reached Kassala, Seyoum and Woldedawit were given assignments which included going back to Asmara and organizing ELF cells on professional and work categories.

10 Years in Prison

It was while conducting the above mentioned ELF assignment inside Asmara in late August 1965 that Seyoum and Woldedawit were arrested and kept in prison for 10 years.

Amid all the suffering they were subjected to in enemy dungeons, Seyoum and his colleague never failed to talk to every prisoner they met about the nationalist struggle and its politics. By Woldedawit’s estimation, approximately 25,000 short- and long-term prisoners were lectured on Eritrean nationalism by both of them during the years of their incarceration. Thus, the prison years were not wasted by Seyoum and his friend. It was also in prison that Seyoum managed to learn Arabic, French and some Spanish in addition to his already existing command of Italian, English, Amharic and of course Tigrinia, a language that he might have helped to develop in certain ways.

Back to the ELF in the Field

After release from prison in February 1975, Seyoum served in a number of important posts in the ELF. He was not one of the ‘new comers’ though, as the 1975 recruits to the front were pejoratively referred to. As indicated, Seyoum always lived abreast the ELF while in prison by following all developments within it.

Thus he, Woldedawit and their likes had no lack of knowledge of the political situation in the front to flirt with mostly emotional judgments that led many fresh comers to lawlessness by demanding, among other things, another ‘national congress’ a few months after the second ELF congress of 1975 was convened. By 1977, the ELF army more than quadrupled from its previous size and this meant that the vast majority of ELFers were ‘new comers’ who were liable to misleading whisper of certain interest groups and hot tempers here and there. Seyoum was a great voice and a major contributor (though still little evaluated and appreciated) in the salvation of his front from that crisis that could even have brought about a more dangerous ‘armed’ polarization in Eritrea at that stage. His memorable 1977 radio messages reprimanding the encouragement of sectarianism in the EPLF and lawlessness in the ELF, and his radio poems teaching people to submit to dialogue and the rule of law were characteristic of Seyoum. He repeated the same 1977 stand and voiced the same message and took the same stand against lawlessness in his organization in 1982 and again in 2003.

A Fierce Opponent of Dictatorship

Seyoum’s unflinching stand against the dictatorship in Eritrea is also about the rule of law and democracy. In 1991, Seyoum was among the key ELF-RC leaders who absolutely rejected the Isayas-regime’s offer to members of Eritrean political organizations to return home as ‘individuals’. The ELF-RC firmly asked for one-to-one dialogue with the new government, and Seyoum’s role in that stand is understandable. But as we all know a scheduled ELF-RC delegation’s visit to Asmara, of which Seyoum was to be a member, was foiled by the one-man decision-making mechanism that plagued the Isayas-led organization for decades.

Like many others, I am of the conviction that the ELF-RC will be remembered in Eritrean history for a good number of things, prominent among them being its firm defense of principles at any stage whose reckless violation would result in obliterating the entire national edifice. One of this is ELF-RC’s insistence in 1993 to be considered as a partner in the referendum. The organization believed that the ABC of democratic participation could be learned by forcing EPLF at least to allow members of other organizations to vote in the referendum with the IDs of their respective organizations. This was to show the EPLF and its leader that Eritrean citizenship cannot be determined by decrees issued by a leader of a single political organization but by an elected national assembly in the future. We can recall Seyoum was the strongest ELF-RC voice in the insistence that the ABC for our democratic participation in the new Eritrea be started at the referendum. He went to the extent of bending (not breaking) decisions of his organization to see to it that the EPLF denial of others’ participation is challenged. It was also during that early period that Seyoum assisted some kind-hearted compatriots to absolutely drop considering Isayas Afeworki as a bed-fellow before multi-party democracy is openly granted.

What Seyoum Was

Seyoum was a moving engine. He at times wrongly assumed that others were made of the same stuff as he. That did not help him easily obtain the understanding he deserved. He could be compared to a successful business manager who would lead a profit-making corporation. (And of course no successful manager would be expected to be as meek as the shopkeeper around the corner.) After any problem of misunderstanding with his work colleagues, Seyoum would immediately start reconciling and talking in a normal businesslike way as if nothing had happened. Others would carry on with their grudges – not he. At one point five years ago, I suggested to Seyoum something like this: “Why don’t you try to change some of your traits that sometimes create misunderstandings...?” His solid response was: “Emo ente qeyires Seyoum aykonkun beleni enber!” (meaning: If I change [my way of doing things] I will end up being not myself). Seyoum remained to be himself and did not regret that he was what he was. As we bury his remains on 30 December, we will be celebrating what Seyoum was and what he stood for.

What Seyoum Was Not

Seyoum was not anti-democrat. He, who insisted throughout his life that others abide by commonly agreed upon rules and laws cannot be a candidate ‘dictator’. He was not a Kebessan chauvinist. He was not isolationist. He was not the other side of Isayas and his Nhnan Elamanan. He was not anti-unity. He was not anti- this and that (name it yourself). He simply was one of my heroes, of my ‘Ras Tessema Asberoms’ (with the meaning that I gave to this phrase in an earlier write up.)

Eternal Memory to Our Martyrs!

Tuesday, 15 December 2015 23:43

ጨንፈር ማእከል ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.( E.P.D.P )ፍራንክፎርትን ክባቢኣን ብዕለት 13-12-2015 ስሩዕ ወርሓዊ ኣኼባኡ ኣካይዱ፡፡

Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ

ጨንፈር ማእከል ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኣን ኣበቲ ልሙድ ቦታ ኣኼባኡ ኪርች ፕላትዝ ብዕለት 13-12-2015 ወርሓዊ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ኣካይዱ፡፡ እቲ ኣኼባ ካብ ሰዓት 2፡00 ድ.ቀ. ጅሚሩ ሰዓት 5፡00 ድ.ቀ. ድማ ወዲኡ። ኣኼባ ብሓው ታድሰ ኣስመላሽ ኣቦ-መንበር ጨንፈር ብእንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም እዩ ተኸፊቱ። ካብኡ ብምቕጻል፡ ኣብቲ ኣጀንዳታት ኣኼባ ብምእታው ብዛዕባ ኣገደስቲ ጉዳያት ተመያይጡ።

Frankfurt Meeting131215 2

ኣጀንዳታትና (1) ኩነታት ጨንፈርና፡ ማለት ኣተሃላልዉኡን፡ ኣሰራርሑኡን፡ ከመሓይሾን ክእርሞን ዘለዎ ነገራትን፡ ከምኡ‘ውን ኣገዳስነት ዲሲፕሊን ኣብ ጨንፈርናን፤ (2) ብዛዕባ ኩነታት ሰልፊ ይኹን ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ሓበሬታታት ምልውዋጥን ኔሮም።

ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ካልኣይ ኣጀንዳ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ምርድዳእ ኔሩ። ኣብዚ ዓመት 2015፡ ጉዳይ ሃገርና ዓለማዊ ኣቓልቦ እናተገብረሉ ክኸይድ ከም ዝጸንሐን፡ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ‘ውን ክምስገን ዝግብኦ ምጥርናፋት ከርኢ ከም ዝጸንሐን ርኢና።

Frankfurt Meeting131215 3

ብፍላይ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቀረባ እዋን፡ ብ9/11/2015 ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳን፡ ቀጺሉ ከኣ ብዕለት 11-12/11/2015 ሃገራት ኤውሮጳን ኣፍሪቃን፡ ብጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ማልታ (ፋለጣ) ዘካየድዎ ኣኼባታት፤ ከምኡ‘ውን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ብዕለት 13-14/11/2015 ኣብ ፍራንክፎርትን፡ ቀጺሉ ድሕሪ 2 ሰሙን‘ውን ብዕለት 27-29/11/2015 ኣብ ናይሮቢ (ከንያ) ብመድረኽ ንሃገራዊ ልዝብ ዘዳለዉዎ ናይ ምርድዳእን ምምኽኻርን ኣኼባታት፡ ኣዝዩ ተስፋ ዝህብ ምዃኑን ክተባባዕ ዝግብኦ ንጥፈታት ምዝኾነ‘ውን ኣስሚርናሉ፡፡

እዚ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ምምኽኻራትን ልዝብን‘ውን ሰልፍና ዕላምኡን ክቃለሰሉ ዝጸንሐን ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣበርቲዑ ክደፍኣሉን ጨንፈርና ተላብዩ። ብድሕር‘ዚ ሰዓት 5፡00 ድ.ቀ. ኣኼባ ብዝኽረ ሰማእታት ተዛዚሙ፡፡

ሽማግለ ጨንፈር ማእከል ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኣን

Tuesday, 15 December 2015 22:33

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 5ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ብዓወት ኣቃኒዑ

Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰደህኤ

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዕለት 13 ታሕሳስ 2015 5ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ቀንዲ ኣጀንዳ ናይዚ ኣኼባዚ፣ ምምዕባልን ምሕያልን ዝምድናን ርክብን ናይዚ ቤት ጽሕፈትዚ ምስ ካብ ሰልፊ ወጻኢ ዘለዉ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ መንእሰያት ማሕበራትን ምንቅስቃሳትን ዝብል ነበረ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ፣ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ኣብቲ ናይ ዝምድና ርክባትን መትከላት ሰልፊ ተመርኲሱ፣ ብዝከኣል መጠን ምስ ኩሎም ኣለዉ ዝበሃሉ ናይ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ማሕበራት ክራኸብ በርቲዑ ክሰሪሕ፣ ከከም ኣድላይነቱ ድማ ሓቢርካ ናይ ምስራሕ ዝምድናታት ክፈጥር ከምዘለዎ ተመያዪጦም። ኣኼበኛታት ብተወሳኺ ጠመተ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ንተሳትፎ መንእሰያት ኣብ ቃልሲ ንምዕዛዝን ንምሕያልን ኣብ ዝብል ጥራሕ ተሓጺሩ ከይተርፍ ኣተሓሳሲቦም። ኣብ ክንድኡ መንእሰያት ድሕሪ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲውን እንተኾነ፣ ካብ መገልገልቲ ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓታት ናጻ ዝኾነ ኣብ ሃገራውነትን ሓድነትን ዝተስረተ ናጻን ሪእሱ ዝኸኣለን ሃገራዊ ማሕበር ብምምስራት፣ ዝውደቡሉን ዝንቀሳቀሱሉን ኣገባብ ካቢ ሕጂ ክሕሰበሉን ክስረሓሉን ኣለዎ ድሕሪ ምባል፣ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ቀንዲ መሳለጢ ናይዚ ሃገራዊ መደብዚ ኮይኒ ክዓዪ ከምዘለዎ ኣስሚሮምሉ።

ኣኼበኛታት እንደገና፣ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ መንእሰያት ማሕበራት ዝምስረትን ዝጅመርን ዝምድናታት ሰልፍና ኣብ ክንዲ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እንዳ ማዕበለን እንዳ ሓየለን ዝመጽእ፣ ንዜናን ፕሮፖጋንዳን ጥራሕ ዘገልግልን፣ ተቀልቂሉ ዝቅህምን ከይከውን ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛኡን ምክንኻኑን ሓያል ጻሕሪ ክግበር ከምዘለዎ ኣዘኻኺሮም።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰደህኤ

Monday, 14 December 2015 13:39

ኣብ ከተማ ካሰል (ጀርመን) ንውጉኣት ሓርነት ወፈያ ተኻይዱ

Written by ማሕበር ኣካለ-ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ጀርመን

‘‘ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ኣብ ጀርመን ”ብዝጸውዖ መሰረት፤ ብዕለት 05-12-2015 ኣብ ከተማ ካሰል ክለብ/ክበብ ተጎርባ፡ ነቶም ኣብ ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ዝሰንከሉ፡ ኣብ ከሰላ ዝርከቡ ውጉኣት ሓርነት ንምሕጋዝ ወፈያ ተጌሩ። ኣብ‘ዚ ዕለት‘ዚ ኣባል ምምሕዳር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ሓው መዓሾ ኣስራት እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም ብማለት ነቲ መአከቢና ምኽንያት ዝኾነ ምስ ገለጸ፡ እቶም ኣብ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ውጉኣት ዝለኣኹዎ ዲ.ቪ.ዲ (ቪድዮ) ተራእዩ። ካብቲ ዝተራእየ ንሳቶም ዝገብሩዎ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ስራሕ ናይ ናብ ዕዳጋ ዝወርድ መኾስተር እናሰርሑን፡ ንኹሉ መነባብሮኦም ዘመልክት ሃለዋትን፡ ኩነታት ጥዕንኦም ዝገልጽን ኔሩ። ብተወሳኺ ንሃገር ከም ዝሰንከሉ መጠን፡ ኣብ ምእላዮም ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ግቡኡ ምዃኑ ፈሊጡ ክትሓባበር ጸዊዖም።

ብድሕሪ‘ዚ እቲ ናይ ወፈያ መደብ ተጀሚሩ ክሳብ 1000.00 (ሓደ ሽሕ)ኦይሮ ተዋጺኡ፡ ካልኦት‘ውን ተስፋ ዝሃቡና ከም ዘለዉን፡ እቲ ናይ ወፈያ መስርሕ ቀጻሊ ከም ዘሎን ክንሕብር ንፈቱ። እዚ ድማ ኣዝዩ ዝምስገን ተግባር‘ዩ። ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን በዚ ሰናይ ተግባር‘ዚ ዝተሰምዖ ሓጎስ እናገለጸ፡ ንኩሎም‘ቶም እጃሞም ዘበርከቱ የመስግን።

ከምኡ‘ውን ምምሕዳር ክበብ/ክለብ ተጎርባ ንዝገበሩዎ ምትሕብባር ናይ‘ቲ ዕለት እቲ ወጻኢታት ብምኽታቶም፡ ፍሉይ ምስጋና ነቕርብ።

ክብርን መጎስን ንስዉኣትና!

ሓበንን ጽንዓትን ከኣ ንስንኩላትና!

ማሕበር ኣካለ-ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ጀርመን

10 ታሕሳስ 2015

Sunday, 13 December 2015 13:37

EPDP Viewpoints Expressed at Frankfurt Dialogue Among Eritrean Organizations

Written by EPDP Information Office

Only two weeks before the Nairobi Consultative Conference, the German Felsberger Institute (FI) for education and research organized a constructive dialogue among Eritrean political and civil society representatives to discuss vital issues related to political transition from dictatorship to democratic governance in Eritrea.

The invited representatives were required to explain their respective organizations' viewpoints on a number of key issues.

Published below are the written responses given by the EPDP delegation at the Frankfurt workshop held between 13 and 14 November, 2015. Good reading.

***

EPDP Talking Points at the FI Workshop

Based on questions raised by the organizers (Felsberger Institute) of this workshop, the notes below try to give a summary of the political positions and basic policies of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP).

1. Political Transition in Eritrea

(Questions suggested by FI: 1. How do you expect a future transition to take place? By people-power 2. What is your standpoint on a peaceful, or a military solution, respectively? By non-violent struggle 3. In your organization's point of view: what should be the “starting point” or the fundament, on which Eritrea’s political, economic, military and societal reconstruction should be based upon? Unity based on citizenship)

Full Response:

Every country has its own unique history, social characteristics and challenges that need to be addressed in a transition phase. Therefore, discussing political change/transition in Eritrea will necessarily give due attention to the country's social and historical background of at least the past 125 years, with more emphasis on the 1940s, the 30-year liberation struggle and the past 24 years under the one-man/one party rule. A political transition in Eritrea will be affected by the absence of democratic tradition, the military mentality ingrained in the society, the low level of education and political awareness of the average citizen, the religious, linguistic, geographic diversity in the society and other factors.

It is known that a number of political transitions in Africa were achieved through:

Rulers making concessions;
National conferences;
Popular revolutions/uprisings;
Negotiated settlements;
Military coup d'états.

The EPDP is convinced that, in the Eritrean case, the preferred path to transition from dictatorship to democratic governance is a popular uprising that is supported by all segments of the population, including the armed forces. The supportive factors to a popular uprising include:

Presence of democratic struggle inside the homeland;
United diaspora force that can convey a coherent and correct message;

International support to regime change;
International support to the opposition and concrete diplomatic pressure weighed heavily on the regime by major regional and international organizations;
Relation and attitude of neighbouring countries need to be favourable to the required change.

Only to emphasize, regime change in Eritrea will be successful when it is achieved through a non-violent struggle that facilitates the participation of effectively mobilized people. The creation of a national democratic front that includes the vast majority of the people, especially that gives prominence to the mobilization of youth, women and internal forces is a critically essential task. On its part, the EPDP aspires to create short- and long-term political alliances to achieve its goal of establishing a democratic, stable and prosperous state.

National Conference for transition

We are where we are because the start in 1991 was not inclusive. It was part of the old winner take all mentality of one-party systems. Today, fighting this attitude and creating trust among all actors is a big challenge. Therefore, a national conference should be help immediately after the fall of the regime to help the forces of change to agree on fundamental issues of urgent importance like:

Adopting a national charter;
Formation of a national unity government for a specified duration;
Launching a healing and reconciliation mechanism.

Security: To prevent any disorderly situation in the immediate aftermath of the dictatorship, it is imperative to have peace and security in order to ensure the success of the transition.

Economic revival: Prevent any economic hardship, and create incentives for investment and the return of Eritreans to help build the private sector.

2. Political Parties

(Qs suggested by FI:1.How does your organization want to promote its political program inside and outside of Eritrea? By appealing on unity in diversity 2. How is your organization preparing for acting as a political party in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? By coalescing/merging with others of same vision for Eritrea.

Full Response

The EPDP shall continue to mobilize Eritreans of all religions, regions and ethnicity under its fold. This can be approached through coming closer or merging with other groups/parties espousing similar programs for Eritrean political formations. This is a party base on equality and social justice. The national charter is expected to chart out the specifics of party formation in post-dictatorship Eritrea in which the mass media and the civil society must be capacitated to have big roles in building a democratic state of institutions.

3. State Structure

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1. What kind of state structure does your organization promote? Well considered decentralized system of governance. 2. What is your organization's standpoint of the role of religion in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Separation of church/mosque and state but being respectful to all faiths. 3. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of ethnicity in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Promotion of rights, specially cultural 4. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of languages and education in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Two official, others also promoted.

Response

As its political program affirms: The EPDP staunchly believes in, and respects as valued national treasures, the religious, ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity in Eritrea. In recognition of this reality, the Party shall struggle to realize a decentralized system of governance that ensures equitable distribution of power and economic resources to the people.

In other words, the plurality of cultures and traditions in the Eritrean setting demands a decentralized system of governance that allows extending political power down to the provinces, districts, sub-districts and villages. This will prevent the concentration of state power and wealth in the hands of a few, a phenomenon which can jeopardize national unity. What is to be done will include:

Proper socio-economic and historical/geographical study on the condition of the regions;
Prepare the willingness of the people to create the new administrative divisions;
Approve the plan by constitutionally established organs of the state. Until then, EPDP shall support the continuation of the administrative divisions/provinces that existed before the independence of the country.

The state shall be separate from the church/mosque but respectful to religious institutions. The human and political rights are enshrined as follows in the EPDP political program:

Respecting freedom of faith, and thwarting any discrimination whatsoever on the basis of religion, ethnicity or gender;
Guaranteeing by a national constitution with a multi-party system of governance the rights of the people to freedom of expression and speech, freedom to organize, and freedom to peaceful demonstration.
Sparing no efforts for the formation of advocacy groups like civic and professional associations.
Defending rights of prisoners and protecting them from physical and psychological torture.
Working to respect the rights of children and the elderly.
Defending the right of ownership and protecting the property of citizens and residents.

Regarding languages and education, the party believes in the right of guaranteeing and encouraging the development of Eritrean languages. Also as stated in its political program,

Arabic and Tigrigna shall be the media of instruction in elementary education, and English from middle school upwards. At the elementary level, Arabic will be taught as subject in Tigrigna classes, and Tigrigna will be taught as subject in Arabic classes. In middle school and high school, both Arabic and Tigrigna shall be taught as subjects.
Education can be given in mother tongue upon demand and decision of the concerned locality. In those localities, Arabic and Tigrigna, being the official languages, can be taught as subjects. Efforts shall be made to lay down the right mechanisms to prevent undue domination by the official languages and to prevent marginalization of the rest of the languages.

4. The Military

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of the Eritrean military in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? To be inclusive 2. Will your organization promote a downsizing of the army? Yes 3. Will your organization promote an end of the National Service? Limit it.

Response

The military is part of the oppressed and victimized population. Yet, the current formations of the armed forces are beyond national needs. The EPDP shall downsize the army but always make sure that a qualified army defends national sovereignty, the constitution as well as the promotion of peace and stability.

The army need to be composed by all social segments;
Politically neutral army;
Well trained army;
May include men and women who support the new system;
National service for a limited period of time;
Army members not to be candidates in elections or join parties.

5. PFDJ

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1.What is your organization's standpoint on the role of the PFDJ in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Not as we know it now. 2. Are you willing to negotiate and/or cooperate with parts of the PFDJ in case a change comes from within?

Yes dialogue for transition.

Members of the party who have not been top level decision makers in the government or who were not involved in acts extremely harmful to the people can join the national conference for democratic change......

LAND in the EPDP Political Program

On the question of land, the EPDP political programme states as follows:

6.1 Ownership and Management of Land: The EPDP champions the conviction that the land belongs to the people. To guarantee a long-last land tenure system which not only reflects the wishes and best interests of the people but also benefits the present and future generations in Eritrea, the EPDP shall replace the unfair and monopolistic policies and proclamations of the regime and restore land to the ownership of the people. On top of that, the Party shall introduce policies, as stated below, in order to reassure that the unfair allocation of rural and urban land is set straight and forward looking land tenure system is introduced:

Mindful of the fact that land and land resources, which already have a critical space in the prospects of economic growth, the Party shall exert efforts to scrupulously register land and land resources and direct them for national growth and prosperity;
The Government shall be responsible for the implementation of ministerial policies through a board for land administration that oversees activities at the level of lower administrative units, as appropriate;
Rents from major land leases shall be collected and used by the state to benefit the residents of localities in the surroundings of such lands;
Plans shall be laid down to benefit residents of areas where land in their environs is exploited both for underground and over ground resources. Whenever the state designates land for strategic uses, peasants and herders of that region shall be duly compensated with land elsewhere or become stakeholders in the projects established over their land property.

Sunday, 13 December 2015 13:17

EPDP Plan for Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy in Eritrea

Written by EPDP Information Office

Eritrean forces struggling for positive change and democracy in the country have repeatedly shown the inclination of reinvention the wheel, so to say, every now and then. The brilliantly written and re-written charters, working documents, unity proposals....what have you.... are almost the same. Yet, we keep meeting and drafting, re-drafting the same old ideas, the same old stuff.

This is what panelists from the EPDP pointed out at the recent Eritrean consultative conference in Nairobi. A clear mention was made of the EPDP transitional plan for Eritrea that was first introduced to a workshop of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) in July 2009, and again to the leadership of the EDA in February 2010 for their careful consideration as part of many issues that needed to be exhaustively discussed before going to a national "Waela".

The National Consultative Conference (NCC), which was organized by the Eritrean Forum for National Dialogue (Medrek/al-Muntadha) in Nairobi between 27 and 29 November 2015, received Arabic, English and Tigrigna translation of the old EPDP document for discussion.

As pledged, the www.Harnnet.org is pleased to post today the English version of its document which underwent a number of revisions in the past. Good reading:

***

Transitional Plan for Eritrea* (TPE) Revised and Presented for 2nd Time To Be EDA Document -- the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), February 2010

Table of Contents

Letter from EPDP Chairman 3

Acronyms 5

Executive Summary 6

Introduction to the Transitional Plan 7

EPDP's/EDA’s Commitment 9

Guiding Principles of the Transition 10

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan 11

A Rundown of Bodies within the Transitional Process 11

National Conference 13

National Council of Shimagles**/Elders 14

The Executive Board 15

Independent Auditing Board 16

Group of Experts 16

Transitional Assembly 17

Eritrean Transitional Government 17

Independent Task Committees 18

Elections and Referendum 19

National Security 20

Economy 20

Demobilization 21

Civil Services 21

Judiciary 22

The Diaspora 22

Foreign Relations 23

* This document, prepared by EDP in March 2006, was revised in June 2009 and made a shared draft of the EDP and EPP and presented to the July EDA workshop as EDA draft and again edited as EPDP paper and presented to the EDA which did not give it due attention.

**In Eritrea, the word “Shimagle (s) in Tigre and Tigrigna signifies a group of elders delegated by the community to accomplish a given task.

Letter from the EPDP Chairman

Dear Compatriots,

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), has, like other Eritrean opposition organizations, been engaged in a protracted process of searching for constructive ways and means of contributing its share in finding a peaceful and practical strategy that is designed to resolve the immense challenges facing the Eritrean people and the State of Eritrea.

We feel that the paramount crisis confronting our country revolves around peaceful assembling of a constitutionally anchored multi-party and democratic system of governance that replaces the current one-party system.

This is a formidable national task that demands the participation of all Eritreans. Unless we fully commit ourselves to finding a peaceful and creative way of managing our differences, we will not be able to build a just and prosperous nation for which our martyrs sacrificed their lives.

We present this Transitional Plan as a potential steppingstone towards building a democratic Eritrea. We hope for and look forward to receiving positive and critical input from all Eritreans that will help us polish and refine this plan and finally adopt it as a document of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA). Through this plan, we believe our people will have a unifying strategy that will help bring to closure the tragic outcome of an authoritarian system which is presently controlling every aspect of their lives. Moreover, we believe this plan will help in guiding our people to be through a period of peaceful transition.

The task of building a democratic system and institutions that outlive individual leaders, political parties and recurring political and economic crises cannot take place unless we put our differences aside. As Eritreans, we need to agree to come together and identify the best solution from all possible options on the basis of mutual understanding and commitment to our national survival.

With high hope and great expectation we present this Transition Plan for your consideration. We earnestly invite every Eritrean to contribute to the enhancement of this endeavor.

A peaceful transition would be the crowning of our lifetimes that were spent in the struggle to bring not only independence but also democracy to our country. Our dreams are to see the establishment of real institutions and the rule of law that guarantees peace and freedom for our children and the children of every Eritrean citizen.

Let us reiterate that the EPDP believes that [If accepted by EDA as its draft] the success of this initiative will depend on everybody’s active participation and constructive feedback.

Woldeyesus Ammar,

Chairman, EPDP

Acronyms

EB Executive Board

EDA Eritrean Democratic Alliance

EDF Eritrean Defense Forces

EDP Eritrean Democratic Party

ENC Eritrean National Charter

EPDP Eritrean People’s Democratic Party

EPP Eritrean People’s Party

ETG Eritrean Transitional Government

FPC Free Press Committee

GE Group of Experts

IAB Independent Auditing Board

IEC Independent Electoral Commission

IHRC Independent Human Right Commission

IOC International Observers and Consultants

ITC Independent Task Committees

NC National Conference

NCS National Council of Shimagles/Elders

NS National Security

NPCRB National Police and Civilian Relations Board

PFDJ People’s Front for Democracy and Justice

PRC Public Relations Committee

TA Transitional Assembly

TCC Transitional Civilian Commissioner

TDM Transitional Defense Minister

TG Transitional Government

TPE Transitional Plan for Eritrea

Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea

Executive Summary

The “Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea,” is divided into two phases where the structure and roles of the various bodies and institutions will be defined.

Phase I – Pre-Transitional - In the pre-transition phase we envision the following steps: (a) Call for a broad based and all-inclusive political First National Conference (NC) to lay the framework for the transition process and, (b) elect the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) from among those participating in the NC. An extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces, civic institutions, independent political activists, and others will be conducted on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The NCS will be the highest authority to guide and coordinate the debate and expert studies of the social, political and economic policies of the nation during the transitional period. To discharge these responsibilities, the NCS will elect an Executive Board (EB), whose role is to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) and to function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS. The EB is accountable to the NCS and will present reports of its activities to the NCS. The EB is authorized to form Task Forces to assist it in fulfilling its mandate. One of the Task Forces shall a draft transitional laws and regulations that can be adopted for use in the transition period.

Phase II – Establishing a democratically elected Government in Eritrea. When the present Government is removed from its grip of power, the NCS will assume full responsibility until the Second National Conference is convened and a Transitional Assembly (TA) is formed, this time with the full participation of all sectors of the Eritrean people at home and in the Diaspora. The TA will function as a transitional legislative body, adopt transitional laws and regulations, and will carry out the process toward a constitutionally elected Government. But until a permanent constitution is adopted through popular referendum and an elected government takes power, the TA will appoint a transitional government of technocrats to conduct the day-to-day operations of the government.

Introduction to the Transitional Plan for Eritrea

The people of Eritrea are once again being put to an extraordinary test of character. They are being summoned to reaffirm their renowned resoluteness; this time by standing up against an indigenous tyranny that has imposed on them a cruel and despicable one-party system:

Whereas, the values for which their sons and daughters paid with their precious lives, including thousands who are left physically disabled and emotionally scarred, have been betrayed and replaced with a new political order that benefits the few individuals in power;
Whereas, in order to realize a free and democratic Eritrea, the material, physical and emotional sacrifices that were invested by every Eritrean family were misused and the benefits that were reaped during the post independence era were monopolized by the few in power;
Whereas, the heroes who survived the armed struggle for independence, not only continue to live a life filled with poverty and repression, but also face a gloomy future;
Whereas, many genuine and highly regarded cultures have been tarnished and their generational social values devalued by those in power;
Whereas, young people have been forcibly conscripted to serve in the authoritarian regime’s militaristic adventures that are counter-productive to the country’s overall development;
Whereas, the national treasury has been emptied to advance unsound economic policies and other misappropriations;
Whereas, the lawless regime has imprisoned elders, journalists, national assembly members, politicians, women, religious individuals, teachers, students … etc. whose numbers reach in the thousands;
Whereas, in the face of cyclical drought and the unwise rejection of critical and indispensable aid has rendered the nation in abject poverty;
Whereas, the leaders’ lack of diplomacy and aggressive approach added towards Eritrea’s total isolation from the international community;
Whereas, the war-mongering attitude of the regime has caused unimaginable damage inside the country and the region;
Whereas, a constitution ratified under its sponsorshiphas been shelved for years while a self-appointed government continues to impose itself with a declared stance against a multi-party democratic style of government; and
Whereas, the regime’s total disregard for basic human rights and elementary principles of rules of law has become world-renowned making Eritrea virtually, a failed state.

Therefore, the total sum of the above and other downward spiraling trends, make it incumbent upon EDA [EPDP hoping the EDA will adopt this draft] and other opposition organizations to make strong efforts towards saving the country. It is EDA ’s belief that saving the nation from total destruction and despair must be given a higher priority over all other political activities. In order to realize this objective, EDA adopts this draft Transitional Plan for consideration, discussion and further development by all political organizations, civic organizations, concerned individuals and the people of Eritrea at large.

The EDA believes that the fate of Eritrea must not be left in the hands of such a cruel and irresponsible leadership. The reign of tyranny must come to an end. The era of individual liberty and pluralistic democracy must be built on the graves of our martyrs so their souls can find peace and solace. Constitutional governance and rule of law must prevail across the width and breadth of our young nation.

EDA’s (and EPDP's) Commitment

It is clear to all Eritreans that the present regime has failed to live up to the expectations of the people. The Eritrean people, including most members of the ruling party who are heroes of the struggle for independence, continue to suffer under this oppressive regime. Students, members of the armed forces, farmers, workers, the Diaspora as well as friends of Eritrea have been vocally and actively protesting against the dictatorial regime and demanding fundamental changes.

The combined struggle of member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance for change and democratization that will usher in the downfall of the one-party authoritarian system and the building of a constitutional and democratic Eritrea has been the cornerstone of the national umbrella. Since its inception, the alliance has been advocating that political sovereignty must be transferred to its rightful owner: the people of Eritrea.

EDA reaffirms its determination to live up to its commitment by playing its role in the democracy building process. It is taking the initial step by proposing a rational and practical transitional process in order to bring an end to the autocratic system imposed on the people of Eritrea. In order to facilitate a smooth transfer of sovereignty, EDA hereby adopts a comprehensive Transitional Plan to the people of Eritrea, at home and in the Diaspora, for their consideration and action.

Transitional Plan for Eritrea (TPE) is a work-in-progress that is open for all citizens, civic organizations, and political forces to participate in its development and finalization. The TPE is a preliminary attempt to set the general outline of the transition process as well as to prioritize specific tasks that must be accomplished in a defined period and sequence to smoothly expedite the transition.

The most critical thread interweaving the TPE is the fundamental national responsibility of making sure thatthe process is peaceful and does not threaten or endanger Eritrea’s national security. Again, EDA strongly believes that anchoring our TPE on a secure Eritrea is the indispensable ingredient of the whole transition process.

The national umbrella, EDA, fully acknowledges that the people of Eritrea must have the final say in all political changes. However, given the prevailing political conditions inside the country, in which no one can freely express her/his wishes, EDA member organizations are forced to speak-up in defense of the people and the nation. Indeed, there is no substitute for the people’s direct involvement in the affairs of the nation in order to usher in a peaceful and sustainable democratic change. Nonetheless, we are confident that the people of Eritrea have enough experience and are endowed with rich accumulated wisdom to sort out their internal problems and build a just and peaceful nation that can endure the test of future generations

The EDA member organizations categorically state that it is not their intention to let the current regime perpetuate its criminal rule. They would also like to send a clear signal that deters any individual or group who may wish to repeat the same dictatorial rule in the future. Therefore, we are presenting this plan:

To solemnly declare to our people inside and outside of the country that we are truly committed to democracy;
To challenge our people to stand against anyone, military or civilian, that intends to usurp power through undemocratic processes and refuses to hand it over to the people;
To appeal to our people to cherish democracy, rule of law and accept nothing short of total liberty;
To help coordinate the efforts of the opposition forces;
To openly declare our vision for Eritrea and let the international community know our ultimate goal is to support a peaceful transfer of power to the people of Eritrea.

Guiding Principles of the Transition Plan

The transition plan is guided by the spirit of peace, justice and human rights. It stands against rancorous and retaliatory measures and is fully committed to the wishes of the Eritrean people. The guiding principles are based on the fact that:

Every citizen should have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to the transition.
Citizens are ensured that the process is legal and peaceful.
The independence and territorial integrity of the country are firmly secure.
The transitional period shall not exceed two years

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan/Phase 1

The proposal assumes that a broad based and all-inclusive political National Conference (NC) will be held to lay the framework for the transition process. Participants should be willing to exhibit commitment, a nationalist vision and flexibility in order to translate the plan into practice within an agreed timeframe and with the highest spirit of collaboration.

All representatives attending the NC will abide by the final decision of the Conference. In case of a conflicting political stands between a member organization and the collective decision of the NC, the latter decision will supersede that of a given member organization’s stand.

EDA, and in consultations with other opposition groups, civil societies, independent individuals and community leaders in the Diaspora, will take the initiative of planning and executingthe National Conference (NC).

A Rundown of Bodies within the whole Transitional Process, Phase I and Phase II

The structure of the transitional institutions is envisioned to be as outlined below:

The First National Conference (NC) abroad: The mandating body that elects the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC). This Charter is the final document that delineates the basic agreements reached during the pre-transition process by representatives attending the first National Conference.
The National Council of Shimagles (NCS): By virtue of the mandate given to it by the National Conference (NC), NCS will be the highest authority during the pre-transitional phase.
The Executive Board (EB): A body to be appointed by NCS which will function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS from the end of the first meeting of the National Conference until its next meeting.
The Transitional Assembly (TA): The assembly that will be organized by the NCS with the cooperation and consultation of the EB immediately after the acquisition of power.
The Transitional Government (TG): The government that will be formed by the TA to govern the nation until a democratically elected National Assembly and Representative Government are in place.

Table

The Second National Conference, inside the Homeland

The National Conferences (NC) will be instrumental in facilitating a peaceful transition that will lead the country towards democratization and accelerated progress and development. EDA believes the experiences the opposition camp gained over the years should be strengthened by holding a second National Conference inside the homeland. This will give a positive signal to all Eritreans and the international community that Eritreans are determined to unite on all fronts to establish a democratic country where its citizens can enjoy peace and prosperity.

Cognizant of the fact that there is not even a modicum of rudimentary political freedom inside Eritrea, EDA feels that the extraordinary circumstance makes holding a genuine and full-blown National Conference inside Eritrea unattainable. Due to this circumstance, as stated above, there shall be a National Conference held in the Diaspora to frame the general outline of the pre-transition process.

Assisted by experiences of the work of the first National Conference and its institutions, the second National Conference to be held inside the homeland shall formulate a strategy that will expedite the struggle for democracy and rule of law as well as inducing the turning over of political power by the present authoritarian regime to the Transitional Government (TG).

This National Conference will work to secure smooth transition, delineate ways for the nation to regain a well-suited life style, to jump-start the economy and to maintain stability.

The National Conference should debate and build general consensus on the following strategic national issues.

National Security - how best to maintain peace, stability and protect our national security during the transition period.
Constitution - coordinate a discussion on a permanent Constitution.
Transitional Assembly - coordinate the establishment of the Transitional Assembly.
Transitional Government – work towards the establishment of a Transitional Government.
Judiciary – establish an independent, professional and competent judiciary.
Monitor the election, formation of political parties, formulation of referendum laws and their pertinent procedures.
Independent Task Committees - the NC will authorize the formation of independent task committees that will expedite the transition period.
Economy – delve into both Macro and Micro levels.
Foreign Relations - outline policies that will shape the country’s foreign relations.
Demobilization – the gradual return of the young to a normal life.
Reconciliation – democratic dialogue and the search for agreement among various sectors of the society.
Mobilization of Eritreans in the Diaspora.

The above-mentioned issues should be further studied by different individuals or groups of experts and a working draft policy on each issue should be submitted to the National Council of Shimagles (NCS).

National Council of Shimagles/Elders (NCS)

At the end of the proceedings of the National Conference, it is hereby proposed that a body collectively known as the National Council of Shimagles (NCS), (numbers to be determined by the Conference) be elected to assume the responsibilities as outlined by the NC, to include ensuring that the regime is coaxed to open dialogue on a transition to democracy or forced to resign.

The NCS will be elected from among those participating in the NC. There will also be a need to make room for those considered of national importance but could not attend the Conference. It will be helpful to conduct an extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The authority of the NCS will emanate from the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) adopted by the National Conference.

The NCS will also be in charge of implementing the resolutions and decisions adopted by the National Conference. Until a Transitional Assembly (TA) assumes its responsibilities and sets up a Transitional Government (TG), the NCS will be the highest authority to guide expert studies and formulations of social, political and economic policies that would best serve the people of Eritrea during the transitional period. It will also ensure that the aims and spirit of the NC are upheld and implemented by the EB.

The lifetime of NCS will be restricted to two years maximum. If the regime is not removed from its grip of power within two years, the NC shall convene to review strategies and elect a new NCS. The NCS will have legal existence for the pre-transition period - the period beginning from the adjourning of the NC up to the official opening of the TA - the beginning of the actual transition period. Beyond the maximum of two-years - in Diaspora, the duration of the NCS’s authority, i.e. after the actual transition period, will not exceed a maximum period of 3 months past the resignation or removal of the present regime.

Other explicit duties and responsibilities of the NCS will be as follows:

To appoint an Executive Board (EB) which will manage the day-to-day affairs until a Transitional Government (TG) is established.
To help, in cooperation with the EB, ensure the formation of the Transitional Assembly (TA) by the Second National Conference inside the country.
To create a peaceful and conducive political environment so that the people of Eritrea can fully participate in the political deliberations of the transition process.
To hold either a face-to-face or remote conference at least once every quarter, but should meet at least once every year in person.
To guide and monitor the work of the EB on a preset schedule and by calling an extraordinary meeting when circumstances warrant. NCS meeting will have a quorum which consists of a minimum of 2/3 of NCS members.
To make all its decisions on the basis of 2/3 majority vote of a quorum present and voting.

The Executive Board (EB)

The NCS will appoint individuals to the Executive Board. The EB, whose membership size is to be determined by the NCS, will consist of highly respected and able professionals. Satisfactory and reasonable salary and allowance will be provided to the EB team when possible by the NCS.

The EB will:

Implement the policies of the organization and execute the decisions made by the NCS on a daily basis.
Report to the NCS, to which it is accountable.
Lead the struggle for democracy until the regime is changed.
Establish various committees and sub-committees as the needs arise. The EB will also appoint the members of the different committees and subcommittees and will guide and monitor their work.
Have a lifetime of two years maximum and its decisions are made on 2/3 majority vote basis.
Cease to exist with the establishment of the TG by the TA.

Independent Auditing Board (IAB)

The work of the NCS and EB is going to necessitate the solicitation of funds and the incorporation of an independent auditing structure.

IAB will be appointed at the National Conference and they will report to the National Conference.
IAB will work in close cooperation with the EB.
The work of the IAB will adhere to international standards.

The Group of Experts (GE)

The GE unit will be composed of Eritrean and non-Eritrean experts. It will also include experienced and knowledgeable volunteers who will be asked to tackle specific tasks with regards to specific issues. Members of the GE will be appointed by the EB.

The GE will provide ideas, comments and advice as requested by either the EB or its committees on various issues. Above all, it shall have a solid team of experts that drafts a transition constitution for use in the transition period until a permanent constitution is put to a popular referendum.
It will pursue its tasks within the principles and interests of NC.
The EB will closely liaise with the members of the GE with regards to all aspects of the tasks.
The EB will consider requests for allocation by the members of GE.
The GE will study and provide advice to the EB on matters related to security, economy, foreign relations, public administration, and educational policies and on any other issues as required.

The Transitional Assembly (TA)

The NCS, at the time of transition (as soon as the authoritarian regime’s surrender of political power becomes eminent), will organize and supervise the setting up of the TA. This body will be a broadly based and a diversified-transitional organ. The TA will reflect the widest cross section of the Eritrean society. The TA, as it will be an un-elected transitional institution, will be constituted for a specifically agreed period of time - a maximum of two years.

The Transitional Assembly (TA) will:

Function as a transitional legislative body, decreeing laws and controlling the budget during the transition.
Carry out a thorough deliberation of the ratified Constitution and execute the resulting decisions.
Organize a referendum on constitutional issues that cannot be settled within its tenure.
Draft, deliberate and approve Party Laws.
Draft, deliberate, and approve Election Laws.
Organize the first democratic election of the Eritrean government (Legislative and Executive branch of government).
Organize the establishment of an independent human rights commission.
Elect its officers at its first meeting and conclude its work by handing over power to a popularly elected National Assembly.

The Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG)

As its first priority, the TA will organize the appointment of an Executive Board for the transitional period to run the routine affairs of the nation. This will be known as the Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG). ETG will be organized in such a way that it will be ready to automatically assume the day to day running of the government’s affairs under the supervision and with the cooperation of the TA.

ETG’s mandate ends upon the formation of a popularly elected National Assembly and the establishment of a Democratic Government, reflecting the outcome of the first National Assembly election.

ETG will:

Be composed of educated and experienced professionals whose allegiance is not to the political parties but to the State of Eritrea. The vision is to establish a Government of Technocrats.
Keep stability and build national institutions until a democratically elected government assumes power.
Will study and implement means that will jump-start the economy.

Independent Task Committees (ITC)

The NC will authorize the formation of ITCs that will supply the necessary expertise and consultation in the process leading up to the beginning of the transition period. These task committees will cease to exist as soon as the Transitional Assembly is officially formed. The TA can reactivate these committees at its own discretion.

To name few committees:

A Public Relations Committee (PRC): to promote harmony and goodwill toward the Transitional Plan within the various players and the international community.
Independent Auditing Board (IAB): See p. 17. IAB will be appointed by the National Conference.
Group of Experts (GP): See p. 17. The GP will be composed of technocrats and experts appointed by the EB to address specific issues and contend with difficult subject matters.
Free Press Committee (FPC): a committee set up by the EB to promote the revival and redeployment of a vigorous free and independent press which will eventually be an integral part of the transitional process.
Independent Human Right Commission (IHRC): a committee set up to coordinate the efforts of human rights activists, help facilitate and direct the future establishment of an independent human rights institution.
Reconciliation Committee (RC): a committee that will be tasked to study the causes and effects of the many differences and estrangements that exist between various groups of the Eritrean society. The RC will present its recommendations to the EB and then work towards harmonizing the differences.

Elections and Referendum

Until the establishment of an elected parliament, referendum can be held to settle open constitutional questions where the politicians could not reach agreements at earlier attempts. With the establishment of a democratic Eritrea, interested groups should have the right to voice their wishes including a call for referendums following established procedures and laws.

The TA and the ETG shall prepare all necessary logistics for the election and referendum i.e. Election laws, voter registration process, voter education, formation of electoral commission, arrangements for free participation of all political parties, unhindered participation of voters, facilitating means of communications, transportation, funding, security, assistance to the disabled …etc.

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), which will be established by the TA, will:

Organize the process to freely elect the first Assembly in accordance with the Eritrean Constitution.
Examine situations where special laws will be required to conduct free elections and without any pressure.
Would be mandated to develop, with help from the international community, laws and a system of governance that are straight forward.
Make the electoral process easily accessible to all citizens.

IEC’s mandate will cease to exist upon the establishment of a democratically elected government. The new National Assembly will legislate the necessary laws to establish the IEC as a permanent institution.

National Security

In the interest of national security, it is important that members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) and Police be given the assurance of their safety and respect for their basic rights so they embrace the peaceful change and become part of the process and not against it. During the transition period, the TA will select a qualified civilian to the office of the Transitional Defense Minister (TDM) in order to depoliticize and institutionalize the army.

The Transitional Defense Ministry, with the consultation of the Transitional Cabinet, will guide the integration, de-politicization, and modernization of the forces.

The ETG will:

Prepare studies outlining the benefits and disadvantages of having a professional army, a mandatory national service or a combination of the two options.
Take into consideration how to restructure and reorganize the national militia.
Urgently incorporate military organs of the opposition groups into the national defense forces.
Ensure that the police force is led by Transitional Civilian Commissioner (TCC) until the police force is reorganized.
Provide broad reorientation and retraining of the police force that highlights the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights to the policing process.
Ensure the development of a culture of cooperation between the civilians and the police by establishing a National Police and Civilian Relations Board (NPCRB) to facilitate the necessary progress towards better working relationships.

The Economy

In order to transform the devastated, highly centralized and PFDJ-controlled economy to a free market economy, one of the primary duties of the ETG will be to launch debates and formulate policies based on the studies submitted by the GE and ITC.

In order to do this both the EB and later the ETG will work together with international institutions such as IMF, UN and World Bank etc. in order to inform them of the complex challenges and solicit their direct input and advice in rehabilitating the Eritrean economy.

Demobilization

ETG will assume the responsibility of demobilizing hundreds of thousands of members of the armed forces and helping them join their families and reintegrate them into society.

One of the GE committees will be expected to study the proposal provided by the international community concerning demobilization and conduct further studies of its own before submitting its findings to the ETG.

ETG will:

Make basic necessities available to the demobilized and their families in order to help them integrate into the society.
Provide training and employment opportunities.
Solicit financial and other aid from the international community to facilitate the transition.

Civil Services

The foundation of the future Eritrean Civil Service should be based upon the establishment of a merit-based civil servant system that promotes highly qualified and dedicated individuals. Civil Service should assume its rightful place in the Eritrean society and every endeavor should be made for the public to respect and appreciate the benefits of civil service to society. In order to enhance the works of the politicians and policy makers, the civil servants will be expected to maintain a high standard of cooperation, integrity and work ethic.

During the transition period, the ETG must make sure that:

Government services are not interrupted.
The structure of the present Civil Servants remain intact until necessary changes are implemented.
All civil servants are paid their salaries on time.
Civil servants continue to collect revenues, and make sure all proper fees and taxes are collected.
Funds are made available to mitigate the financial squeeze for the first twelve months.

Judiciary

Justice and the rule of law should be the foundation of a future Eritrea. To this end, the setting up of an independent, professional and competent judiciary is paramount. A comprehensive study should be commissioned and presented to TA for ratification with a proposal for a way forward. Intellectual and material support should be sought from the international community to facilitate the development of the justice system.

The judiciary should:

Employ judges who are highly skilled and non-partisan in their dispensation of justice.
Have a system that is fair, transparent and accessible to all citizens.
Set up a system that is trusted by the general public.
Provide no room for special courts that function outside its legal perimeter.
See that justice is served in time without any delays.

The Diaspora

The ETG will reach out to the vast Eritrean communities presently residing around the world in order to revive the historic commitment and engagement of Diaspora in the affairs of their young nation. The ETG will devise a mechanism that will encourage those in the Diaspora to invest their knowledge, experiences, skills and talents in multitude of ways to help both the transition process as well as the overall effort of constructing a democratic society.

Since the size of the Diaspora is quite large, the ETG will make use of their expertise and experiences in various ways that will promote the reconstruction, maintenance and development processes of Eritrea.

The ETG will:

Send delegates to all parts of Africa, Europe, America, the Middle East and Australia to conduct face to face dialogues with the Diaspora community about the transition process and to solicit political, material and moral support for the transition.
Create incentives for the Diaspora to actively participate in the social, economic and political development of Eritrea.
Persuade them to invest knowledge as well as financial capital in Eritrea.
Encourage the Diaspora to function as good ambassadors and as bridges to connect Eritrea with the outside world.
Send envoys abroad to consult with the Diaspora regarding the economy, politics, justice and other components that make up a nation.
Dispatch various groups to explore knowledge, creativity and fresh ideas that exist amidst Eritrean citizens living abroad.
Recognize and respect the achievements of the Diaspora and use their successes in setting up models for the present and coming generation.

Foreign Relations

Eritrea will be a serious and responsible member of the world community once the proposed changes take effect. It is unfortunate that the current regime’s foreign policy has isolated Eritrea. The nation’s foreign policy should be based on respect for the sovereignty and independence of all states located in close proximity to and far from Eritrea. The policy is to promote the interests of global peace, trade, cooperation, stability and orderly development.

The ETG, as its priority, should make the effort to:

Mend the strained relationships with our immediate neighbors.
Pronounce and publicize widely to the world that the new government is democratic and will lead the country to peace and prosperity.
Solicit the assistance of all friendly countries and international bodies to help the country jumpstart its economy.
Request for the allocation of funds for immediate use of alleviating poverty.
Dispatch delegates all over the world to explain the plans and aims of ETG.

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)

Saturday, 12 December 2015 13:57

De-Institutionalizing Eritrea/ ‘Haba’e Kuslu, Haba’e Fewsu’: Part IV

Written by Berhan Hagos

De-Institutionalizing Eritrea

Rewinding back to the 1950s when the UN resolved to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia, the arguments against federating Eritrea with Ethiopia included that a conflict between Eritrea with its more advanced socio-economic and legal institutions, and Ethiopia with its feudal monarchical system would be inevitable. It would be a marriage of irreconcilable differences.

Eritrea, enjoying the economic investments of colonial Italy, and the growth of the socio-political institutions during the 10-year British administration, which by the way dismantled many of the Italian investments, had created a rare budding parliamentary institution in Africa, while its legal system, labour unions, and other form of institutions were growing at the same time. Eritrea’s institutions were the envy of not only Africa but much of the developing world, which consisted the vast majority the world’s nations at that time. Unfortunately, the federation with Ethiopia began the process of dismantling Eritrea’s institutions as Emperor Haileselassie feared that it would weaken the monarchical system in Ethiopia. Hence began the Eritrean independence movement.

The very essence of our independence movement was to rebuild and grow our national institutions, and most importantly laws, but also customs, and traditions are intricately woven into fabric of institutions.

When we gained our independence in 1991, the one issue that kept coming up in discussions about building the future of Eritrea was to how to build institutions in Eritrea. We thought Eritrea’s independence would resume the interrupted path of the wide institutionalization of the 1950s. Instead, twenty-four years after independence, Eritrea finds itself on unabashed path towards annihilation of all forms of institutions.

The worst irony is it is the monarchical and feudal Ethiopia that is on a path towards building its institutions. Its parliamentary system, albeit at its infancy, is growing at natural pace. Its civil service, private sector, public media, legal, and other institutions are growing, albeit still a long way. But it is a clearly defined journey, rather than an elusive destination that gives hope. Institutions and democracy don’t grow overnight, rather they go through infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood - and may even face adolescence or middle-age crisis. After all, the learning curve is part of life, and Ethiopian politics of the visionary late PM Meles Zenawi is on that learning curve, and is still at toddler stage. As it stands today, its civil administration, social, economic and legal systems are now significantly more advanced than DIA’s Eritrea. What DIA is doing is tantamount to infanticide of Eritrean institutions.

Civilization is more than the invention and adoption technological advancements – or digging more illusionary dams. That is “Animal Farm’s” windmill. Rather it is primarily the adoption of advanced laws that bind a society, and it is institutions that foster wider public involvement in national matters. Every Eritrean society has thousands of years of rich history and tradition that was built and sustained on the rock foundation of their socio-legal institutional systems. DIA’s destructive assault on this proud and civilized behaviour is the single biggest threat to the very existence of Eritrea as a viable and cohesive nation.

It is not just laws - or worse decrees spewed out at the whims of one-man - and their enforcements that makes a nation law-abiding. Rather, it is a legitimate government’s and people’s deep respect for law and rule-of-law that builds a law-abiding nation. If government and people don’t respect the rule-of-law, and if the only factor that binds people together are harsh enforcement laws and cruel punishments, then that nation WILL fall apart. When one says ‘Ziban Higi’ and the other person and you head straight to adjudicator or law enforcer, which is respect for law. If one feels that one can violet any laws and can buy justice by bribing a policeman, a prosecutor, or a judge - which is becoming very pervasive in DIA’s Eritrea - there can NOT be harmony within a community, and by extension a country.

When a large group of Eritrean elders followed the traditions of their prudent forefathers to ask DIA to pursue reconciliation and prudence in dealing with colleagues who had different political views from DIA, he arrested some and threatened the others of incarceration. Moreover, they were told that if they met again that they would be arrested for illegal gathering.

The breakdown of law, rule-of-law, due process of law, and institutions has been gradual since independence but has become unbridled lawlessness since 2001.

Although the illegal treatment of Jehovah Witnesses in the mid-90s was a tell-tale sign of the regime’s illegal behaviour, the first major departure from the proper functioning legal system was DIA’s decree of the ‘Special Courts’ in 1996. Ostensibly, the ‘Special Courts’, a variant of Military Courts, was established to root out corruption. The ‘Special Courts’ were presided by military officers with little or no legal background, and their decisions were ‘final and binding’, i.e. with no rights of appeal. That is unparalleled legal travesty both in our traditional law and modern law. The right of appeal is an inherent right designed to give the accused a recourse against possible injustice. This decree, in essence, made the one to three presiding military judges the law of the land over civilian matters. If this wasn’t a blatant invitation for legal chaos and unbridled corruption, nothing else is.

‘Special Courts’ was NOT designed to root out corruption. Rather, it was DIA’s way of buying the loyalty of military officers - and entrench lawlessness into Eritrean system. It would be the opening salvo to de-institutionalize Eritrea in full throttle. Lawlessness meant that if one needs to eliminate a pesky neighbour, a business competitor, or someone that insulted you - dole out some cash under the table to these judges and suddenly verdicts are guaranteed. If this is not an utter betrayal of what over 100,000 of our precious brothers and sisters sacrificed their dear lives for, what is?

When arrested by police for unknown reasons, one should have the absolute right to file a writ of habeas corpus to regular courts. Instead, in Eritrea, one finds that it is ‘Special Courts’ that issued the arrest and that regular courts do NOT have jurisdiction. The arrested person doesn’t know the reasons for the arrest until appearing in ‘Special Courts’ and with no rights of representation to mount any defence, one is found guilty before one even drops a word. One can languish in prison for months without even appearing in Special Court - just long enough to put one of business or give an advantage to a competitor, then released without any explanations.

A variation of ‘Special Courts’ is the ‘military courts’. As all able-bodies between 18 and 40, but in reality up to 60, are prisoners of national service subject to military courts and military justice, they have no recourse to properly functioning and accountable legal system. This is further degradation of Eritrea’s already weak institution and the entrenchment of injustice in Eritrea, which is a frontal assault on a key institution of any viable nation state.

Institutions

Institution is generally defined as organizations, societies, establishments and other similar groupings brought together for promotion and advancement of particular cause or program. Most of these groupings are established for the purpose of advancing legal, educational, religious, political, cultural, and other major causes.

Institutions have many functions such as,

Maintaining continuity from past, to present, to the future - especially important for tradition, religion, law/legal,
Maintaining stability in civil service, politics, and legal systems,
Distribution of power - especially important in distributing political power which is critical in forestalling dictatorships,
Organized, inclusive, methodical, and predictable method for bringing about change,
Allows the accumulation, transmittal, and leverage of knowledge and know-how - thus the very foundation of civilization.

Institutions have tendency to resist change, might be bureaucratic, and may favor the status-quo. However, like everything in life, the challenge remains finding the middle way. Change is good, and even nature’s law, but it must be done not too fast, nor too slow. It is like fire - too far from fire and one gets cold; too close, and one gets burned.

Very few, i.e. a drop in the bucket, examples of DIA’s de-institutionalizing Eritrea,
Disbanding of unions, including teachers
Unlawful persecutions of Jehovah Witnesses [chipping away from the edges towards the middle of all religious institutions]
Unethical and corrupt practices in its business ventures, weakening much of the economic institutions
‘Special Courts’ and the weakening of Eritrean legal system. This not only weakened modern laws, but also traditional laws – destroying Eritrea’s traditional laws, the very foundation of its old institutions
Refusal to implement the 1997 Constitution, which would have been the launching pad for political institution
Refusal to convene EPLF/PFDJ Congress last held in 1994, and disbanding of the EPLF/PFDJ Central Committee, last held its meeting in 2000, which further weakened our launching pad for political institutions.
Interference in religious institutions subjecting all major religions into total servitude to a point where their religious legitimacy may be questioned.
Weakening the civil service through deliberate policy that forced unpaid ‘national servicemen’ serving in the civil service to engage in bribery to survive.
Bypassing government ministries and concentrating all power in the president’s office. All political and diplomatic decisions are made by one man, instead of spreading out decision making - which is key to building institutions. For example, Central Bank of Eritrea is in name only, with all the country’s hard currency reserves managed by DIA himself through Hong Kong accounts. All Central Bank of Eritrea’s activities should be documented and available to the public, my rights as a citizen, which would only confirm that it is an institution in name only.

Rule by Decree

According to Wikipedia, it is defined as a style of governance allowing quick, unchallenged creation of law by a single person or group, and is used primarily by dictators and absolute monarchs.

In a properly functioning democratic states, and even those pretending to be one, have legislative bodies responsible for promulgating laws. A constitution may provide head of state some powers to

New Civil and Penal Codes

The regime recently announced a new civil and penal code. The ‘good news’ was conveyed to us through, among others, wedo-geba.com (aka meskerem.net) and tesfa-less.com as if, i.e. insinuating, that the regime was unable to work with the old civil and penal codes and that with the new laws that our tireless and well-meaning government would start upholding laws. What a fantasy, or rather selling a fantasy!

DIA has made a mockery of the transitional civil and penal codes that was supposed to serve Eritrea until the ‘new’ codes were promulgated. Frankly, I haven’t had an opportunity to look at the new codes, but I can assure my readers that the basic rights and working laws in the new codes can’t be any different than the transitional or now old codes.

DIA, or Special Court judges, have not upheld any of the key provisions of the 1991 transitional penal codes. For instance,

Title III Chapter I. – Offences Against Official Duties

Article 410. – Principle

1) All persons who are to any degree repositories of the power or authority of the State, such as members of the public authorities, government officials and agents and servants of the government and public administrations of any kind or members of the armed or police forces (hereafter referred to as "public servants"), are subject to the punitive provisions which follow where, in the discharge of their office, duties or employment, they commit any of the offences under this chapter.

(2) Where the act which they have done or omitted to do in the discharge of their duties, and in respect to which they are charged, comes within the scope of ordinary criminal law, but there is aggravation due to the offenders' public position and the breach of the special responsibility resting upon them by virtue of the trust placed in them, the relevant provisions of the other titles of this Code shall apply.

Art. 412. —Breach of Official Duties.

Art. 414. —Abuse of Power.

Art. 415. —Abuse of the Right of Search or Seizure.

Art. 416. —Unlawful Arrest or Detention.

Art. 417. —Use of Improper Methods.

Art. 702. —Exclusion of Ordinary Criminal Penalties.

Art. 703. —Arrest.

Art. 704. —Ordinary or Police Arrest.

Art. 705. —Home Arrest.

Delving into detail, this penal code provides the most basic rights accorded to the accused,

Right to be brought to court judge within 48 hours after arrest and for the police to present their evidence
Right to bail hearing
Right to seek legal advice
Right of visit during incarceration
Right of appeal, and many other rights.

I can assure my readers that no law abiding citizen in Eritrea wants any of these rights taken away because they don’t to fall victims to unscrupulous and dangerous people that live amongst them.

Invariably, those who support the regime’s illegal behaviours are those who are beyond its reach, i.e. those who live abroad and enjoy full rights accorded in well-functioning legal systems - at least, one can be assured that one doesn’t get thrown into jail incommunicado and without knowing the charges for indefinite time.

As such the new civil and penal codes are meaningless. As some would say, it ain’t worth the paper it is written on.

New Constitution

It is a cruel joke! Suffice to say one would have died from laughter if it wasn’t about the tragedy of our people.

Illegal House Destructions -- Illustration of how unaccountable governments can be the single biggest threats to people’s rights

Recently, DIA has started destroying housing throughout Eritrea claiming that they were built illegally. The only other ‘government’ known for destroying, instead of building, is the Taliban, and now its monstrous clone, IS. The recent panel discussion by Minister of Local Government, Mr.Woldemichael Abraha,regarding the illegal use of land is yet another illustration of the twisted understanding of the functioning of a government, its policies, its laws (by decree), and remedial actions.

This is travesty of tremendous proportions. At a time when there are severe housing shortages, it is unfathomable how a regime resorts to destroying new houses. Especially considering that the regime has banned any new housing construction since 2009, this is a deliberate policy of sowing social and legal chaos in the country - as if we don’t have zillion other issues to deal with.

No one is above the law, i.e. in a country that is governed by the rule-of-law!

The regime supporters excuse the regime’s illegal house destruction claiming that these houses were built illegally. This has been going on for over 15 years. However, the truth of the matter is that if the regime was truly concerned about illegal housing, adverse impact on urban planning or safety, the regime should acted sooner to prevent others from building.

The regime supporters make excuses for the Eritrean dictatorial regime as follows:

The regime has been warning for years against such behaviours

In reality: instead of just warning, it could have destroyed the very first, or second, or tenth house built ‘illegally’ 15 years earlier which would have sent unequivocal message to future builders. This is not impossible task, or requiring a whole army to do the job; rather it just takes one bulldozer to do the job.
The regime is destroying illegal houses

In reality: in properly functioning legal system, depending on the type of violation, there is a statute limitations on bringing legal action against any violation.

Building a house is NOT a criminal activity, it could be a violation of municipal law or other government law. In such violations, government authorities and bodies have a HIGHER legal responsibility to enforce their laws within a reasonable time - usually not more than two years after they became aware of such violations.

Relationships between individual persons and the State (or government) is inherently legal in nature
This legal nature of the relationship between individuals and governments can NEVER be abrogated unilaterally by governments. Even emergency laws of their limitations. Governments or presidents are not infallible Supreme Beings or endowed with infinite wisdoms.
Where there is a dispute between a citizen and the State, only a competent court of law can adjudicate on the matter. The State or government is just like any other plaintiff in court of law - no more, no less; with one caveat - it carries the higher burden of proof. The fact it carries bigger stick doesn’t give it free hand to bully individual citizens.
Any properly functioning court of law should in most cases put the burden of proof on the government because it promulgate laws and should know better, have more resources to effect and enforce laws.

The current ongoing destruction of houses is yet another manifestation of the total breakdown of the rule-of-law in Eritrea - something unheard of in the history of our precious motherland.

Case of the late Naizghi Kiflu (For illustration)

Many may not have the best opinion of Mr. Naizghi Kiflu who was one of DIA’s key henchmen during the struggle for independence and later during DIA’s brutal administration. Mr. Naizghi is no less brutal than DIA, just that he wasn’t a leader of the nation.

Regardless, refusing the repatriation of his body for burial in his homeland is yet another manifestation of DIA’s illegal acts. It shows that today’s Eritrea is being run on vindictive political acts of one man than attempting to build a nation based on a continuation of our rich traditional respect for law and rule-of-law. This is where the breakdown of law-and-order starts. If DIA refuses to abide by the rule-of-law, what message is he sending to others? We will leave this to Profs. Asmerom and Ghideon to give us their spins on this one.

Destroying the Rule-of-Law and Institutions in General

Transitional Government of Eritrea (TGE)

TGE was proclaimed in April 2013 and was formed to govern the country until May 1997 (4 years), when a Constitution would be proclaimed and a new constitutional government was to be established soon after. It was supposed to be a transition from ‘a liberation front’ to ‘legal government’. Instead, DIA chose to ignite a destructive war with Ethiopia and freeze or even reverse the progress towards a more legally representative government.

In doing so, DIA chose to trample on any progression towards the rule-of-law, and instead pursuing arbitrary rule based on the whims of one individual supported by corrupt officials bought to maintain their loyalties. The ever pursuit of an absolute discretionary and unconstrained power is the first cause of all the political illnesses, breakdown in rule-of-law, and all the problems afflicting the country today.

Until such time that an accountable government ruled by a Constitution, enforced through strong and independent judicial system, prudent opposition, strong public media, and civil societies, the challenges will remain. Even Ethiopia’s benevolent dictatorship is a universe away from our destructive dictatorship.

How can a nation that is NOT governed by publicly and legally sanctioned processes, and refuses to abide by any legal norms become the very vanguard of a national legal system? How can the wolf itself become the Sheppard of a flock of sheep?

If we are to build a nation, we can’t allow folks with the longest stick to govern, lest we encourage outlaws to get funny ideas. The future of Eritrea - the very foundation of our values - is being erected today.
PFDJ

Regime supporters pledge their allegiance to it. Opposition blame for it for the nation illness. Foreign media label the country as a one-party, PFDJ, state.

On a recent interview on Al Jazeera, one young interviewee even labelled PFDJ as a movement.

In reality, PFDJ is defunct. It longer exists. PFDJ, the successor of EPLF, had decided in 1993 to hold its congress in 1997, which is now almost twenty years ago. According to PFDJ’s Constitution, the PFDJ Central Committee should hold regular meetings every six months. The last time it met was over 15 years ago. Most of its members are either in jail or in political limbo. Similarly, the executive committee is a rubber stamping body for the whims of one man.

Even Communist China, Soviet Union - even North Korea and the Derg held regular party member meetings, albeit rubber stamping ones. The Chinese Communist party in particular was very dynamic in fact, esp. before the Cultural Revolution.

How can a regime that refuses to uphold its own organizational laws claim to hold others accountable to the laws of the nation? Isn’t this a blatant manifestation of a separation between those who are above the law and those who are below it?

This is in utter contrast to TPLF (Woyane) and EPRDF in Ethiopia, which has been holding regular organizational meetings throughout the last 24 years, since it took over power. The last meetings were held last month (August 2015), with affirmation of new political and economic directions, while replacing veteran members with new ones.

Why TPLF and EPRDF are succeeding although they have significantly more challenges in managing complex socio-economic, legal and political challenges in Ethiopia. Idol worshippers try to sell us that Ethiopia is ‘about to fall’, ‘division within ranks’, and other doom and gloom and yet they seem to go from strength-to-strength? Who is smoking ganja and suffering hallucinations?
Succession Law

Like all regimes with insecure leaders, potential successors are not named for fear that they may seize power. Until 2000, the Minister of Internal Affairs was assumed the second man in command. Post-2000, this position (which has been recently filled) has been largely left doldrums. In fact, there is no formal provisions in non-existing Eritrean laws that would tell anyone is second person in charge.

I would challenge any idol worshippers and canon fodders to pin point any specific law in Eritrea that would tell them such a succession law or provisions.
Civil Service

Governments come and go, but a stable civil service is a hall mark of a stable system of government. For instance, governments used to change every six months in Italy, but the civil service continued without much interruption. The civil service, overall the structure and most of the staff, continued largely intact from the Derg regime to the EPRDF regime.

In Eritrea, the civil service composed of ex-Ethiopia and EPLF/PFDJ went through uneasy period in the early stages of independence as it tried to integrate both. However, by the late 1990, it had found its equilibrium and was progressing towards more efficient system under the most capable guidance of the G-15.

Tellingly, DIA commented in the early 1990s that the root cause of corruption in Africa is that civil servants were not paid salaries commensurate with cost of living. So what does DIA do? But of course!

Today’s civil service in Eritrea is corrupt, probably out of forced necessity at the beginning, but now becoming entrenched as accepted norm - thus assaulting, weakening and eroding our social values.

Moreover, by refusing to give pensions to veteran ‘tegadelties’ who deserve comfortable retirements, they are tied to their jobs until they drop dead, thus unable to transfer their experiences, knowledge, and positions to younger generations. This is also a form of wilful destruction of the civil service.
Military Institution

Some may argue that the military institution is an alternative to political institution, and even possibly as a vanguard against breakdown in rule-of-law, sectarianism or internal religious conflicts. Some countries that were or are ruled by military strongmen, or civil leaders with the military two steps away, include Egypt, Turkey, Burma, and Thailand. Turkey, and probably now Burma, have seen dwindling inference of the military institution in politics. Other notable ones include, i.e. Until 1970s and even 80s, many South and Central American countries, Franco’s Spain, Portugal, and many others, were also led by military strong men.

The fact that DIA has turned the entire country in one army base doesn’t necessarily mean that he is building military institution at the expense of all other institutions. DIA’s military institution itself has become the single biggest source of corruption and epicentre of bitter power rivalries. In addition it is being turned into a mercenary-for-hire in direct competition with Blackwater USA.

Whereas DIA has strangled all other institutions, the military institution is being destroyed through the opposite modus operandi - through unbridled corruption, breakdown in discipline, defiling young women in national service, hopelessness among rank-and-file, and encouraging rivalries.
Other Institutions

Other institutions, from educational to legal to organized labour, local non-governmental organizations (local NGOs) and others have been systematically destroyed. All the symbols of our struggles of the 1950s, the very essence of our cry for independence from ‘backward’ Ethiopia, is now being bleach washed by DIA.



The utter destruction of the rule-of-law and all institutions, leaving only a corrupt military as a sole institution, is the second biggest existential threat, i.e. after the utter destruction the social fabric of the nation, to the unity, peace, and prosperity of the nation. A house divided through breakdown of the rule-of-law and intolerance can’t stand for too long.

DIA has shown his inability, unlike the visionary and prudent (late) PM Meles in Ethiopia, to foster institutions in Eritrea and to work with international institutions, such as AU, UN, IGAD, and many others. His invariable derision of all national and international institutions, coupled with total disengagement as manifested in his absence from all international meetings from many years, is at the root of all Eritrea’s ills. Unfortunately, this disengagement coupled with angry public rhetoric has led regime cohorts to resort to violence previously unheard of for Eritreans, as manifested in the threats to the members of COI. What a shame!

It will take the next regime and the people Eritrea tremendous efforts to reverse the utter destruction of institutions in Eritrea.

We shall overcome!

Berhan Hagos

December 7, 2015

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Saturday, 12 December 2015 13:53

Europe Is Trying to Rid Itself of the Eritrean Refugee Crisis

Written by Caitlin L. Chandler

Even before Paris, European nations were maneuvering to prematurely declare Eritrea safe for return.

By

Caitlin L. Chandler

December 2, 2015

Eritrean refugees wait in a hangar at Rome’s Ciampino airport in October 2015. (AP Photo / Andrew Medichini)

Aster’s one-story house in southern Eritrea was painted white and teal. Five front windows overlooked a lawn, where her four daughters could play and donkeys grazed. Her father obtained permission from the government to build in 2002; they began building in 2013. But this September, the military and city authorities came and spray-painted a giant X on the front. Aster (not her real name) gathered her children and left before a bulldozer smashed through the walls. Nothing is left of their home now but rubble.

As huge numbers of Eritreans continue to flee the country, Isaias Afwerki’s regime is increasingly retaliating against their families. The government already demands payments from families whose children have escaped—50,000 nafkas (US$3,333) per child. Families who can’t pay are jailed. Now the government is demolishing houses and seizing property, too.

“They want to punish people,” says her brother, Fikru, 31, who recently arrived in Geneva after seven years of bouncing between countries as an Eritrean refugee. Fikru, who recounted Aster’s story to me, says his other brothers had sent money from abroad to pay for the construction.

Experts say Afwerki needs a constant supply of young people to maintain his police state. A June 2015 UN Commission on Inquiry report on Eritrea documented in detail the regime’s indefinite military conscription. The military has drafted children younger than 15, tortured its own members and engaged in the systematic sexual abuse of women. But despite the report’s conclusion of possible “crimes against humanity”—and an Eritrean government official’s recent admission to a Wall Street Journal reporter that the regime engages in torture—some countries and right-wing political parties in Europe are jostling to send a signal to Eritreans: Don’t come here anymore.

In the aftermath of the Paris attacks, many of Europe’s right wing parties were quick to insinuate Syrian refugees were to blame and to call for stricter immigration and border controls. But even before the attacks, some European governments were already maneuvering to prevent refugees from entering their countries. Eritreans—who represent one of the largest groups of refugees seeking safety in Europe in recent years—have been a primary target of those who would close Europe’s doors.

Efforts to exclude Eritrean refugees from Europe began over a year ago in Denmark. In mid-2014, the Danish Immigration Service embarked on a fact-finding mission to Eritrea after seeing a dramatic rise in the number of Eritreans seeking asylum. The mission report—based primarily on anonymous interviews in Asmara—declared conditions had improved enough that Eritreans would no longer be recognized as refugees in Denmark. Human rights organizations denounced the report, and two men who contributed to it resigned, saying they were pressured to ensure the report allowed Denmark to adopt stricter asylum practices. After a period of public pressure, the Danish government announced Eritreans would still receive asylum in Denmark, but the report remained public.

Then in March 2015 the UK Home Office changed their asylum guidance for Eritreans using the Danish report as its key source; the recognition rate for Eritreans subsequently dropped from 73 percent to 29 percent.

"The government’s statements were definitely made to send signals to Eritrean asylum seekers not to come to Norway." http://bit.ly/1Swndna" target="_blank">

Professor Gaim Kibreab, director of refugee studies at London South Bank University, was the sole academic interviewed for the Danish report and then went on record to denounce it. “What can you do when governments don’t care about principles or rights?” said Gaim in a phone interview. “There’s a competition in the EU on who is harsher on asylum seekers.” Gaim says most Eritreans who were recently denied asylum in the UK are now appealing.

On November 6, Norway’s Ministry of Justice announced on Facebook a tightening of the country’s asylum policies. It warned Afghani asylum seekers they might be denied protection and deported to Kabul, and then mentioned efforts to “conduct dialogue with the Eritrean authorities to get diplomatic assurances from the Eritrean authorities that enable return.”

Most countries base their new willingness to work with Eritrea’s regime on unconfirmed indications that Afwerki’s government may end indeterminate national service. Yet experts say there’s no evidence to support these claims. “I have not received any information emanating from the Government of Eritrea that it will no longer carry out the practice of ‘indefinite conscription,’ ” said UN Special Rapporteur on Eritrea Sheila B. Keetharuth via e-mail. “I have heard from other sources, including diplomatic sources that the Government of Eritrea has indicated that those newly enrolled will be discharged from national service duties at the end of 18 months. Yet, those concerned have not been informed that they will be released, nor have their parents been informed.”

Keetharuth also noted there has been no talk of demobilizing those currently in the military–some serving for more than 15 years. Keetharuth has requested permission at least four times to enter Eritrea, most recently in August 2015, to independently assess the situation inside the country. Each time her visa application has been denied.

The November 6 Facebook post from Norway’s Ministry of Justice is the latest in a string of moves by the ministry, which is led by a minister from the right-wing Progress Party. There are presently 13,246 Eritreans seeking asylum in Norway, and Eritreans were the largest group of asylum seekers until this year, when Syrians surpassed them. Norway’s actual asylum proceedings have not yet changed; 99 percent of Eritreans who applied for asylum so far in 2015 received protection. But in June, Jøran Kallmyr, state secretary at the Norwegian Ministry of Justice and Public Security, visited Asmara to discuss a “return agreement” after publicly commenting that Norway might alter its asylum policies for Eritreans. Kallmyr then stated that, “Eritrea has lost a large part of its youth population because of European asylum policies.” His comment echoed what Afwerki has long claimed publicly: that his regime is not to blame for the exodus.

“The government’s public statements were definitely made to send signals to Eritrean asylum seekers not to come to Norway,” said Florentina Grama, an advisor at the Norwegian Organization for Asylum Seekers in Oslo. Grama, speaking by phone, said the majority of Eritreans apply for asylum based on the indefinite national service, and a few for religious persecution. The Eritrean government only recognizes four religions: the Orthodox Church of Eritrea; Sunni Islam; the Roman Catholic Church; and the Evangelical Church of Eritrea. Those who practice other religions have to report their activities to the government, facing torture and detention.

For over a year, the European Union has also been quietly working with the Eritrean government on stemming migration and calling for, among other things, “promoting sustainable development in countries of origin…in order to address the root causes of irregular migration.” This October, the EU Development Fund announced it was resuming aid to Eritrea with a possible $229 million package for economic development in part to give people alternatives to migration. According to official EU sources, the funding will help tackle poverty and “directly benefit the population.” Such a rationale seemingly ignores that most Eritreans indicate leaving to avoid the regime’s human rights abuses—although officials said such cooperation allows “the EU to reinforce a political dialogue to highlight the importance of human rights.”

But new research reveals aid does not stem migration from poor countries—and actually has the opposite effect. Michael Clemens, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development in Washington, D.C., found in a recent study that as people earn more, they also leave at higher rates. “The unanimous finding of half a century of research is that more economic development is associated with more migration not less, until a country surpasses middle-income status,” said Clemens on the phone. “It’s politically convenient to have an alternative narrative in which aid money will somehow make Eritrea a desirable place to live, but that runs counter to all the evidence we have.”

The recent Valletta Summit on migration made clear the EU would continue in this vein, as well as attempting to leverage development funding to force African countries like Eritrea to allow EU countries to return failed asylum seekers.

Clemens argues European countries have an alternative to their current approach to Eritrean and other refugees: flexible regulation and accommodation of the new arrivals. “When you invest in refugees, they turn into an amazing resource,” he says. “They’re an economic resource—not if one forbids them from working or confines them to camps, but if they’re given job training, language training and upfront investments. The current crisis is one of politics, not numbers.”

In October, I spoke with Hayat (name changed to protect his identity), a 16-year-old boy from Eritrea who recently arrived in Switzerland. To get here, he had traveled for days across the Sahara, crammed in the back of a truck. Two people from his group died when their truck flipped; one was a pregnant 16-year-old girl. The accident left the group stranded for four days in the blinding heat. Later, Hayat was forced to stay in underground caves in Libya while his group was bought and sold by different smugglers.

“I was very afraid,” said Hayat. “But the older people cared for me. They gave me some of their food, water and hope. I’m now missing my family, but happy to be here for my life.”

When European countries helped create the 1951 Refugee Convention in the aftermath of World War II, they realized that people fleeing persecution deserved protection. They also recognized the right not to be returned to a place where your life or freedom is threatened. Over the past few months, that right has been put in jeopardy as European countries have manipulated asylum systems so that it matters more where you flee to, rather than what you flee from.

Source=http://www.thenation.com/article/europe-is-trying-to-rid-itself-of-the-eritrean-refugee-crisis/

Friday, 11 December 2015 13:09

ታሪኽ ጀብሃን ሻዕብያን ታሪኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ (Part 2)

Written by ድራር መንታይ

ካለኣይ ክፋልን መወዳእታን-

ኣብ ቀዳማይ ክፋል ታሪኽ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ብክንደይ ሓጎጽጎጻት ከም ዝሓለፈ ዝእምት ገለ ሽግራትን ፍልልያትን ተናኺፈ ነይረ። እቲ ቀንዲ ዕላማ እምበኣር ንሕና እቶም ተረከብቲ ናይዚ ታሪኽ እዚ፡ ኣብቲ ዝሓለፈ ፍልልያት ይኹን ወይ እውን ዝሓለፈ መሪር ጉዕዞ ቃልስና ብምስትንታን ንዝተሰርሐ ታሪኽ ምንእኣስ ይኹን ምክፋእ ክሕደት እዩ ዘስምዕ እሞ ኣብ ሕሉፍ ተኣሲርና ነቲ ዝመጽእ ብሩህ ተስፋ ከነጸልምቶ ኣይግበኣናን ኣብ ዝብል እዩ ነይሩ። ካለኣይ ክፋል ድማ ይቕጽል።

እቲ ቅድሚ ናጽነት ዝነበረ ኩነታት ዝግዘኣሉ ናቱ ባህሪያዊ ጠባይ ነይርዎ እዩ። ከምኡ እውን ኣብ ኣሰላልፋ ናይቲ ሕብረተሰብ በብግዚኡ ደረጃታቱ እናተፈላለየን ኣናተቐያየረን እዩ ዝመጽእ ነይሩ። ኣብ ግዜ ሰውራ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩነታት ሰለስተ ተጻረርቲ ግን ብሓንሳብ ዝምርሹ ኣካላት ክህልዉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ ኣብ መንጎ እዞም ሰለስተ ተጻረቲ ኣካላት ዘሎ ውድድራትን ቁርቁሳትን ዝወልዶ ምዕባለ ከኣ ወይ ናብ ቅኑዕ ምሕደራ ወይ ከኣ ናብ ዝኸፍአ ምሕድራ እዩ ዝጎዓዝ። በዚ ዝኣክል እቲ ኣብ ምፍሕፋሓትን መን ተዓወተን ዝግበር ቃልሲ ዝፍጠር ሽግራትን ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤናትንብዙሕ እዩ።

እዞም ሰለስተ መደበር ሓይልታት ተባሂሎም ዝኽፈሉ ኩሎም ደገፍቲ ከጥርዩ ክጽዕሩ ባህርያዊ እዩ። ደገፍቶም ኣብ ምጥራይ ዝግበር ስራሓት ወይ ጐስጓሳት ከኣ እዩ እቲ ናይ መን ዓብለለን ተቆጻጸረን ተሪር ጸጥታውን ሰለያውን መሓውራት ዝዝርጋሕ። ኣብ ከምዚ ህሞት ዝፍጠር ምፍሕፋሓት ከኣ ሓደ ነቲ ሓደ ክደቊስ ክብል ዝፍጸም ጌጋታትን ግፍዕታትን ብዙሕ እዩ። ብሰንኪ እዚ ከምዚ እንርእዮ ዘሎና ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ንስርዓት እሳይያስ ዝድግፍን ዝነጽግን ኰይንና ኣብ ክልተ ተመቒልና ኣሎና። እቶም ሰለስተ መደበር ሓይልታት ቀዳማይ ጸረ-ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ፥ እቲ ካልኣይ ደጋፊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ፥ እቲ ሳልሳይ ከኣ እቲ መን ተዓወተ ዝጥምት መንጎመንጎ ዝኾነ ሓይሊ እዩ።

ስርዓት እስያስ ብቕኑዕ ኣገባብ ከመሓድር እየ እናበለ እዩ ስልጣን ሒዙ። ንሕና ተቓወምቲ እውን ብቕኑዕ እነመሓድር መተካእታ ኢና እናበልና ኢና እንጭርሕ። ይኹን እምበር ነቲ ካብ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ይፈልየና እንብሎ ዝምልከት ብግብሪዶ ንሰርሕ ኣሎና? ዝብል ሕቶ ብቕንዕና ክምለስ ዘለዎ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኢሳይያስ እውን ነቲ ንዓኡ ዘይድግፎ ወይ ዘይስዕቦ ዘበለ ብምክፋእን፥ ብምጽላምን ኣቢሉ እዩ ሞራላውን ፖለቲካውን ሃስያታት ፈጢሩ’ዩ ፖለቲካዊ ቅንጸላ ዝገብር ዝነበረን ዘሎን። ገባቲ ስርዓት ንባህግታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይምልስ ስለዝኾነ ከኣ እዩ ህዝቢ ንምክፍፋል ኩሉ ድሑር ዝምባሌታት ዝጥቀም። ንሕና እቶም ደምበ ተቓውሞኸ ነዚ ጉዳያት እዚ ብኸመይኮን ነመሓድሮ ንህሉ? ዝብል ካልእ ሕቶ ከስዕብ ዝኽእል እዩ። መልሱ ካብቲ ኢሳያስ ዝገብሮ ዝነበረን ዘሎን ዝፍለ’ኳ እንተኾነ ብብዙሕ ድኽመታት ዝስነ ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ክብሪ ደቂ ሰባት ዘጉድልን፥ መሰል ደቂ ሰባት ዝነፍግን ኣብ ሃገራውነት ዝማታእን ፍትሓዊ እየ ክንብል የኽእለናዶ ይመስለኩም? ነቲ ጀጋኑ ኣሓትናን ኣሕዋትናን ዝፈጸምዎ ታሪኽ ምንእኣስ ሓዚልዎ ክመጽእ ዝኽእል ሓደጋ ክንግንዘቦ እንተዘይክኢልና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ስኒት ክስእን እዩ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ንድሕነት ሃገርና ክንሕሉ እንተዀንና እምበኣር ንታሪኽና ብምብልሻውን ምምርሳሕ ዘይኮነስ ንታሪኽና ም እወንታኡን ኣሉታኡን ሃብትና ምዃኑ ኣሚና ምስ እንሕልዎን እንመሃረሉን ጥራሕ ኣዩ ሓቀኛ ሃብትና ዝኸውን።

ንታሪኽ እናኣነኣኣስናን እናኣመራሳሕናን ነንሕድሕድና እውን ከይተረፈ እናተወናጅልና እንኽተሎ መንገዲ ናብ ራህዋ ዘይኮነስ ናብ ናይ ምልኪ ጐደና እዩ ክወስደና። ዓው ኢልና ዘይንዛረበሉ ወይ እውን ብቓልዕ ዘይንሰርሓሉ ስራሓት መንገዲ እንዳሓዝና ፍትሒ ይኹን ዲሞክራሲ ክነስርጽ ከምዘይንኽእል ካብ ብሕጂ ክበርሃልና ይግባእ። ከመይሲ ነዚ ታሪኽና በየናይ መልክዕ ከም እንጥምቶ ዓቢ ፍልልይ ኣሎና። ጠንቁ ድማ ብጋህዲ ንምዝራብ ነቲ ታሪኽ ብኣውራጃ፥ ብቐቢላ፥ ብሃይማኖት ወይ እውን ብናይ ገዛእ ርእስና ውልቃዊ ስምዒት ወይ ግምታት ስለ እንመዝኖ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ነቲ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ዘይመሰረታዊ ፍልልያት ወይ ሽግራት ምስ ፖለቲካ ኣተኣሳሲርና ክንረብሓሉ ብዝብል ደዋዊስና ስለ ኣንሕዞ እዩ።

እቲ ዝፍጠር ንኡስ ጸገማት ሃገራዊ ኮይኑ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሃገራዊ ቅዋም ዝፍታሕን ዝእለን ምዃኑ ሰለ ዘይንግንዘብ፡ እቲ ዝተፈጸመ ገበን ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓደ ውሱን ሕብረተሰብ ከም እተፈጸመ ጥራሕ ብምግማት ነቲ ናይ ቃልሲ ታሪኽ ብምሉኡ ናይ ሽፍትነት እዩ ነይሩ ምባል ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዙሕ ትርጉም ዝወሃቦ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ መንን ካብ ምንታይ ነቒሉን እዩ ብኸምኡ ዝገልጾ ዘሎ ምፍላጥ ኣገዳሲ ስለ ዝኾነ። እቲ ዘቕርቦ መርትዖታትከ ንሃገራዊ ረብሓን ድሕነትን መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጠቅም ዲዩ ኣይኮነን እውን ኣብ ግምት ክኣቱ ዝግበኦ እዩ። ገሊኡ ሰብ ነቲ ቃልሲ ከም ናይ ዝተወሰኑ ሕብረተሰብ ገይሩ ዝግምቶ እውን ኣይሰኣንን እዩ። ካብኡ ብዝሓለፈ ትማሊ ብዝሓለፈ መግዛእታዊ ስርዓት ኢትዮጵያ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሰውርኡ ተኣማሚኑ ከይቃለስ ንምጻሉ፡ ነቲ ሰውራ ናይ ሸፋቱ እዩ ኢልካ ዝንዛሕ ዝነበረ፡ ሎሚ ድማ ንሕና ባዕልና ክንደግሞ ከሎና እንታይ እዩ ዘስምዕ ኢልና ንመራመረሉ ዘሎና ኣይመስልን።

እቲ ካብ ኣፍ ዝወጽእ ኣፍራሲ ቃል ካብ ከቢድ ብረት ዘድምዮ ዝሓየለ ምዃኑ እውን ይጠፍኣና ኣሎ። እዚ ቃል እዚ ኣሉታዊ እንተኾይኑ ነቲ ንዓመታት ዝተሃንጸ ታሪኽ ምስ ኩሉ እወንትኡ ይኹን ኣሉታዊኡ ክዘርጎ ይኽእል’ዩ። ዘዝተመሰረተ ታሪኽ እንተደኣ ፈሪሱ ከኣ እቲ ሃገራውነትን ሓርበኝነትን ክጠፍእ ምዃኑ ዘይምዝንጋዕ ኣገዳሲ እዩ።

ስርዓት ሃይለስላሴን መንግስቱ ሃይለማርያምን’ኳ ነቲ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ስምዒትን ሓርበኝነትን ንምህሳስ እዮም ነቲ ሰውራ ዘካፍእዎ ዝነበሩ። ስለዚ ሎሚ እቶም ንቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይመልክዑ ዝህብዎ ዘለዉ፡ መንእሰያት ዘለዎም ሃገራዊ ፍቕሪ ክሃስስ እሞ ሽዑ እቲ ሃገራዊ ወንን ሓርበኝነትን ምስ ቀሃመ እቲ ሕቡእ ኣጀንዳኦም ከተግብሩ ሕልሚ ኣለዎም ማለት ምዃኑ ብሩህ ከም ጸሓይ ቀትሪ እዩ።

እዚ ንሓደ ወለዶ ይኹን ንሓደ ሕብረተሰብ ግጉይ ሓበረታን ዝንቡዕ ታሪኽን ከምኡ እውን ብዝተፈጸመ ጉድለታትን ግፍዕታትን ኣመሳሚስካ ነቲ ምእንቲ ሃገሮም በጃ ዝሓለፉ ጀጋኑ ዝኸፈልዎ መስዋእትነት ናይ ሸፋቱን ሽፍትነትን እዩ ነይሩ ምባል ከይዱ ከይዱ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ንምንብርካኽ ዝእለም ተንኮል ከይከውን ምጥንቃቕ ዘድልዮ እዩ።

እቲ ኣዝዩ ዝኸፈአ ከኣ ቃልሲ ኩሉ ግዜ ለማጽ ከምዘይኮነ እናተፈልጠ፡ ኣብቲ ዝተፈጸመ ሕጽረታት ተመርኲስካ ነቲ ቃልሲ ሽፍትነት ነቶም ተቓለስቲ ድማ ሸፋቱ ነይሮም እናበልካ ዝካየድ ጐስጓሳት ብሓቂ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ዘይጥርንፍን ንሃገራዊ ፍቕርን ኒሒን ዝሰብር እምበር ፋይዳ የብሉን። ጉድለታት ከም ዝህሉ ውሁብ ምዃኑን ርዱእ ክንሱ፡ እቲ በደል ዝተፈጸሞ ኣካል ኣብ ክንዲ ከም ኤርትራዊ፡ ከም ኣብ ልዕሊ ፍሉይ ኣውራጃ ወይ ቀቢላ ዝወረደ መልክዕ ኣትሒዝካ ከም ናይ ታሪኽ መበላሸዊ ክንጥቀመሉ ኣይግባእን። ከምኡ ዓይነት መልክዕ ከነትሕዞ እንተኾይና፡ ነቲ ዝተፈጸመ ገበን ብመርተዖታት ከነሰንዮ ክንክእል ይግበኣና። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እቲ ካብ ቅንዑነት ዝረሓቐ ዝጸሓፍን ዝዝረብን ክብሪ ናይ ደቂ ሰባት ኣይትንክፍን ድዩ? ኢልና ክንሓትት ይግበኣና። እቲ ዝተፈጸመ ጌጋ ናብ ሓደ ውሱን ሕብረተሰብ ዘቕነዐ እዩ ነይሩ ኢልካ ኣፍካ ዝሃበካ ምዝራብ፡ ነቲ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣወጊድካ ናብ ምትካል ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ዝግበር ጉዕዞ ዝጐድእ ተዘይኮይኑ ዝሕግዞ ከምዘይኮነ ምግንዛብ ኣድላይ እዩ።

እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ሰውራ ዝተፈጸመን ዋላ እውን ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዝፍጸም ዘሎን በደላት ካብ ሃገራዊ እምነትናን ዝተሰርሐ ታሪኽን ከርሕቐና ኣይግባእን እዩ። ንሕና እዞም ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንዋሳእ ዘለና እውን ምስ ደገፍትና ከምታ ናይ እስይያስ መንገዲ ዲና ክንሕዝ ወይ ብመሰረቱ ካብኡ ዝተፈልየ መንገዲ፡ኣብዚ መድረኽ’ዚ ብእንኽተሎ ኣቀራርባን ብእነቃለሖ ጭረሖታትን ጥራይ ዝዕቀን ዘይኮነ ብተግባር ክስነ እንከሎ እዩ።

ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ሓደ መልክዕ ናይ ዓመጽ ስለ ዝኾነ ነቲ ምሳኻ ብሓሳብ ዘይሰማማዕ ኣካል ንክትስዕር ናይ ሓይሊ ተጽዕኖ ክትፈጥር ዝደፋፍእ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ንስኻ ኣተሓሳስባኻ ዓመጽ እዩ ስለዚ ነቲ ዝጻረረካ ከኣ ብዓመጽ ዝመጸካ ዘሎ ኮይኑ እዩ ዝረኣየካ። ስለዚ ነቲ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ከም ዓመጽ ቆጺርና ብሽፍትነት ክንገልጾ እንተኾይንና፡ ነዚ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዓመጻዊ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዝመርጽ ዘሎ ወገናትከ እንታይ ክንብሎ ኢና?

ስለዚ እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ተፈጺሙ ዝበሃል ጌጋታት፡ ምስቲ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ምዕብልና ዝተኣሳሰር ኣይኮነን። እቲ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዝስዓበ በደላት ብሰንኪ ንኹልና ዘመሓድር ሕጊ ዘይምሕንጻጽና ዝመጸ ጸገም እዩ። ገበን ዝፈጸመ ኣካል ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕጊ ቀሪቡ በደሉ ተነጊርዎ፡ ነብሱ ዝከላኸለሉ ሕጊ የብልናን። ገበኑ ዝኣመነ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዝበደሎ ህዝቢ ይኹን ውልቀሰብ ቀሪቡ ይቕረታ ዝሓተሉ ሕጋዊ መድረኽ’ውን የብልናን። ናይዚ ኩሉ ጠንቂ ከኣ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣሳፊሑ ዘሎ ዲክታቶርነት እዩ። እዚ ዲክታቶርነት ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝተጀመረ ዘይኮንስ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ታሪኻዊ ኩነታት ኣጋጢሙ ብህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ክሰዓር ዝጸንሐ እዩ። እዚ ናይ ኤርትራ ዲክታቶር እውን ካብ ስዕረት ኣይክድሕንን እዩ።

ስለዚ ነቲ ዝሓለፍካዮ ታሪኽ ኣብ ክንዲ ዓቂብካ ትመሃረሉ፡ ዘይመልክዑ ክትህቦ እንከለኻ ንመንነትካ፥ ንክብርኻን ንሃገራዊ ፍቕርኻን ትሃሲ ምህላውካ ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግብኦን። ንዝሓለፈ ጌጋታት ምእራም ንታሪኽ ብምኽሓድን ብምቁንጻብን ዘይኮነስ፡ ታሪኽካ ዓቂብካ ንመጻኢ ከም ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ሓቢርካ ተሰማሚዕካ ብዝጸድቕ ሕጊ ተቐይድካ ምጉዓዝ እዩ እቲ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ምርጫ። ካብኡ ሓሊፉ፡ ታሪኽካ ምንእኣስ ናብ ከምዚ ሕጂ ገለገለ ወገናት ዓይኖም ብጨው ተሓጺቦም ኤርትራ እትበሃል ሃገር የላን ክብሉ ዝደናደኑ እዩ ዝወስደካ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ባዕልና ናይ ትማሊ ሓርበኛዊ ወንናን ታሪኽናን ኣዳኺምና እንረብሖ እንተልዩ ታሪኽ ኣልቦነት ምዃን ጥራይ እዩ። ስለዚ ታሪኽ ብዝኾነይኹን ጉጅለ ወይ ወለዶ ወይ ውልቀሰብ ዝሕከኽ ኣይኮነን። ታሪኽ ነባሪ እዩ። ታሪኽ ኣይሃስስን እዩ። ብጀብሃ ይሰራሕ ብህዝባዊ ግንባር ድማ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ሓባር ሃብትና እዩ። ሕሉፍ ቁስልናን ብሰንኩ ዝተቖንዘናዮን ንታሪኽ ገዲፍና ንደቅናን ደቂ ደቅናን ከነውርሶም ብዛዕባ ዝግበኣና ንሕሰብ። ታሪኽና ምንእኣስ ንፖለቲካዊ ፍልልያትና ክንፈትሕ ዝሕግዝ ዘይኮነስ ንሓድነትና ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘውድቕ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን’ሞ ነስተብህል።

ድራር መንታይ

Thursday, 10 December 2015 22:49

ታሪኽ ጀብሃን ሻዕብያን ታሪኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ

Written by ድራር መንታይ

ቀዳማይ ክፋል

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብቲ ዘሕብን ስራሓቱን ቅያኡን ምእንቲ ድሕነት ሃገሩ ዝሰርሖ ታሪኽ ዘይርሳዕ እዩ። እዚ ታሪኽ እዚ ነባርን ህያውን ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ካብ ኣባሓጎታትናን እኖሓጎታትናን ኣትሒዙ ክሳብ እዚ ዘሎናዮ ህሞት እናተወራረሰ ክመጽእ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ዝቕጽልን እዩ። ይኹን እምበር ኣብ መስርሕ ናይ ሓደ ታሪኽ ኩሉ ግዜ ብዘይመንቅብ ዝፍጸም እዩ ኢልካ ዝግመት ወይ ዝድምደም ኣይኮነን።

ታሪኽ ብደቂ ሰባት ከም ዝስራሕ ኩልና እንፈልጦ ሓቂ እዩ። እዚ ታሪኽ እዚ ከኣ እዩ ደቂ ሰባት ብሓባር ዝፍተንሉን ተፈቲኖም ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ መንነት ዘጥረይሉን ምእንቲ ሃገሮም ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ዝሰርሕሉን። ኤርትራ ሃገርና ከኣ ናይ ዚታሪኽ ውጽኢት ክትከውን በቒዓ እያ። ኣብቲ ዝተኻየደ ናይ ዘመናት ቃልሲ ኤርትራውያን ሓድነቶም ኣዕቊቦም ዝተጓዓዝዎ ጉዕዞ እምበር በበይኖም ኰይኖም ዝፈጸምዎ ታሪኽ የለን። እዚ ታሪኽ እዚ ከኣ እዩ ሕለገት ወይ መለለዪ ሃገራውነትና።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበኣር ንቡዙሕ ዓመታት ምእንቲ ክብሩ፡ መሰሉን ሃገራዊ ናጽነቱን ክብል ተቓሊሱ እዩ። ንመከራን መግዛእታዊ ጭቈናን ከኣ ካብ መሬቱ ሓግሒጉ ንኽውጽእ ዝገበሮ ቃልስን ዝኸፈሎ ዋጋን ብዝኾነይኹን ዝትመን ወይ ዝዕቀን ኣይኮነን። ከምኡ እውን እቲ ዝተፈጸመን ዝተሰርሐን ስራሓት ኣቆናጺብካ ዝረአ ኣይኮነን። ይኹን እምበር ናይቲ ኹሉ ዘሕለፈ ሽግርን ጸበባን ክሳብ ሕጂ ጌና ዋላ ናጽነት ረኺቡ እንከሎ ቅሳነት ኣይረኸበሉን ዘሎ። ምስ እዚ ኹሉ ግን እቲ ዝሓለፈ ታሪኽ ብኸመይ ተደምዲሙ ምርኣይ ተደላዪነት ዘለዎ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዓወት ናይቲ ዘንቀዶ ሰውራ ከም ዝተዛዘመ ንኹልና ብሩህ እዩ። እቲ ሰውራ ዘይምፍሻሉ ከኣ ውጽኢት ናይቲ ዝተሰርሐ ታሪኽ እዩ።

ልክዕ እዩ፡ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ክጅመር እንከሎ መሰረቱ ካብቲ ኣብ ኣርባዓታት ዝነበረ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልሲ ዝነቅል እዩ። ኣብ ኣርባዓታት ገለ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ሕብረት ዝብልን ገለ ድማ የለን ናጽነት ኤርትራ’ባ ኣብ ዝብል ተኸፋፊልሉ ዝነበረ ኩነት እዩ። እዚ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ኣብቲ ሰውራ ናቱ ኣሰራትን ጽልዋን ክህልዎ ናይ ግድን ነይሩ። ንሱ ድማ እቲ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክልተ ከም ዝኽፈል ንምግባር ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ተንኮል ናይ ሓያላን መንግስታት ምዃኑ ዘይምስትብሃሉ ዘስዓቦ ጸገም ሓደ ክፋል ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናጽነት ዝደሊ እቲ ሓደ ክፋል ከኣ ናጽነት ዘይደሊ መሲሉ ተመቕለ። እዚ ነቲ ኣብ ክልተ ዝተኽፈለ ርኢቶ፡ እቲ እስላማዊ ሸነኽ ደላይ ናጽነት እቲ ክርስቲያናዊ ሸነኽ ከኣ ጸረ ናጽነት መሲሉ ተጠመተ። ዋላ እኳ ኣባላት ክልቲኡ ሃይማኖታት ኣብ ክልቲኡ ፖለቲካዊ ዝንባሌታት እተነበሩ ናይቲ ምፍልላይ ጠንቂ ከም ናይሃይማኖት ስለ ዝተገምገመ ዘይምትእምማን ፈጢሩ። እቲ ብውሑዳት ዝተጠጀአ ሕብረት ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝብል ከም ንመላእ ክርስትያናዊ ክፋል ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ገርካ ምቚጻሩ’ውን ተራእዩ።

ምስ እዚ ኩሉ ፖለቲካዊ ቅልውላው፡ እቲ ብውሑዳት ሰባት ዝተበገሰ ሰውራ ካብዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሰ ኣሉታዊ ጽልዋ ናጻ ኮይኑ ኣይኮነን ጀሚሩ።እዚ ማለት ካብቲ ኣሉታዊ ሸነኻት ኣይተጸልወን ክንብል ከምዘይንኽእል ርዱእ ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ሰውራ ምስቲ ኩሉ ዝነበረ ፖለቲካዊ ሽግራት ክብገስ እንከሎንሓንቲ ዕላማ እዩ ዝነበረ። ንሱ ከኣ ካብ መግዛእታዊ ግፍዒ፡ መከራን ጭቆናን ንምልቓቕ እዩ። እዚ ግን ምስቲ ዝነበረ ኣሉታዊ ጽልዋታት ንሓደ ኣዋሲንካ ወይ ኣግሊልካ ንኸይጥመት ዝተኻየደ መጽናዕቲ ኣይነበሮን። ኮይኑ ግን ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ከምምዃኑ፥ ምውጋድ ባዕዳዊ ገዛኢ ክበሃል ከሎ፥ ነቲ ቃልሲ መን ጀመሮ ብዘየገድስ ንክርስትያን ወይ ንኣስላም ጥራሕ ተባሂሉ ከምዘይኮነ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ኣብቲ ናይ ኣርበዓታት ዝነበረ ፖለቲካዊ ቁርቁሳት ነዛ ኤርትራ ክሳብ ክንድዚ ናብ ህልቂት ንኽትወድቕ ዝገበረ እቲ ክርስቲያናዊ ሸነኽ እዩ ዝብል ስምዒት ግጉይ ጽልዋ ከይሃለዎ ኣይተረፈን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ክርስትያናዊ ሸነኽ እውን ቁጽሩ ይውሓድ ይብዛሕ ብዘየገድስ ንናጽነት ዝድግፍ ነይሩ እዩ። እዚ ከምዚ ዝዓይነቱ ግጉይ ኣረዳድኣ፥ ነቲ ሃገራውነት ብመልክዕ ናይ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽ ምምዛን ንታሪኽ ዘህስስ እዩ። እቲ ዘይምትእምማንን ዝፍጠር ግርጭታትን እውን ካብዚ ዝውለድ ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ። ዋላ እኳ እቲ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ ዝፍጠር ምዕብልና እንተሃለወ። ስለዚ እዛ ሃገር ካብ ባዕዳዊ ገዛኢ ናጻ ትኹን ዝብል ዕላማን ምልክት ሃገራውነት ስለ ዝሓዘ እዩ ኩሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መሰዋእቲ ከፊለላ። እቲ ኣሉታዊ ስምብራት ግና ጌና ዝጠፍአ ኣይመስልን። ምስ እዚ ተደማሚሩ ድማ እቲ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልያት ብዓንተቦ ተዘይተኣልዩ እናገፍሐ ክኸይድ ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ።

በዚ ምኽንያት እቲ ሰውራ ብግስ ከይበለ ኣብ ገለ ናይ ሓሳባት ፍልልይ ስለ ዝተራእየ ናብ ክልተ ውድባት ተመቕለ። እተን ሽዑ ዝነበራ ውድባት ከኣ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራን ምንቅስቓስ ሓርነት ኤርትራን ኢየን። እብዚ እቲ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ናይ ክልተ ኣሕዋት ረጽሚ ዝተራእየሉ ኩነት ተፈጥረ። እዚ እቲ ናይ ፈለማ ብረታዊ ናይ ሕድሕድ ጐንጺ ዝተቐላቐለሉ ኣሉታዊ ምዕራፍ እዩ። ኮይኑ ግን እቲ ሰውራ ምናልባት ብኣዝዩ ዝተጸንዐን ነቲ ተፈጢሩ ዝነበረ ፍልልያት ኣልዩ ተበጊሱ ነይሩ እንተዝኸውን እቲ ጐነጽ እቲስ ኣይምተረኽበን ዶኾን ዝብል ሓሳብ ከሕድረልካ ይኽእል።

እቲ ሰውራ እናማዕበለ ኣብ ዝመጸሉ ዝነበረ እዋን፡ ምስቲ ዝነበረ ኩነታት ምፍሕፋሓት ክህሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ካብ ሃገራዊ መስመር ናብ ሃገራውን ዲሞክራሲያውን መስመር ንኽጎዓዝ ዘጋጥሞ ሓጎጽጎጻት ከኣ ንጹር እዩ። እዚ ፖለቲካዊ ምፍሕፋሓት እዚ ዝወለዶ ወይእውን ዝፈጠሮ ነገር እንተልዩ ነቲ ሰውራ ካብ ሓደ መድረኽ ናብ ሐደ ዝሓሸ መድረኽ ምቕያሩ እዩ። ብኡ መሰረት እውን ኣብ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ብዙሕ ኣኼባታትን ጉባኤታትን ተኻይዱ እዩ። እዚ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ ዝግበር ዝነበረ ጉባኤታት ከኣ ነቲ ሰውራ ብክምረሓሉ ዝኽእል ሃገራዊ ሕንጻጻትን መትከላትን በብግዚኡ እናተነጸረን እንዳተመሓየሸን ይጎዓዝ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ግን ኩሉ ግዜ ደጋፍን ተጻራርን ስለዘሎ ሓደ ሓሳብ ምስ ካልእ ሓሳብ ኣይጋጮን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ናይ ግድን እዩ ምግርጫዋትን ምፍልላያትን ከምኡ እውን ኣብ ነንሓድሕድካ ምቅትታልን ምዝልላፍን ከጋጥም። ምኽንያቱ ናይ መን ዓብለለ ወይእውን ናይ መን ስነ-ሓሳብ እዩ ኣብ ግብሪ ዝውዕል ዝብል ውድድራት ክረኣዩ ስለ ዝኽእሉ። ምስኡ እውን ተተሓሒዙ ዝኸይድ ኣብ መንጎ ሓዲሽን ኣብ መንጎ ብሉይን ዝፍጠር ካልኣዊ ግርጭት ብግቡእ ናይ ዘይምእላዩ ዝፈጥሮ ጸገም እውንኣሎ።

ሰውራ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ መድረኽ ናይ ማሕበርነትን ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ብሰፊሑ ኣብ ኣፍሪቃን ዓለምን ተስፋሕፊሑ ዝነበረሉ እዋን ዝያድ ፖለቲካዊ ፍልልያት ክረአ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዕላማ እዚ ፖለቲካዊ ፍልልያት እዚ ድማ ከይዱ ከይዱ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ብኸመይ ዝኣመሰለ ሕጊ ክመሓደርን መንከ እዩ ክመርሖ ኣብ ዝብል ጉዳያት ዘሎ ጥሙሓት ዘምጽኦ ሽግራት ብዙሕ እዩ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ከም ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰላ ሃገራት ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ብስለትን ኣፍልጦን ድሩት ክኸውን ከሎ ከኣ ግርጭታት ይባላሕ። ስለዚ እቲ ሰውራ ክብገስ ከሎ ምስቲ ኩሉ ሽግራቱ ብርግጽ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ መግዛእታዊ ባርነት ናጻ ንምውጻእ እምበር ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተመሊሱ ክጭቁኖን ከጋፍዖን እዩ ዝብል እምነት ፈጺሙ ኣይነበረን።

እቲ ሰውራ ኣሉታ ነይርዎዶእወ መሊኡ፥ ብኣንጻሩኸ እወንታ ነይርዎዶ እወ መሊኡ። ስለዚ እቲ ሰውራ ድኹምን ሓያልን ጎኒ ነይርዎ ኢና ክንብል እንኽእል። ነቲ ድኹም ጎኑ ብኣጋኡ ክፍውሶን መፍትሒ ክገብረሉ ብዘይምኻኣሉ ድማ ካብቲ ዝተጸልዎ ኣሉታ ክወጽእ ስለዘይከኣለ ክፈሓፋሕ ናይ ግድን ነይሩ። እዚ ምፍሕፋሕ እዚ ከኣ ካብ ብሉይ ናብ ሓዲሽ ዘሰጋግር መድረኽ ዘማዕበለ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ንሕና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣካል ናይ ህዝቢ ዓለም ከም ምዃና መጠን በቲ ዓለም ዝሓለፎ መስርሕ ክንጽሎን ብእኡ ክንሓልፍን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ሕማቕን ጽቡቕን፥ ኣሉታን እወንታን ከኣ እናተበራረዩ እዮም ዝጎዓዙ። እንተኾነ እቲ ሰውራ ዝተጓዕዞን ኣብ ጉዕዞኡ ናይ ዘጓነፎ ሽግራት መንቀልን ዝተፈጸሙ ጉድለታትን ከይፈለጥካ ኣይኮነን ዝምዘን። በዚ ምኽንያት ካብቲ ዝተፈጸመ ጌጋታትን ሕጽረታትን ነቒልካ ናይ ሽፍትነት ተግባር እዩ ነይሩ ኢልካ ክትድምድሞ ፈጺሙ ቅኑዕን ርትዓውን ኣይኮነን። እቲ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ ሚዛናት እቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሃዋህውን ብስለትን ከምኡ እውን ዘጋጠሙ ፍልልያት ዘይምጽባቦም ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ዘምጸኦ ጸገም ምዃኑ ርዱእ ክኸውን ኣለዎ። እቲ ኣብ ላዕሊ ክጥቀስ ዝጸንሐ ኣሉታታትን ድሒሩ እውን ኣብ ግዜ ሰውራ ዝተፈጸመ ጌጋታትን እቲ መንእሰይ ክመሃረሉ ደኣ እምበር ቅርሕንትን ጽልእን ወሪሱ ንኽፈርድ ምድፍፍኡ ኣይግባእን። እዚ ከኣ እዩ ነቲ ታሪኽ ዘባላሹ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ እቲ መንእሰይ ኣብቲ ዝተፈጸመ ብዙሕ ዓመታት ዘወሰደ ጌጋታት ይኹን ጉድለታት ምንባርን ብኡ ኣቢሉ ፍርዲ ክህብን ነቲ ታሪኽ ዝንቡዕ እዩ ዝገብሮ።

ሽፍትነትን ኣብ ኣመሓዳድራ ዝመጽእ ሽግራትን ፈላሊና ክንርእዮ ከድሊ እዩ። ኣብ ዓለም ክንደይ ግፍዕን መከራን ዘይተፈጸመ። ንኣብነት ብሰንኪ ኢዲኣሚን ዳዳ ኣብ ኡጋንዳ፥ መንግስቱ ሃይለማርያም ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፥ ኣብ ማአላይ ኣፍሪቃ፥ ኮታ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ብሰንኪ ዲክታቶርነት ብግሁድን ስውርን ዝሃለቐ ህዝቢ መሊኡ እዩ። እዚ ሽግራት’ዚ ብሰንኪ ምዕቡል ኣተሓሳስባን ንቕሓትን ዝጐደሎም ሰባት ዝሰዓበ ጸገም እምበር ብናይ ዝምታ፡ ስርቅን ሽፍትነትን ክዕቀን ኣይግበኦን። ምኽንያቱ ፖለቲካን ምሕደራን ካብ ስነፍልጠት ዝምንጩ እዩ። ሽፍትነትን ስርቅን ግና ኣብ ፖለቲካ ዝጽጋዕ ኣይኮነን። …. ይቕጽል

ድራር መንታይ

Thursday, 10 December 2015 08:44

ቦታ ኣኼባዶ ኣጀንዳኡ

Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰደህኤ

“እስኪ ተራኺብና ንላዘብ ምኽሪ ምእንቲ ክርከብ” ዝብል ምስላ ቀዳሞት፡ ተራኺብካ እሂን ምሂን ምብህሃል ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣገዳሲ ምዃኑ ዘመልክት እዩ። ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳያት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ህይወትን ዛዕባታትን፡ ካብ ሓደ ንላዕሊ ብሓባር ኮይንካ ክትሰርሕ እንከለኻ ኣብ እተልዕሎም ዛዕባታት ፍልልያት ክህልወካ ውሁብ እዩ። እንተኾነእዚፍልልያት ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብቲ እትሰማማዓሉ ኣትኪልካ ብሓባር ምንባርን ምጉዓዝን ዘይክኣል ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ንገሊኡ ፍልልያት ኣብ መስርሕ ከተወግዶ፡ ነቲ ከተወግዶ ዘይከኣልካ ድማ ከተምሓድሮ ስለ ዝከኣል። ፍልልያት ምምሕዳር ማለት፡ እቲ ቅኑዕ እቲ ናትካ ጥራይ ከም ዘይኮነ ተኣሚንካ፡ ንስኻ ዋላ ንዓኻ ቅኑዕ ኮይኑ ተዘይተሰመዓካ ነቶም ቅኑዕ ኢሎም ዝኣምንዎ ስለ እተኽብረሎም፡ እቶም ካለኦት ወገናት እውን ከምኡ ኣብቲ ናትካ ቅኑዕ ተመሳሳሊ መርገጽ ስለ ዝሕዙ እዩ።

እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ኣብ መእተዊ ዝጠቐሰ ኣበሃህላ ኣበው ከም ዘመልክቶ፡ ኣኼባ ዘይተወገነ ጉዳያት ዝውገነሉ፡ ነቲ ብተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ዝቐርብ ዝተፈላለየ መማረጽታት ኣቀራሪብካ ማእከላይ ዘሰማምዕ ናይ ሓባር ፖሊሲ እትቐርጸሉ እዩ። ኩልና ከም ዘይንስሕቶ፡ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ግጉይ ወይ ምሉእብምሉእ ቅኑዕ ዝበሃል ኣመራጺ ስለ ዘየለ፡ ካብቲ በብኩርናዑ ዝቐርብ መማረጽታት እቲ ቀቅንዑ ወሲድካ እዩ ናይ ሓባር ማእከላይ መሰማምዒ ፖሊሲ ዝቕረጽ። ኣብ ከምዚ መስርሕ ካብ ዝረአ ድኽመታት ሓደ፡ ንናትካ መማረጺ ምሉእብምሉእ ከም ቅቡል ወሲድካ ናይቲ ምሳኻ ዝላዘብ መወዳድርትኻ ኣካል መማረጺ ድማ ምሉእብምሉእ ግጉይ ኢልካ ክትነጽጎ ዝግበር ሃቐነ እዩ።

ሓደ ኣኼባ ክውደብ እንከሎ ክንጸሩ ካብ ዝግበኦም ብዙሓት ረቛሕታት፡ ቦታ ኣኼባ፡ ግዜ ኣኼባ፡ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባን ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ተዘሪብሉ ክዕወት ዝድለ ዛዕባን ቅድሚት ዝስርዑ እዮም። ናይዞም ረቛሒታት ምንጻር ናይቲ ኣኼባ ንምስራዕ ዘንቀደ ኣካል ሓላፍነት እዩ። እቲ ዘንቀደ ኣካል እዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ናይ ኣኼባ ረቛሕቲ ብዝምልከት ክውስን እንከሎ ዝርእዮ መለክዕታት ክህልዉዎ ባህርያዊ እዩ። እዚ ናቱ መምዘንታት ኣብ ዝተወሰነ ክፋሉ ምስ ግምታት ናይቶም ዝዕደሙ ተሳተፍቲ ዘይቃዶ ክኸውን ይኽእል። እንተኾነ እቶም ተዓደምቲ ምስ ኩሉ ትዕዝብቶም ንመደባት ናይቲ ዓዳሚ ክምእዘዝዎ ናይ ግድነት እዩ። ስለምታይ ንሓደ ጉዳይ ብናትካ ስምዒት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ብዓይኒ ናይቲ ሓላፍነት ዝወሰደ ኣካል ምርኣዩ ናይ ግድን ስለ ዝኾነ።

ኣብዚ ቅረባ እዋን ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ዝዝትይ ክልተ ኣኼባታት ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ጀርመንን ኣብ ናይሮቢ ኬንያን ተኻይዱ። ናይዚ ክልተ ኣኼባታት ኣጀንዳ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን መዋጸኦታቱን ዘትከለ ኮይኑ፡ ዓደምቱ፡ ተሳተፍቱ ኮነ ዝተኻየደሉ ቦታን ግዜን ግና በበይኑ እዩ። ብዛዕባዚ ኣኼባታት፡ ቅድሚ ምክያዱ ኮነ ድሕሪ ምግባኡ በቶም ኣብቲ መድረኽ ዝወዓሉ ኮነ በቶም ዘይወዓሉ ክዝረበሉ ውሁብ ነይሩ። ይዝረበሉ ድማ ኣሎ። ዋላ’ኳ ሓደ ኣካል ብዛዕባ ከምዚ ዝቐነየ ኣኼባታት ክዛረብ እንከሎ ነየናይ ሸነኹ መዚዙ የጉልሕ ናቱ ምርጫ እንተኾነ፡ ከም ሓፈሻዊ ኣረዳደኣ ኣብቲ ተክኒካዊ ሸነኻት ዘይኮነስ ኣብቲ መሰረታዊ ዛዕባ ዝያዳ ኣድህቦ ክግበር ኢኻ እትጽበ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ ዝቐነየ ኣኼባ እቲ ኣጀንዳን ውጽኢቱን ክሳብ ክንደይ ምስቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ፍታሕ ዘድልዮ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ጸገም ይዛመድን ኣይዛመድን እዩ ክዝረበሉ ዝግበኦ ነይሩ ንምባል ዝኣክል እዩ።

ንቦታ ኣኼባ ንቕድሚት ኣምጺእካ፡ “ስለምንታይ ኣብ ፍራንክፈርትን ናይሮብን ተኻይዱ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ኣዋዲድካ ኣብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታት ክካየድ ኣይነበሮን ናብ ዝብል መደምደምታ ንክትበጽሕ ሰፋሕቲ ቀልብኻ ዘይስሕቡ ተንታናት ምቕራብ ኣይመድለየን። ነዞም ከምኡ ዝብሉ ወገናት “ስለምንታከ እቲ ኣኼባታት ኣብቲ ውደብቱ ዝመረጽዎ ቦታታት ዘይካየድ?” ኢልካ ክትሓቶም እንከለኻ ምላሾም እንታይ መኾነ እንድዒ። ምኽንያት ተባሂሉ ዝጥቀስን ምቕባሉ ዘጸግምን ነጥብታት ኣሎ። ንኣብነት ምስ ጸጥታዊ ኣተኣማንነት ናይሮቢ ከተተሓሕዞ ምፍታን። ገለ ካብቶም ከምኡ ዝብሉ ወገናት ካብ ተራ ኣባላት ክሳብ ዝለዓሉ ኣባላት መሪሕነታቶም ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝዕንድረሉ ሱዳን ዘለዉዎም ምዃኖም ክትዕዘብ እንከለኻ እቲ ምኽንያት መሸፈኒ እምበር እቲ ቀንዲ ንሱ ከም ዘይኮነ ምርዳእ ኣየጸግምን እዩ።

ብሓፈሻ ኣብቲ ነዊሕ ኤርትራዊ መስርሕ ፖለቲካ ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ኣብ ብዙሕ ከባቢታት እዩ ተዘትይሉ። ኣብ ኣሜሪካ፡ ኣብ ኤውሮጳ፡ ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ዝተፈላለየ ኩርነዓት ኣፍሪቃን። ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ሒደት ዓመታት፡ ኣዲስ ኣበባ፡ ደብረዘይቲ፡ ኣቃቂ፡ ኣዋሳ፡ መቐለ፡ ጐንደር፡ ዓዲ ግራትን ሽረን ደረጃታቶም ዝተፈላለየ ኮይኑ ኤርትራዊ ጉዳይ ክዝተየሎም ዝጸንሑ ቦታት እዮም። ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝጸነሐ፡ ዘሎን ንመጻኢ ዝህሉን እስትራተጅያዊ ዝምድናን ምጽልላውን ክሳብ ክንደይ ዓሚቕ ምዃኑ ሓደ ንሓደ ዘይምህሮ ኩልና ንፈልጦ እዩ። እዚ ከም ዘለዎ እንከሎ ኣብ ፍራንክፈርትን ናይሮብን ንኤርትራዊ ጉዳይ ዝምልከት ኣኼባታት ምክያዱ ንተደላይነት ኢትዮጵያ ከም ቀንዲ መቃለሲ ቦታን ንኣበርክቶ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ጉዳይ ኣተሓሕዛ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ምትሕግጋዝ ምስ ውድባት ኤርትራን ይፍሕቆ እዩ ዝብል ኣረዳድኣ እንተልዩ፡ ቅኑዕ እዩ ዝብል እምነት የብልናን። ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ሓደ ካብ መራሕቲ ናይቲ ሃገራዊ ምምኽኻራዊ ኮንፈረንስ ናይሮቢ ዝወደበ መድረኽ፡ “ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብዙሕ ንህልዊ ሽግር ኤርትራ ዝምልከት ኣኼባታት ኣካይዱ’ዩ። እዚ ድማ ኢትዮጵያ ንቃልስና ዘለዋ ደገፍ ዘርኢ እዩ። ሕጂ ኣብ ናይሮቢ ኣኼባ ምግባርና ድማ ካልእ ደጋፊት ሃገር ምርካብና ዘርኢ እዩ” ዝበልዎ ግምት ዘይወሃቦ ኣይኮነን። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ከም ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሱዳንን ጅቡትን ብመሬት ኣብ ዘይትዳወበና ሃገር ኬንያ ምእካብና ኣይዕውትን እዩ ብዝብል ዝቐረብ ርኢቶ ኣዝዩ ስንኩፍ እዩ።

ብርኢቶና “እቶት ኣይካብ ቦታን ካብ ባይቶ” ከም ዝበሃል፡ ጉዳይና ክንፈትሕ ናይ ምኽኣልን ዘይምኽእል ምስጢር፡ ኣብ ኣደራሻት ፍራንክፈርት፡ ናይሮቢ ወይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣይኮነን ዘሎ። እቲ ምስጢር ኣበየናይ ኣዳራሽ ንተኣከብ ካባና ኣብ ዘይፍለይ ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባና እዩ ዘሎ። ምናልባት ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ወጻኢ ስለ ዝተኣከብና ጥራይ ክንዕወት ኢና ዝብል ኣረዳደኣ ዘለዎም ወገናት እንተልዮም እውን ግጉይ እዩ። ስለዚ ብዛዕባቲ ክንሰማማዓሉ ዘይከኣልና ጉዳያት ክንሓስብ እንከሎና ኣብ ክንዲ ንንግዜን ቦታን ኣኼባ ወይ ብዝሒ ተሳተፍቲ ተሓታቲ እንገብር፡ ነቲ ድኽመት ናብ ውሽጥና መሊስና ብጽሞና ሓሲብና፡ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ክንገብር ተንተብዕ እዩ ዝሓይሽ። እዚ ኣኼባ እዚ ተዓዊቱዶ ኣይተዓወተን መዕቀኒኡ፡ እቲ ኣቐዲሙ በቲ ኣኼባ ዝሰረዐ ኣካል ዝተቐመጠ ሸቶ’ምብር በብስምዒትካ ብዝወሃብ ሚዛን ኣይኮነን።

ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ኮነ ናይሮቢ ዝተኣከቡ ኤርትራውያን ተሳተፍቲ ኣብቲ ጐተት ክብል ዝጸነሓ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ዝጸንሑ፡ ናይ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራን ናይ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራን ድሕረ-ባይታ ዘለዎም እምበር፡ ካብ ባኮ ዝወጹ ሓደስቲ ማይ ዘይጠዓሙ ፖለቲከኛታት ኣይኮኑን። እዞም ኣካላት ኣብቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ከምቲ ዝድለ ዘይተዓወተ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ክዋስኡ ዝጸንሑ ኣብ ኣውንታ ኮነ ኣሉታት ነናቶም ኣበርክቶ ዘለዎም እዮም። ምስ እዚ ኩሉ፡ ክሳብ ሎሚ ካብ ዘይተዓወቱ ንመጻኢ’ውን ኣይዕወቱን እዮም ዝብል ጽልሙት መደምደምታ ፈጺሙ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን። ምዕዋት ብሓጐጽገጽ ሓሊፍካ፡ ካብቲ ሓጐጽጎጽ እንዳተምሃርካ ዝብጻሕ እምበር ብኣቋራጭ ዝርከብ ህያብ ኣይኮነን።

ማእከልና ቦታ ኣኼባ ዘይኮነስ ኣብኡ ዝተበጽሐ ስምምዓት ገይርና ክንመዝን እንከለና፡ ካብ ምምኽኻራዊ ኣኼባ ናይሮቢ “ንሓድነትን ልዑላውነት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ምሕላው፤ ኵሎም ደለይቲ ለውጥን ዲሞክራስን ሓባራዊ ዕላማ ንኽህልዎን ምጽዓር፤ ንዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ብቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ምትካእ፤ህዱእን ሰላማውን ናይ ምስግጋር መድረኽ ክውን ንምግባር ዘድሊ ምድላዋት ምግባር፤ .. ወዘተ” ዝብሉ መሰማምዒ ነጥብታት ኢና ንረክብ። ውጽኢት ኣኼባ ፍራንክፈርት ክንድህስስ እንከለና ድማ “ኣብ ኤርትራ ደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ብዝምልከት ብሓባር ምስራሕ።ሰላምዊ መፍትሒ ንምርካብ ምቅላስ።ሕጋዊ መሰጋገሪ መስርሕን ግዝኣተ ሕግን ንምርግጋጽ ዝምልከት ዳህሳስ ምክያድ። መንግስትን ሃይማኖትን ምፍላይ፡ መንግስቲ ናይ ሃይማኖት ነጻነት ከም ዘረጋግጽ ምግባር። ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ኣብ ምርግጋጽ ልኡላውነትን መሬታዊ ሓድነትን ዘትከለ ዝምድና ምምዕባል። ዓረብን ትግርኛን ከም ወግዓዊ ናይ ስራሕ ቋንቋታት ምቕባልን፡ ናይ ኩሉ ቋንቋታት ኤርትራ ማዕርነት ምሕላውን። ብዝተሓተ ደረጃ ኣብ ዘይምእኩል ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓት ምስምማዕ። … ወዘተ” ዝብሉ ሓሳባት ንረክብ። ኣብዞም ነጥብታት እዚኣቶም ደጋፊ ድዩ ተጻራሪ ሓሳብ ምሃብ እንተኾይኑ ጸገም ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን። እንህቦ ሓሳብ ግና ዘዝተበጽሐ ስምምዕ ንድሕሪት ኣብ ምምላስ ዘይኮነስ ዝሓሸ ንምምዕዳው ዝዓለመ ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እቲ ንዘይሓላፍነታዊ ኣካይዳ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንምቅላዕ “ድሕረይ ዳንዴር ኣይብቆላ በለት ኣድጊ” ኢልና እንምስሎ፡ ከይምሰለና ከኣ ክንሓስብ ይግበኣና።