ሎሚ መን እዩ ኤርትራዊ ???
ኤርትርዊ መንነት ብምንታይ እዩ ዝረጋገጽ ???
ክቡራት ኤርትራውያን ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ደቂ እዛ ፍትውቲ ኤርትራ ፡
ደቂ ምድረ ባሕሪ !!! (ደቂ መሪዩስ ኤሪትሩዩስ !!! )
ቅድሚ ገለ መዓልታት ልክዕ ብዕለት 03 መጋቢት 2016 ኣብ ሓርነት ኦርግ ዕላዊ ልሳን ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ. ” ሃገራዊ መንነት እዩ ሓደ ህዝቢ ሓደ ልቢ ዘብል” ኣርእስቲ ተዋሂቡዝተጻሕፈምስ ኣንበብኩ ካብ ነዊሕ ጊዜ መልሲ ዘይረኸብኩሉን ኣብ ሓንጎለይ ድቃስ ዝኸላኣንን ዝርብጸንን ዝነበረ ብምትንካፉ፡ ሓያሎ ዝተፋላልዩ ሓሳባት ኣብ ሓንጎለይ ክውሕዙ ጀመሩ። ብፍላይ እዚ... ሓደ ልቢ ሓደ ህዝቢ ዝብል ኣባሃህላ መታለሊ ቢሂል ብህግደፍን ደገፍቱን ዝዝመር ብምኳኑ ፡ እታ ሓደ ልቢ ትብል ተጋራጫውትን ሓቂ ዝሰሓተትን ኣሰካፊት እያ ንዓይ ፡ግና ከኣ ብሃገራዊ መንነት እትብል ስለ እትጅምር ደጋጊመ ብምንባብ ክሓስብ ተገደድኩ። እዚ ጽሑፍ ናይ ሓርነት ኦርግ ብልክዕ ዘቀመጦ እንተሃልዩ ግርም ገይሩ ቅኑዕ ብናይ ዓለምና ኣቋቁማን ሕግን ዝተመርኮሰ ስለ ዝኾነ ትርጉም ሃገርን ሃገራዊ መንነት ከምዚ ዝኽተል ገይሩ ኣቅሪብዎ ይርከብ፡ “ኣብ ሓደ ውሱን ጂኦግራፊካዊ ክሊ ዝነብር ህዝቢ፡ መበቆሉ ብዘየገድስ ምሉእ እንታይነቱን መንነቱን በቲ ዝነብሮ መሬትን ዘለዎ ዶብን ኣረጋጊጹ ማለት ኢዩ። እዚ መንነት እዚ ዘይፈሓቚን ዘይልውጥን ኮይኑ ናይ ሓባር ሃገር ንዝውንን ህዝቢ መለለይኡ ማለት ኢዩ ”ይብል ኣነ እውን ተረድኦይን እምንቶይን ኮይኑ 100%ምስኡ ይሰማማዕ ። ቀጺሉ እውን ከምዚ ይብል “እዚ መንነት እዚ ንኹሉ ኣብታ ናይ ሓባር ሃገር ዝነብር ሕብረተሰብ፡ እቲ ዘለዎ ዝተፈላለየ ልምዲ፡ ባህልን እምነትን ትውልድን ዓቂቡ ተሓቛቚፉ፥ በታ ናይ ሓባር ረቛሒት ሃገር ኣቢሉ ሓደ ህዝቢ (ሓደ ልቢ)ምዃኑ እዩ ዝእምት። ከመይሲ ሃገር ዘይትከፋፈልን ዘይትቆራረስን ስለዝኾነት። እቲ መንነት ከኣ ክምኡ ዘይጎዛዘ ብምዃኑ ኢዩ እቲ ሓደ ልብን ሓደ ህዝብን ዘብል” ይብል እዚ ኣባሃህላን መግለጽን እውን ልክዕ ቅኑዕ ቅቡልን ዓለም ዝፈልጦ ሓቂ እዩ። ግርም እሞ ሓደ ሕያዋይ ሓታቲ ኣብ ናይ ሎሚ ኤርትራ ኣብዘን ዙርያ ሃለዋት 25 ዓመታት ተመርኲሱከ ኤርትራዊ መነንት ከመይ እዩ ??? መን እዩ ኤርትራዊ ኢሉ እንተሓተት መልሱ እንታይ እዩ ??? ኤርትራዊ ክትኸውን እንታይ ከተማልእ ኣሎኻ ??? ከምዚ እቲ ሓተታኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቀሶ ኣነ እውን ዝኣምነሉ ድዩ ወይስከምቲ ንዓይ ይኹን ንሓያሎ ኤርትራውያን ዘገርም ናብ ጸልማት መጻኢ ዝሕብርን ኣባሃህላ ናይ መራሒ መላኺ ስርዓት ግህደፍ ን3ይ ጊዜ ዓው ኢሉ ዝደጋገሞ ፡ በዘይካ ኣባል ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኣብዛ ሃገር ካልእ እምንቶ ዘሎዎ ሰብ ናብ ካልእ ፕላነት ይኺድ ዝበሎ እዩ ??? ኤርትርዊ ክትኸውን ኣባል ህዝባዊ ግንባር ክትኸውን ኣሎካ ይብለና ኣሎ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንታይ ትልምሽ ???
እዛ ንሱ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ዝብለና ዘሎ ብዕሊ ደኣ ኣየጠመቃን እምበር እታ ኣነ ዝፈጥራ ዘሎኹ ሃገር ናይ ህግደፍ(ህዝባዊ ግንባር) ኤርትራ ክብለና እዩ ዝዳሎ ዘሎ ። ድሮ ከይተረድኣና ንንቡራት ንሃገር ኤርትራ ዘቆማ ኣውራጃታትና ደምሲሱ ዞብ ደቡብ ማእከል ሰሜን ...ወዘተ ኢሉ ናብ 6ተ ደባሊቁ ቆራሪጽዋ ኣሎ። እሞ ከ ደኣ ንሕና ከም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንታይ ንገብር ኣሎና ??? ጉድ ናይ ህግደፍ ዘስደምም እዩ ገንዘብ ኤርትራ ስለምታይ ናቅፋ ኢሉ ብቦታ ዝጽዉዖ ??? ጠንቃምን ሰባብን ሕሉፍ ዊዲተኛ ህግደፍ ሕቡእ ሚስጢር ዘሎዎ ኮይኑ እምበር ደጀን ዕርዲ ዱፋዓት ኤርትራ ክንደይ መስተንክርን ጅግንነትን ዝተፈጸመሎም ንወትሩ ዘይርስዑ ክዝከሩ ዘሎዎም ቦታታት ኣሽሓት እንድዮም፡ ናቅፋ ፍሉይ ዘብላ እንታይ እዩ ??? ሓንቲ ማንም ዘይክሕዳ ባሕቲ መስከረም ኣብ ጎቦታት ኣዳል ንዓወት ተጋድሎና ዘበገሰት ቦታ እኳ ብቀረባ ኣላ። ብዝያዳ ዝያዳ እውን እቶም ማእለያ ዘይብሎም ጀጋኑ ተጋደልቲ ኤርትራውያን ካብ 1961 ክሳብ 1991 ደሞም ኣፍሲሶም ኣዕጽምቶምን ከስኪሶም ነጻ ዝውጽእዋ ሃገር ተረሲዕም ተካሒዶም ኣብ ክንደኦም ኣብ ርእሲ ከተማና ኣስመራ ሓወልቲ ጫማ (ሽዳ) ክገብር ከሎ ህግደፍ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህልዋት ተጋደልቲ ኤርትራውያንን እንታይ ትብሉ ??? ኦ ጅግና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንታይ ትብል ???
ጸሃየ ቀለታ ሽወደን
ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 13 02 2016 إذاعة صوت الحرية
Written by Radio Voice of Liberty SwedenFrom PFDJ's Anti-Humanity Crimes That Need to be Exposed Before it Gets Late
Written by an Interested EritreanI am writing this piece to expose something that continually perturbs my conscience; I have to speak it out now because no one knows when one passes away. I also earnestly call on those brothers and sisters who were with me in the incident to speak out. It is imperative that we find in our own separate ways how and to whom these crimes should be told. It is also timely to loudly speak and tell about it to our own people.
There is no need of talking here about my identity except informing that I was born in the 1960s and joined the the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) in the 1980s; presently, I live in the western world. Those of us who know many of the brutally inhumane and untold crimes committed and still being committed against our people by the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) are not few in number. Many of us also know some of the crimes PFDJ committed against non-Eritreans. The one I am narrating here below is one of those crimes.
It is to be remembered that in the 1990s, relations between the Sudan and Eritrea were bad. In 1996, before we attacked the Sudan, the leadership deployed us [Army Corps No. 271] in region of Nakfaand Karora passing this order: "the Sudan is a threat to our security by sheltering terrorism and Jihad; be at full alert; we will attack them". Our [commanders}, who previously said that Egypt, Ethiopia and Uganda were supportive of the action later on changed the message and said: "Those countries have changed their viewpoints, but we will continue what we have planned".
On this basis, a two-front heavy attack was opened on 27/03/1997 by our Army Corps 271 led by Abdu Remech and his deputy Wedi Keshi. One flank of the attack covered the area from the Sudanese Karora up to Merafit; and the other flank attacked Sudanese army positions from Denbobet up to Jelhandi in the Red Sea; the Sudanese army encampments at Karora, Habokhayt, Ayterbay, Adaret, Agit-Keseret, Agit-Merafit and up to Jelhandi were cleared. Only to justify that the attack was made by the Sudanese opposition fronts and not by the Eritrean army, there were insignificant number of fighters from the armed wings of John Gerang, Sadiq al Mahdi and of Dr. Abdul Aziz (Halfawi). Their presence was nominal.
After 4 days and in some places 5 days, all the Sudanese army positions were put under Eritrean army control. We stayed in all of them till June 1998 except that the Eritrean unit that was in Merafit retreated to Agig after only three days.
[But after 14 months] in June 1998, we retreated [back to Eritrea] when the Sudanese army attacked us in huge numbers. The small units of Sudanese opposition fighters also retreated with us. After our retreat, we occasionally fired heavy shells to the Sudanese army in addition to a few attacks by the air force.
When we opened the initial attack [on 27 March 1997], we were ordered not only to capture camps but also to kill soldiers [massively]. Two weeks after the start of the attack, our brigade leader Wedi Tekeste called a meeting and told us: "beside the Sudanese soldiers killed in the battles, we had taken 1,273 prisoners. However, we asked the Sudanese opposition organization, especially that of John Gerang, to take care of them, but they refused saying they had no capacity to do so. Therefore, we were afraid of outside knowledge and world condemnation [of our attack on the Sudan] and therefore we had no choice but to shoot all the prisoners". At this point, some members of our brigade started to protest against such action but they were intimidated and silenced. The Sudanese opposition fighters also did not show any reaction about the killing [of 1,273 Sudanese prisoners].
Other than this, it is known that [the Eritrean Army] Corps No. 381 had also launched an attack in the Kassala region during that time. However, they did not remain long in the positions they attacked. I am also not fully aware of what mistakes were committed in that zone. Those of you who were in the Kassala region attacks may tell what happened. But what was heard was that leaders of the Eritrean Army Corps 381 killed the Sudanese army officers captured in the battles by burning them inside a cottage using benzene. The other information I was made aware by knowledgeable persons was that 105 Tigre speaking Ben-Amer soldiers of the Sudanese army who fled from the Sudanese army refusing to fight against their brethren in the Eritrean army, were executed and collectively damped in two huge burial vaults. This crime aimed to hide the Eritrean army's action in the Sudan. Then, when will [the eye witnesses] tell the tales of innocent victims killed in front of their eyes? Why are we keeping silent instead of exposing the crimes we witnessed? I want to say the time has come for all of us to speak out and reveal all what we know so that a new dawn of justice can replace the ugly secrets of the past.
The crime I mentioned in relation to Army Corps 271 is one of the agonizing crimes against humanity committed by PFDJ. It has given me so many sleepless years. When I heard that the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea will give its final report about its findings on crimes committed against humanity, I decided to speak out and release it even to the general public. I know that those who were with me and know what I know are pained by the act as much as I am. It is thus time for me and my compatriots who witnessed these acts to come forward and show readiness to be first-hand witnesses. It is also hoped and recommended that the UN Commission of Inquiryinvestigates acts at the level of Wedi Tekeste [head of Army Corps 271] and upwards in the hierarchy [of PFDJ].
[Sincerely]
Your Eritrean brother, who hopes to see criminals facing justice in a better Eritrea
Eritrean who fled to UK wins award for helping other refugees
Written by Mark TranAward for Seada Fekadu comes as number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK plummets
Seada Fekadu’s world was turned upside down when her father was arrested for his work with the opposition in Eritrea. Photograph: Riffy Ahmed
A young Eritrean woman who fled to the UK after her father was arrested for his political activities in her home country will receive an award for helping and inspiring other migrants and refugees.
Her award comes as the number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK has plummeted after a change in Home Office advice on asylum requests from the repressive east African country.
At 16, Seada Fekadu’s world was turned upside down when her father was arrested for his work with the opposition in Eritrea. Fearing for her safety, an aunt paid for Fekadu to escape the capital, Asmara. Fekadu took a boat to neighbouring Djibouti, caught a plane to Paris and made her way to Calais, where she and others were smuggled in a lorry to London’s Waterloo.
“In Calais, they put you in a truck, you don’t have a choice. ‘You have to take this one,’ the agent said. I didn’t know where I was going. The truck dropped us near a police station, they found us a translator and after two hours, social services came,” she said.
In a sense she was one of the lucky ones. Fekadu arrived in Britain before the current migration crisis currently engulfing Europe. Getting to the UK in the back of the truck was relatively easy in 2011. Since then, Fekadu has built a new life. She is studying for her BTec – physics is her favourite subject – and has offers from four universities to study biomedical science.
“I want to become a doctor to help people, it’s about saving lives. I’ve wanted to be a doctor since I’ve been a child,” she said.
“Young Roots helped me gain confidence. Now it’s my turn to help others,” she said. “I’ve been in their situation so I can understand them and I’m happy to help. They are young, I am young, we are like friends.”
Fekadu, now a trustee at the charity, takes youngsters to museums, to play football, to swim and for trips outside London. In recognition of her work, Fekadu will receive an award recognising women with a migrant or refugee background who provide inspiring leadership.
“So much of our time is taken up with communicating negative stories, we wanted to show the hopeful and positive work being done,” said Laura Padoan from the UNHCR, the UN agency for refugees, a joint organiser of the Women on the Move awards with the Forum, a migrant group. The event is on Friday at the Royal Festival Hall.
“She certainly stood out for her maturity and resilience despite what she went through. It’s really remarkable,” said Padoan, one of the judges.
The timing of Fedaku’s flight from Eritrea was fortunate. The Home Office last March advised that people from the country were no longer at risk of persecution if they returned home. The updated advice said citizens who left without permission – many of them to escape its indefinite military service – would not face persecution if they returned.
Yet the researchers behind the report, which the Home Office cited heavily, publicly distanced themselves from the findings, claiming the report was unsubstantiated and distorted. In June, the UN issued a damning report which concluded that the Eritrean government’s systematic use of extrajudicial killing, torture, rape, indefinite national service and forced labour may amount to crimes against humanity.
The UNHCR estimates that 5,000 people leave Eritrea every month and Eritreans account for the largest group of people applying for asylum in the UK, with 3,729 applications in 2015, a 48% increase over 2014. Eritrea also had the highest number of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children last year at 694.
As a result of the Home Office advice, the proportion of initial decisions allowing Eritreans to stay plummeted to 48% in 2015 from 87% in the previous year. Meanwhile, the number of appeals from Eritreans soared from 172 in 2014 to 1,718 in 2015. Eighty percent of those Eritrean appeals determined in 2015 were allowed (which means refugee status for five years), an increase from 44% in the previous year.
Asked whether she misses Eritrea, Fedaku says: “Sometimes I miss my friends, but I don’t have much time to think about home, I have to study and the friends around me are like family, like home.”
ቃለመጠይቕ ምስ ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር ሓላፊት ቤ/ጽ ጉዳይ ደ/ኣንስትዮ ሰደህኤ ብምኽንያት 8 መጋቢት
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤሓርነት፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ክብደት ወጽዓ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከመይ ትገልጽዮ?
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር፡ ብመጀመርያ ብምኽንያት 8 መጋቢት ዓለምለኸ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ መግለጺ ንኽህብ ንዝተዋህበኒ ዕድል ልባዊ ምስጋናይ የቕርብ። ነዚ እተካይድዎ ዘለኩም ዘይሕለል ቃልሲ ድማ የሞግስ። ናብቲ ጉዳየይ ክኣቱ።
ወጽዓ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብዚ እዋን እዚ ካብ ኩሉ እዋን ዝኸበደን ዝመረረን እዩ ክበሃል ይከኣል። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ዘሎ ኩነታት ዝያዳ ንኣዴታት ስለዝሃሲ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ዘይተጸበዮ ከርፋሕ ሃለዋት እዩ ዝነበር ዘሎ። ኣብ ዓዱ ቀሲኑ ብሰላምን ብፍቕርን ክነብር እናደለየ፡ ብሰንኪ ባርባራዊ መግዛእቲ ህግዲፍ ክስደድ ይግደድ ኣሎ። ንኣብነት ባርነት ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት መሪርዎም መንእሰያት ኣብ ዝስደድሉ፡ ወለዲ እዮም ዝእሰሩን ዝሳቐዩን። ውሉዳ መውደቒኡ ዘይፈለጠት ኤርትራዊት ኣደ ሻቕሎት ከይኣኽላ፡ ካልኦት ደቃ ዛሕዚሓ ትእሰር ወይ ድማ ኣቦ እንተሎ ንሱ ይእሰር’ሞ፡ ንሳ ፈቐዶ ኣብያተ-ማእሰርት በዓል ቤታ ክትደሊ ከርተት ትብል። ምሉእ ናብራ ገዛ ድማ ሓላፍነቱ ናብኣ ይወድቕ። ነዚ ክትጸሮ ከኣ ዓቕሚ ይሓጽራ። ኣብ ሓደ ጊዜ ናይ ሰለስተ ዝተፈላለየ ሽግራት ግዳይ ትኸውን። መንእሰይ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ እንተኾነት ኣብ ሳዋ ክብራ ይድፈርን ትዕመጽን። ናብራ እንተገበረት ኣብ ልዕሊ በዓልቤታ ብዝወርድ ተጽዕኖ፡ ካብቲ ጸገም ኣይትድሕንን። በዓል ቤታ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት እዩ ዘሎ። እንተ ሃደመ ኣቦ ዘይብሎም ህጻናት ሒዛ ናይ ናብራኣ ጸገም ከይኣኽላ፡ ነቲ ካብ ኢድ መንግስቲ ዝጠፍኤ ሰብኣያ፡ ገንዘብ ክትከፍል ትግደድ። ምስዚ ኹሉ ደቃ ተዕንግለሉ ዓቕሚ እውን የብላን። ስለዚ ዝኽፈል ሲኢና ንሳ’ውን ከምቶም ወለዲ ትእሰር። ብዘይካ ቤት ማእሰርቲ፡ ኣብያተ-ሕክምና ወይ ኣብያተ-ትምህርቲ ምስራሕ ዘይፈልጥ ስርዓት ኣስምራ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ በይነን ኣብ ዝኾናሉ ጊዜ ሰሪሐን ደቀን ከየዕብያን እኹል ትምህርቲ ከይረኽባን ኣቛሪጹ ናብቲ መወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ባርነት የእትወን።
ስርዓት ኣስመራ ነተን ምእንቲ ናጽነት ተጋዲለን ዝመጻ ሓርበኛታት’ኳ ኣይኮነን። ሓርበኛታት ወዓሩ ተጋደልቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ህይወተን ከፊለን ኣካለን ጎዲለን ክነሰን፡ ጻምአን ገለን ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ክሳቀያ ከለዋ፡ ገለ ድማ ብድኽነት ከርተት ይብላን ይዋረዳን ኣለዋ። ሓሚመን ሕክምና የለን፣ ክራይ ገዛ ኣይርከብን እንተተረኽበ ከኣ ዋጋኡ ኣይከኣልን። እዛ ብዋጋ ሓርብኛታት ዝመጸት፡ ኣስቤዛ፣ እኽሊ፣ ማይን ኤለትሪክን ዘይብላ ሃገር፣ ንዜጋታታ ድቕድቅ ጸልማትን ናይ ስቅያት ደሴትን ኮይናተን ኣላ። ስለዚ እዛ ትምህርቲ፡ ምዕባለ፡ ብልጽግና፡ ሰላምን ፍቕርን ዝጎደላ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ንደቂ ኣንስቶዮ ዝያዳ ዝኸፈአት ሃገር እያ ክትበሃል ትኽእል።
ሓርነት፡ ነዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብመንጽር ምቅላሱ፡ ፖሊሲ ሰደህኤ ኣብ ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብኸመይ ይግለጽ?
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር ፡ ብመንጽር ናይዚ ዘሎ ኩነታት ክርአ እንተኾይኑ ንዓይ ፖሊሲ ሰ.ደ.ህ.ኤ ኣብ ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ መተካእታ ዘይብሉ እዩ። መሰል ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ይሕልው ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ማለት መምህር ሕብረትሰብ ማለት ምዃኑ ይኣምን። ምዕብልትን ብልጽግትን ኤርትራ ንምህናጽ ግደ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ዝለዓለ እጃም ከም ዘለዎ ዝርእን ብምሉእ ዓቕሙ ነዚ ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ጻዕርታት የካይድን። ኣብ ዝኾነ ጽፍሒ ሓላፍነት ድማ ቦታ ናይ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ሕልው ክኸውን፡ ናይ ትምህርትን ስራሕን ማዕረ ዕድል ዝህብ፡ ንማዕረ ስራሕ ማዕረ ደሞዝ ይኣምን። ኣብ ጊዜ ሕርስን ጥንስን ቦታ ስርሐን ዝተሓለወ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ደሞዘን እናተኽፍላ ኣብ ገዝኤን ምስ ውሉደን ክዕርፋ ዕድል ክወሃበን ይኣምን። ሰደህኤ ንደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮኡ ዘስፈሮ “ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ፍርቂ ኣካል ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኢየን። መሰለን ብሕጊ ተሓልዩ፡ ብግብሪ ኣብ ኵሉ ህይወት ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኤርትራ ማዕረ ተሳትፎ ከምዝህልወን ንምግባር፡ ሰዲህኤ ከይተሓለለ ክሰርሕ ኢዩ። ነዚ ክዉን ንምግባር፡ ኣንጻር ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ ዝውዕሉ ጐዳእቲ ባህልታት፡ ኣተሓሳስባታትን ልምድታትን፣ ከምኡ’ውን፡ ዓንቀፍቲ ፖለቲካዊ ማሕለኻታት ብሕጊ ንምውጋዱ ኣድላዪ ቃልሲ ክካይድ እዩ።” ዝብል ሓሳብ ይርከቦ። እዚ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ትሕቲ ዲክታተርነት ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብኣንጻሩ፡ ኣብ ስቓይን ቤት ማእሰትን ጥራይ እዩ ማዕርነተ ድቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝሕልው። ተቓሊሰን ነጻነት ዘውሓሳ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝነብረኦ ዘለዋ ሃለዋት ከኣ ነዚ እዩ ዘመልክት።
ሓርነት፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ካብ ዘሰክፉ ጉዳያት ሓደ ምዝሕታል ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲ’ዩ። እዚ ስለምንታይ ኣጋጢሙ?
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር ፡ ኣብዚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ተሳትፎአን ከምቲ ዝደለ ወይ ዝግባእ ኣይኮነን፡ እዚ ድማ ብዙሕ ምኽንያታት ኣሎዎ።
ቀዳማይ ንናጽነት ኣብ ዝተረብረ ቃልሲ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ሜዳ ብረት ዓጢቐን ብምቅላስ ህይወተን ዝኸፈላሉ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ታሪኸን ዝድምስሳ ዘልዋ ስለ ዝመስለንን እቲ ስርዓት ልቢ ገይሩ ባዕሉ ክዕረ ብተስፋ ስለዝጽበያን። ካልኣይ ኣብ ስደት ዘለዋ ኣደታት ነቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተኻየደ ቃልሲ ናይ ጉልበት ስራሕ ሰሪሐን ብኹሉ ዓቕመንን ክእለተንን ዘበርከታሉን ዕድመአን ብሙሉእ ዋጋ ዝኸፈላሉን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ዋንነት ይስምዐን እዩ። ስለዚ ነቲ ዝገበርኦ ጻዕርታት ስለዝዝክራ ንምቅዋሙ ኣይጭከነለንን። ሳልሳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንሓደ ዝኣመናሉ ዕላማ ጸኒዐን እየን ዝሕዝኦ። እሙናት እየን። ዋላ ነቲ ዝርኤኦ ጌጋ ከምቲ ደቀን ኣብ ጊዜ ቁልዕነት ንዝገብርዎ ጌጋታት ሸለል ኢለን ዝርእይኦ፡ ነዚ ናይ ሎሚ ጸገም’ውን ከምኡ ስለዝርእይኦ። “ኣደስ ትሓብእ’ሞ ሓበላ ዓይንስ ኣይትሓብእን” እኳ ዝበሃል እንተኾነን፡ ንሳተን ግና፡ ነቲ ስርዓት ኩሉ ኣበሳኡ እናረኣያ ከምዘይርኣያ ይኮነን ክሓብኣሉ ይፍትና። ነዚ ዘስዓቦ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ድማ ሸፋጢ ጭርሖ ኢሰይያስ ኣፈወርቂ እዩ። “ንሕና ንሱ፡ ንሱ ንሕና” ዝብል። ንስርዓት ምቅዋም ከም ንሃገር ምቅዋም ኮይኑ ስለ ዘረርአ። እዚ ድማ ንሱ ዝፈጠሮ ዘይኮነ ካብ ከምኡ ዓይነት መለኽቲ ዝተማህሮ እዩ።
እቲ ካልእ ጉዳይ ውልቃዊ ረብሓ እዩ። ኣብ ዓዲ ንዘሎ ከም ገዛ ዝኣመሰለ ንብረት ክትብል ንህግደፍ ምንሓፍ። ኣብ ዓዲ ዘለዉ ወለድን ቤተሰብን ክሳብ ብህይወት ዘለዉ ምእንቲ ተመላሊስካ ክትበጽሖም፡ ርኢኻ ከም ዘይረኣኻ ምዃንን ምጽቃን እውን ኣሎ። እዚ ግን ውሕስነት ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን። ብኢድ እዚ ስርዓት ሓደስቲ ገዛውቲ ክፈርስን ክዓኑን ናይ ዓሚ ታሪኽ እዩ። ሎሚ ዓመት ዘይድገመለኡ ምኽንያት’ውን የለን።
ሕማቕ ኣተሃላልዋ ደንበ ተቓውሞ እውን ኣብዚ ዓብይ ግደ ኣለዎ። ልዕሊ’ቲ ንስርዓት ኢሰይያስ ክቃወሙ ዘጥፍእዎ ሓይልን ግዜን ኣብ ሓድሕድ ጸለመ ዝጠፍእ ይበዝሕ። ካብኡ ዝኸፍአ ድማ እቲ ተቓውሞ ነቲ ስርዓት ጠንጢኖም ንዝመጹ ሃገራውያን ብግቡእ ዝሓቁፍ ዘይምዃኑ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ካልኦት ነቲ ስርዓት ራሕሪሖም ንክመጹ ዘተባብዕ ኣይኮነን። በዚ መሰረት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ’ውን ነንሓድሕድኩም ፍቕሪ ዘየብልኩምን ዘይትከባበሩን፡ ንዝመጸኩም ኣይትቕበሉን ስለዚ ተስፋ ንዘይብሉ እንታይ ኢልና ንመጸኩም ዝብል ዕግበት ኣለወን።
ሓርነት፡ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ካብዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ዝሕተላ ወጺአን ተሳትፎአን ኣብ ንቡር ቦታኡ ክምለስ እንታይ ክግበር ኣለዎ ትብሊ።
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር፡ እቲ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ቃልሲ ዝካየደሉ ዘሎ ሓቢርካ ናይ ምስራሕን ሕድሕድ ምክብባርን ጻዕሪ ክቕጽልን ክዓብን ኣለዎ። ናብ ቃልሲ ንዝመጽእ ሃገራዊ ድማ ሓንጐፋይ ኢልካ ምቕባልን ምሕብሓብን የድሊ። ንዓኻ ነጻ ዘውጸኣካ ዘየለ ክንሱ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓውካን ሓብትኻን ምፍራድ ቅኑዕ ኣይኮነን። ፍርዲ ንዝመጽእ ህዝባዊ ፍርዲ ሓዲግካ ሎሚ ንናይ ሓባር ረብሓ ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ የድሊ። ከምዚ ተዘይገርካ ግና እቲ ክፈርሃካ ዝግበኦ ይተባባዕ። ምሳኻ ክስለፍ ዝግበኦ ድማ ኣይኣምነካን እሞ ይፈርሓካ። ከይደኸምካን ከይሰልከኻን ድማ እቲ ዘይፈልጠካ ከም ዝፈልጠካ ምግባር። ንኹሉ ኣብ ቅድሚ ዝፈርድ ህዝቢ ዕላማኻ ብግቡእ ምልላይ። ፈሊጡካ ክነሱ እንተ ዘይሰዓበካ ውሳነኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ድሓን። ብግቡእ ከይፈለጠ ንኹልኻ ብሓደ ክፈርደካ ግና ቅኑዕ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ነቲ ዘሎካ ዕላማን ራእን ኣብ ህዝቢ ኣቕሪብካ ምልላይን ኣባኻ ከም ዝዓስል ምግባሩን ድማ ናይ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ተቓላሳይ ሓላፍነት እዩ።
ሓርነት ፡ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ተመሓላልፍዮ መልእኽቲ እንታይ ኣሎ?
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር ፡ ንኣብ ምሉእ ዓለም ዘለዋ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንኤርትራዊያን ኣደታትን ኣሓትን ዮሃና እንኳዕ ናብ ዓለምለኻዊ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ኣብጸሓና እብለን። ሎሚ ንመበል 106 ዓመት እነኽብሮ ዘሎና ዓለምለኻዊ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ነተን ምእንቲ ናጽነት ሃገርና ዝተዋደቓ፡ ዝተሰዋኣን ዝሰንከላን ጀጋኑ ሓርበኛታት፡ ብኽብሪ እንዝክረላ መዓልቲ እያ። በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ እተን ኣብ በረኻታት ሳሕራን ፈቀዶ ባሕርታትን ዝወደቓን ኣብ ስደትን ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርን ዝሳቐያ ዘለዋን ኣሓትና ብሓዘን እንዝክራላ መዓልቲ እያ። ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እነቕርቦ ናይ ቃልስን ጽንዓትን ጻውዒት ናብ ኣብ ምሉእ ዓለም ዘልዋ ኣሓት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እዩ። ሓርበኛታት ወዓሩ ኤርትራዊያን ሎሚ እውን ከም ትማሊ፡ ታሪኽ ጽንዓትክን ክድገም ከምቲ ኣብ መድረኽ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ንጸላኢ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ዝጸረግክነኦ፡ ሕጂ እውን ብዋጋ ህይወትክን ይጣላዕ ንዘሎ ዓማጺ ስርዓት ኢሰይያስ ንሓዋሩ ካብ ሱሩ ንክመሖ ግደኽን ዓብይ ምዃኑ ዘክራ። ታሪኽ ጅግንነትክን ከይቋረጽ ናብ ናኣሽቱ ኣሓትክንን ደቅኽንን ናይ ምትሕልላፍ ሓላፍነትክን ኣይትዘንግዓ። ብሰላምን ፍቕርን እትነብራላ ብልጽግትን ምዕብልትን ሃገር ክትህነጽ ድማ ካባኻትክን ዝድለ ዋጋ ክፈላ። እተን ኣብ ዝሓልፈ ታሪኽ ገደ ዘይነበረክን ድማ ሃየ ሎሚ ሓደራ ኣሰር ስውኣትን ሓርበኛታትን ተኸተላ። እብለን።
ሓርነት፡ ስለቲ ነዚ ታሪኻዊ መዓልቲ ብዝምልከት ዝሃብክዮ መብርሂ ብስም ኣንበብቲ ነመስግን
ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር፡ ኣነ እውን ነዚ መልእኽቲ ንከተሓላልፍ ንዝኸፈትኩምለይ ዕድል አመስገን።
ሓድነትና ዓወትና ምክብባርና ድማ ጽንዓትና!!!
ዝኽሪንመዓልቲደቂኣንስትዮ
ዘልኣለማዊዝኽርንክብርንንስውኣትና!!!
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
ጾታዊ ወጽዓ ደቂ ቅንስትዮ ኣዝዩ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓ መሪርወን ነዚ ወጽዓ ንምውጋድ ብወግዒ ተወዲበን ድምጸን ኣስሚዐን ቃልሲ ዝጀመራ ቅድሚ 106 ዓመታት ኣቢሉ ኣብ ኣሜሪካ ብዝተላዕለ መሰረታዊ ናይ መሰል ሕቶ ምዃኑ ታሪኽ ተጋድሎ ደቀኣንስትዮ ዓለም ይሕብር። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ናብዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ ደረጃ ዓለም ለኻዊ ዝኽሪ 8 መጋቢት ንምብጻሕ ኣብ ምውሳን ዝኽበረሉ ዕለት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብቲ “ሕቶ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እንታይ እዩ?” ዝብል ንምውሳን እውን ብኣዝዩ ብዙሕ ደረጃታትን ዝተሓላለኸ መስርሕን ክሓልፍ ጸኒሑ እዩ።
ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ድርብ ወጽዓ እዩ ዘለወን። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ጾታዊ ወጽዓ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ደማ ከም ኩሉ ዜጋ ዘጋጥመን ኩለመዳያዊ ወጽዓ። ቃልሰን እውን ከምኡ ድርብ እዩ። ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብምዃነን ዘጋጥመን ጾታዊ ወጽዓ ክህልወን እንከሎ፡ ከከም ናይቲ ዝነብራሉ ሃገር ቁጠባዊ ምዕባለ፡ ዝመሓደረሉ ስርዓትን ባህላዊ ተጽዕኖን ኣብ ገሊኡ ዝያዳ ዝመረረ ከም ዝኸውን ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ካብቲ ብቑጠባዊ ምዕባለን ብደሞክራሲያዊ ዕቤትን ኣብ ዝሓሸ ዝርከብ ዓለም፡ ኣብ ከም ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰላ ብቑጠባ ኮነ ብስርዓተ-ምሕደራ ኣብ ዝተሓተ ደረጃ ናይ ዝርከባ ሃገራት ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝኸበደ እዩ።
ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ናይቲ ዝተረፈ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ ኩለመዳይዊ ወጽዓ ኣብ ዘይተፈትሓሉ በይኑ ፍታሕ ዝረክብ ኣይኮነን። ደሞክራሲያዊ ምምሕዳርን ቁጠባዊ ዕቤትን ኣብ ዝበኾረሉ ኩነታት ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ በይኑ ተነጺሉ ክፍታሕ ዘይሕሰብ እዩ። ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓትን ቁጠባዊ ዕቤትን ውሑስ ኣብ ዝኾነሉ ስርዓት ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ናይ ምውጋዱ ዕድል ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓአን መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ክረክብ ከም ዝግበኦ ዝተረደአ ሕብረተሰብ ኣብ ዘይተፈጥረሉ መፍትሒ ዝረክብ ኣይኮነን። ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓአን ዝፍታሕ ነቲ ዝውጸዐን ተጻራሪ ጾታ ከም ጸላኢ ብምውሳድን ብምትህልላኽን ዘይኮነስ ናይቲ ወጽዓ ክብደት ተረዲኡ ናይቲ ፍታሕ ኣካል ከም ዝኸውን ብምግባር ክኸውን ይግበኦ።
ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ፍርቂ ህብረተሰብነተን ብተግባር ዘርኣያሉ ብዙሕ ተመኩሮታት ምግላጽ ዝከኣል ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ መዳይ ተመኩሮ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ቅድሚት ከም ዝስራዕ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። እዚ ተመኩሮ እዚ ኣብ ኩሉ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተንጸባረቐ ኮይኑ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብቲ መሪር ናይ 30 ዓመታት ብረታዊ ቃልስና ንናጽነት በሪኹ ተራእዩ’ዩ። ኣብዚ መሪር ቃልሲ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ጾታዊ ፍልዩነተን ተጽዕኖ ከይፈጠረለን፡ ማዕረ ኣሕዋተን ደቂ ተባዕትዮ፡ ኣብቲ ዝኸበደ ብልሒ ናይቲ ቃልሲ ወተሃድራዊ ግጥማት እውን ከይተረፈ መስተንክር ሰሪሐን እየን። ንናይ ካለኦት ውጹዓት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ’ውን ግዜ ዘይስዕሮ ኣብነት ኣውሪሰን።
ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከምቲ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ዝኸፈለኦ ዋጋ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ እሞ ኣብ ውሽጡ ከም ቀንዲ ዕማም ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝሓቖፈ፡ ዝተሓላለኸ ናይ ደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ቃልሲ እውን እጃመን ካብ ናይ ደቂ ተባዕትዮ ንላዕሊ እንተዘይኮይኑ ንታሕቲ ከም ዘይኮነ ክርደኣ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ነዚ ተረድኦ ዝምጥን ተሳተፎ ከም ዝጽበየን ኣብ ቦታኡ ዘሎ እዩ። ተሳትፎአን ኣብ ዝበኾረሉ ወይ ከምዚ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና ኣዝዩ ኣብ ዝዛሕተለሉ ወጽዓአን ክፍታሕ ከምዘይክእል ከዓ ክርደኣ ይግበአን። ኣሕዋተን ደቂ ተባዕትዮ እውን ብኩራት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ መሰረታዊ ጸገም ናይቲ ቃልሲ ገይሮም ክርድእዎ’ሞ ናይ ግድን ህጹጽ ፍታሕ ክረኽብሉ ይግበኦም።
ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ካብዚ ቃልሲ ዝርሕቃሉ ዘለዋ ምኽንያት፡ ምናልባት ናይቲ ዝሓለፈ ቃልሰን ጻማ እንታይ ከም ዝኾነ ስለ ዝረኣያ’ሞ ብኣኡ ስለ ዝሰከሓ ክኸውን ይኽእል ዝብል ግምት ኣሎ። ናይዚ መንቀሊኡ ናይ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጥልመት እንድዩ፡ እዚ ጥልመት ኣብኣተን ዝተደረተ ዘይኮነስ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣረኻኺብሉ ዘሎ ጉዳይ ምዃኑ ክርሰዓኦ ኣይግበአንን። እቲ ፍታሕ ከዓ ቃልሲ እምበር ስቕታን ካብ ቃልሲ ምርሓቕን ከም ዘይኮነ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ነዘኻኽረን። እንተ’ቲ ምረት ናይቲ ዘሕልፈኦ ዘለዋ መከራ ዘርዚርካ ዝውዳእ ስለ ዘይኮነ ብድብድቡ “ኣስካሕካሒ” ኢልናዮ ክንሓልፍ ይሓይሽ።
ሰደህኤ ብመሰረቱ ውን ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከም ሰልፊ ኮነ ከም ሃገር ኣዝዩ ፍሉይ ቆላሕታ ዘድልዮ ምዃኑ ስለ ዝርዳእ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮኡ “ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ፍርቂ ኣካል ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኢየን። መሰለን ብሕጊ ተሓልዩ፡ ብግብሪ ኣብ ኵሉ ህይወት ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኤርትራ ማዕረ ተሳትፎ ከም ዝህልወን ንምግባር፡ ሰዲህኤ ከይተሓለለ ክሰርሕ ኢዩ።” ብዝብል ኣስፊሩ ይርከብ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እውን እዚ ሰልፊ ንግደ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብዚ ቃልሲ ንምዕዛዝ ካብ ዘለዎ ድልውነት ብምንቃል ካብቲ 9 ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚኡ ሓደ ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝከታተል እዩ። እዚ ሰልፋዊ ቅርቡነት ኣብ ፍረ ክበጽሕ ግና ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወሳኒ ክነሱ ክሳብ ሕጂ በቲ ዝተሓተ ደረጃኡ እውን ኣዕጋቢ ዘይምዃኑ ናብ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዘመሓላልፎ መልእኽቲ ዕዙዝ እዩ።
ስለዚ ከምቲ ወለድና “ካብ ጉይይ ምውዓል ክሳድ ምሓዝ” ዝብልዎ፡ ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት ዓለም ለኸ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንዝከረሉ ዘለና፡ ብሓፈሻ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብፍላይ ድማ መንእሰያት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ሓርበኛታት ኣደታተን መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈላሉ፡ ግና ድማ ኣብቲ ዝድለ ምዕራፉ ዘይበጸሐ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምምላእ ክሳተፋ መጸዋዕታና ነቕርበለን።
ብዘይ ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝዕወት ቃልሲ የለን!
8 መጋቢት 2016
Eritrea Liberty Magazine Issue No. 37
Written by EPDP Information OfficeEritrea Liberty Magazine Issue No. 37
Written by EPDP Information Officeጻውዒት ንዓመታዊ ጉባኤ ኤርትራዊ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ጨንፈር ሽወደን
Written by ኣካያዲት ሽማግለ ኤርትራዊ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ጨንፈር ሽወደንናይ ኤርትራ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ጨንፈር ሃገረ ሽወደን ን4ይ ጊዜኡ ዓመታዊ ጉባኤኡ ንዕለት 02 ሚያዝያ 2016 ዓ.ም.ፈ. ኣብ ከተማ ስቶኮልም( Grusås gränd160 ) ከካይድ ምኻኑ ኣካያዲት ሽማገለ ትሕብር። እዚ ናይ ገበርቲ ሰናይ ዝኾነ ማሕበር ናብ ከተማ ከሰላ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ዉጉኣት ሓርነትን ብዝተፋላለዩ ምኽንያታት ኣካሎም ዝጎደሉ ኤርትራውያን ብግቡእ ዝሕግዝ ማሕበር እዩ።
እዚ ማሕበር እዚ ካብ ዝኾነ ፖሊቲካውን ሃይማኖታውን ዝምባሌ ነጻ ዝኾነ ሰብኣዊ ማሕበር ኮይኑ፡ ክሳብ ዝወግሕ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ርህሩህ ከይዝንግዕ ንጽዉዕ። ብዝመርጽኩሞ ኣገባብ ሓገዝኩም ክትልግሱ ንላቦ።
ፖስት ጂሮ 650565-5 እንሆ።
The Experience of National Dialogue for Democratic change in Eritrea
Written by Fesseha NairAny organization has three levels of action( strategic, management and operative levels) and two methods of steering control from below and control from the above( Decentralization) to advance the work spirit and commitment of all actors in the process of democratization. Here in this article I am not going to deal with organizational decentralization but our experience in conducting national dialogues at this time of transition from dictatorship to democracy.
Dialogue is a democratic method that enables us to find the true meaning or deeper understanding of our problems. By conducting dialogue we are able to know who we are and recognize where we are. It gives us the opportunity to interact in non-violent way when we face opposing issues. Dialogue encourages diversity of thinking and opinions than oppressing them. It facilitates the emergence of mutual understanding of the problems and search for common understanding. In practicing dialogue one should not take the precedence over his partners and common understanding should not come by exerting pressure on others. Dialogue is a tool used for solving problems, it can be between states, it can be between organizations and it can be between systems. It is listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in your circumstances. When dialogue is conducted with this knowledge then movement towards resolution has a real opportunity to take place.
Do we in the Eritrean Opposition for democratic change been practicing dialogue by deep understanding of dialogue or have we been practicing it in wrong way?
This article on dialogue is not the first by this writer to explain the meaning of practicing dialogue. Many have written on dialogue focusing on building partnership in the opposition camp for democratic change in Eritrea. The building of Eritrean National Alliance during the 1999 was the fruit of the dialogue between the political organizations, the next was the building of Eritrean National Alliance( ENA) then later was the dialogue between political organizations and civic societies that come after the Akaki conference and lastly the dialogue of Awasa that brought broad partnership under the name of Eritrean National Council For Democratic Change/ ENCDC. In all these attempts of dialogue we still have not learned practicing dialogue with responsible listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in the struggle from dictatorship to democracy, are we moving towards resolving the conflicts in a right way or just circulating in a circle of conflicts without no progress.
Dialogue is the main tool for bringing stakeholders together to discuss the opportunities and problems for democratic change in Eritrea and to develop strategies to address the issues that must be given priorities. I think we have been practicing dialogue without certain principles and beliefs that serve guide us towards the benefit of our people.
We need develop a conceptual framework for conducting a dialogue by examining the values and importance of dialogue and not as temporary and tactical method for oppressing others. The value of dialogue is it contributes strengthen democratic forces against dictatorship, helps to assess the movement for democratic change, enables identifying issues of priority and articulate the importance of partnership and helps get legitimacy and acceptance by the international community.
Dialogue is a tool for prevention of conflict but in our case ( Eritrean) practicing dialogue has been used as conflict creating. It has been practiced as a tool of confrontations and conflict. Dialogue is a tool for managing conflicts- helps us structure and set limits of political conflict and leads us to political consultation and joint action that can help us manage potential conflicts. Dialogue as a mechanism for resolving conflicts, we in the opposition failed to build institutions and procedures providing us framework to sustain peace settlements and prevent the recurrence of conflict ( See the experience of ENCDC)
The Eritrean opposition failed in practicing national dialogue for democratization inside itself and between itself. We need an academic analysis assessing the Eritrean Opposition practicing dialogue. The values of dialogue, dialogue as a tool of conflict management, dialogue framework and application of the framework.
I think the process of democratization inside the forces for democratic change cannot achieve without a true national dialogue guided by national principles including all stakeholders to own and be involved in the process. How do we foster this national dialogue must be the responsibility of all. I think time is ripe to reflect and say we have learned from our past failures let us come together and practice dialogue in a right way that can lead us towards building a democratic society in Eritrea after the fall of dictatorship.
Democracy is a process never ends after the fall of the dictatorship. It is a way of life respecting the rights and dignities of humanity. Democracy is inclusive, encompasses the state, civil society, public and private sector, all share joint and complementary responsibilities for its advancement. Inclusion and participation are two key dimensions of democratizations. This culture of inclusiveness and participatory approach constitutes the basis for a pluralistic partnership. Are we towards building a pluralistic partnership? Let us assess.
We need for a combined approach- combining the two levels of organization combining the steering and control from below and steering and control above.
Any organization had parts of bodies top and below and they have complementary responsibilities but not substitutes. We have learned a great deal from the ambitious ideas and strenuous efforts by the political and civic organizations regarding building a cooperative partnership but this have not been sustainable except splitting and creating every time new organizations based on patron-client relationships.
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ናይ ህይወት ነገር ኣይፍለጥን እሞ፡ ሓደ ኩሉ ጊዜ ናይ ሕልና ቅሳነት ዝኸልኣኒ ነገር ክነግር ደልየ እጽሕፍ ኣሎኹ። ኲልኹም እቶም ምሳይ ዝነበርኩም ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ምስክርነትኩም ክትህቡ ኣጥቢቐ እላቦን እሓትትን። እዚ ገበናት'ዚ ናብ መን ክበጽሕን ንመን ክንገርን ኣሎዎ ንዝብል ሕቶ በብመንገድና መልሲ ንርከበሉ። ንህዝብና ዓው ኢልና ምሕባሩ እውን ኣድላይነት ይህልዎ።
ብመንነተይ ንሕጂ ብዙሕ ክዛረብ ኣይክእልን። ኣብ 60ታት ተወሊደ። ኣብ 80ታት ኣብ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ተሰሊፈ። ሕጂ ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ዓለም ኣሎኹ። ህግደፍ ኣብ ርእሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነጊርካዮ ዘይውዳእ፣ ዘይሰብኣዊ፡ ኣስካሕካሒ ገበናት ከም ዝፈጸመን ይፍጽም ከም ዘሎን እንፈልጥ ውሑዳት ኣይኮናን። ኣብ ልዕሊ ካልኦት (ዘይኤርትራውያን) ዝገበሮ ገበናት ከም ዘሎ እንፈልጥ እውን ብዙሓት ኢና። እዚ ቀጺሉ ዝግለጽ ዘሎ ገበን ሓደ ካብኡ ነይሩ።
ኣብ ተስዓታት፡ ርክብ ሱዳንን ኤርትራን ሕማቕ ከም ዝነበረ ዝዝከር ኢዩ። ብ1996 ንሱዳን ቅድሚ ምጥቃዕና፡ መሪሕነት ህግደፍ ናብ ናቕፋን ቃሮራን ከባቢኡን ከግዕዘና እንከሎ፡ "ሱዳን ናይ ግብረ ሽበራን ጃሃድን መዕቆቢ ኮይኑ የስግኣና ስለዘሎ፡ ከነጥቅዖ ኢና፡ ኣብ ተጠንቀቕ ኩኑ" ዝብል ትእዛዝ ኣመሓላሊፉ። መሪሕነትና፡ ግብጽን ኡጋንዳን ኢትዮጵያን ምሳና ኣለዋ ክብል ቀንዩ፡ "እተን ሃገራት ርእይቶኤን ቀይረን፡ ንሓና ግን ዝሓሰብናዮ ክንቅጽሎ" ከም ዝበለ ተሓቢርና።
ካብዚ ብምንቃል፡ ብዕለት 27/03/1997 ኮር 271 ብዓብዱ ረመጭን ምክትሉ ወዲ ቀሽን ዝምራሕ፡ ካብ ቀሮራ ሱዳን ክሳብ መራፊት ብሓደ ወገን፡ በቲ ካልኣይ ድማ ካብ ደንቦቤት ክሳብ ጀልሃንዲ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝነበራ መደበራት ሱዳን ማለት ቃሮራ፡ ሃቦኻይት፡ ዓይተርባይ፡ ዓዳረት፡ ዓጊት ክሰረት፡ ዓጊት መራፊት፡ ጀልሃንድን ከቢድ መጥቃዕቲ ከም እነካይድ ኮነ። ንሽሙ ነይሮም ክበሃሉ፡ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት ተጋደልቲ ካብ ናይ ጆን ገራንግን ናይ ሰዲቕ-ኣልማህድን ናይ ዶክቶር ዓብደልዓዚዝን (ኣልሓልፋ) ዝበሃሉ ሸነኻት ተሓዊሶምና። ነይሮም ንማለት ጥራይ።
እቲ ውግእ ኣብ ገለ ቦታታት 4 መዓልቲ ኣብ ካልእ ከኣ 5 መዓልቲ ምስ ቀጸለ፡ እዘን ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስኩወን መደበራት ብምሉኤን ኣብ ትሕቲ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣትየን። ካብ መራፊት ድሕሪ 3 መዓልቲ ስሒብና ኣብ ዓጊግ ዓሪድና። ኣብተን ዝተረፋ መደበራት ግን ብዘይ ምቊራጽ ክሳብ ወርሒ 6/1998 ጸኒሕና።
ድሕሪ ወርሒ 6/98 ግን፡ ብዘይካቲ ሓሓሊፍካ እተገብረ ናይ ከበድቲ መሳርያን ናይ ነፈርትና ደብዳብን፡ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ብብዙሕ ሰራዊትን ኣጽዋርን ተሰንዩ መጥቃዕቲ ሰለዝገበረልና፡ ንኤርትራ ተመሊስና። እቶም ውሑዳት ሱዳናውያን ተቓወምቲ'ውን ምሳና ንኤርትራ ኣንሳሒቦም።
ኣብ ውሽጢ ሱዳን ውግእ ከነካይድ ከሎና፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ምጥቃዕ ጥራይ ከይኣክል፡ ንዝኾነ ወተሃደር ምርሻን ዝብል ትእዛዝ ተመሓላሊፉ። ኣብ ርእሲኡ፡ ድሕሪ'ቲ ብ27/03/1997 ዝጀመርናዮ መጥቃዕቲ ምዕዋቱ፡ ድሕሪ 2 ሰሙን ኣቢሉ መራሕ ብርጌድና ወዲ ተኸስተ ንብርጌድ ኣኪቡ፡ "ብዘይካ ኣብ ኩናት ዝሞቱ ኣባላት ሰራዊት ሱዳን፡ 1,273 (ሽሕን ክልተ ሚእትን ሰብዓን ሰለስተን) እሱራት ነይሮምና። ይኹን'ምበር ተቓወምቲ ሱዳን፡ ብፍላይ ናይ ጆን ገርንግ፡ ሓዝዎም እንተበልናዮም ዓቕሚ የብልናን ኢሎምና። ንሕና ድማ ብማሕበረሰብ ዓለም ከይንፍለጥን ከይንኹነንን፡ ብዘይካ ምርሻኖም ካልእ መተካእታ ስለዘይረኸብና፡ ረሺንናዮም" ኢሉ ይሕብረና። ካብ ኣባላት ሰራዊትና ገለ ተቓውሞ ናይቲ ተግባር ዘርኣዩ ነይሮም። ግን ታህዲድ ተገይሩሎም፡ ስቕ ኢሎም። ብወገን ተቓወምቲ ሱዳናውያን እውን ዝተራእየ ተቓውሞ ኣይነበረን።
ብተወሳኺ፡ ኮር 381 ብወገን ከሰላ ኣብቲ ጊዜ'ቲ መጥቃዕቲ ኣካይዱ ከም ዝነበረ ዝፍለጥ ኢዩ። ግን ከምቲ ናትና መደበራት ሰራዊት ሱዳን ተቖጻጾሮም ኣይቀነዩሉን። ኣብኡ እተገብረ ጌጋታት እንተነይሩ ኣነ ነቲ ዝርዝሩ ኣይፈልጦን። ብወገንግንባርከሰላዝነበርኩም' ሓበረታ ክህልወኩም ይኽእል። ግንከ ሕሉፍሓሊፉ ዝተማረኹ መኮንናት (ዙባጥ) በንዚን ከስኪሶም ኣብ ኣጉዶ ብሓዊ ዘቃጸልዎም ርኢና ዝብሉ ስለ ዝሰማዕኩ፣ ካብኡ ሓሊፉ'ውን ናይትግረ (በንዓምር) መበቆል ዘለዎምን ኤርትራ ኣይንወግእን ብምባል ካብ ሰራዊት ሱዳን ዝሃደሙ 105 መንእሰያት'ውን በጅምላ መታን ምስጢር ህግደፍ ከይቃላዕ ኣብ ክልተጋህሲ ከም ዝተረሸኑ እትፈልጡ ከም ዘሎኹም ይስማዕ ነይሩ። ብዘይ ገበን ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይንና ዝተረሸኑ ብዙሓት መንእሰያትዝርኣና ምዓስ ኢና ክንዛረበሉ? ...ካልእ ዝተገብረ ቆጺርካ ዘይውዳእ ነውሪ ተሸኪምካን ሓቢእካን ምኻድ ምእንቲ ምንታይ? ምእንቲ ፍትሒ ክነግስን ሓዲሽ መድረኽ ክእቶን፡ ክንዲ ተሸከምቲ ነውርን ሰተርቲ ገበንን እንኸውን፣ ጥዋፍ ብርሃን ሓቂን ምውላዕ ንቀዳደም ክብል እፈቱ።
እቲ ብሸነኽ ኮር 271 ዝጠቐስኩዎ ገበን ኣንጻር ሰብኣውነት ዝተፈጸመ ካብ ናይ ህግደፍ ኣስካሕካሒ ግፍዒታት ሓደ ኢዩ። ብወገነይ ድቃስ ዝኸልኣኒ ጉዳይ ኰይኑ ይነብር ኣሎ። ሕጂ ብሓልዮት ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቖመ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ብዛዕባ እተፈጸበ ጸረ-ሰብኣውነት ህግደፍ ናይ መወዳእታ ርእይትኡ ክህብ ምዃኑ ምስ ሰማዕኩ፡ እዚ እውን ከም ኣገዳሲ ሓበሬታ ይኸውን ብማለት ኣዝርግሖ ኣለኹ። ደጊመ ክብሎ ከኣ፡- ከማይ ነዚ ዝፈልጡ፡ ወይ ዝወዓልዎ ሕጂ ግን ዘሕምሞም ከም ዘለዉ ይርድኣኒ እዩ። ኣነን ኩልና እቶም እንፈልጥን ኣብ ቅድሚት ወጺእና፡ ዋላ’ውን ብዘይቅሉዕ መንገዲ: ምስክርነትና ክንህብ ቅሩባት ክንከውን ተስፋ እገብር። ብወገነይ፡ ድማ ቅሩብነተይ አረጋግጽ። ኣውራ ድማ መርማሪ ኮምሽን፡ ካብ ወዲ ተኸስተ ጀሚሩ ናብ ላዕሊ ዘብጽሖ መርመራታት ከካይድ እምሕጸን።
ሓደ መዓልቲ ገበነኛታት ክተሓዙ ሃገርና ድማ ክሓልፈላ ካብ ዝምነ
ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ሓውኹም
Khartoum (AFP) - Hassan al-Turabi, the Sudanese Islamist leader who died on Saturday, was an outspoken veteran politician who was in and out of jail over a career spanning some four decades.
The 84-year-old died of a heart attack, a medical source said.
A key figure in the regime of President Omar al-Bashir for a decade after his 1989 coup, Turabi later became one of its fiercest critics and led the opposition in urging a Tunisia-style uprising.
The authorities long accused him of having links with the most heavily armed of the rebel groups in the war-torn western region of Darfur -- the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM).
In May 2010, a month after Sudan's first competitive polls since 1986, Turabi was detained after denouncing the vote as fraudulent.
Bashir's former ally was the only Sudanese politician to support a warrant issued for the president's arrest by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide over the regime's conduct of the conflict in Darfur.
He was also arrested in January 2009 two days after he urged Bashir to surrender to the world court.
A year earlier, Turabi was arrested after an unprecedented assault on Khartoum by the JEM, which saw the Islamist rebels reach the capital's twin city of Omdurman, just across the Nile from the presidential palace, before being repulsed with heavy losses.
- Influential ideologue -
An ideologue with influence beyond Sudan's borders, Turabi was one of the driving forces behind the introduction of Islamic sharia law in Sudan in 1983, which sparked a devastating 22-year civil war with the mainly Christian, African south that cost an estimated two million lives.
Since the 2005 peace deal which led to full independence in July 2011 for South Sudan, Turabi repeatedly warned of the wider disintegration of the largest nation in Africa and the Arab world.
The Western-educated Turabi held a master's degree in law from London and a doctorate from the Sorbonne University in Paris.
He spoke English, French and German fluently as well as Arabic, and his language skills helped him gain access to foreign news media through which he issued repeated calls for an international Islamic revolution.
Born in the eastern town of Kassala in 1932 to moderately religious parents, Turabi had his first Koranic lessons from his grandfather, the head of a Sufi order of Muslim mystics.
Wooed by the Islamists after returning from his studies abroad, he became secretary of the Charter Front, a forerunner of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan.
Arrested three times in the 1970s under president Gaafar Nimeiri, he made up with the regime to became attorney general in 1979 and was a driving force behind Nimeiri's fateful decision to impose sharia in 1983.
- Senior statesman -
After the Nimeiri dictatorship fell in 1986, Turabi formed the National Islamic Front and ran unsuccessfully in presidential polls.
In 1989, he rallied behind Bashir, then an obscure military man who had just been promoted to general, to overthrow the democratically elected government of his brother-in-law, Sadeq al-Mahdi.
As senior statesman, he became what many considered to be the real power in a country that he directed towards rigorous Islamic practices.
Sudan became a welcoming refuge for militant Islamists, including for a time Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, resulting in the regime being accused of sponsoring terrorism and its subsequent blacklisting by governments from the United States to Egypt.
Under Turabi's influence, the regime used Islam as a rallying cry to recruit ideological shock troops for its war with southern rebels during the civil war.
But in 1999 Turabi spearheaded moves to limit Bashir's powers in the culmination of a protracted power struggle, prompting the president to dissolve parliament and declare a state of emergency.
The following year he opposed Bashir's bid for re-election and broke away from the president's National Congress Party to form his own Popular Congress Party in opposition.
In February 2001, Turabi was arrested along with many of his followers after his new party signed a memorandum of understanding with the southern rebels.
He was released from house arrest in October 2003 and detained again in March 2004 after an alleged military coup in Khartoum.
In March 2014, he and Bashir met officially for the first time in 14 years, as the government reached out to opponents after calls for reform.
Source=http://news.yahoo.com/sudans-turabi-veteran-islamist-opposition-leader-191226345.html
Eritrea releases Ethiopian hostages after Sudan’s mediation
Written by Tesfa-Alem TekleDjibouti says talks with Eritrea to depend on release of prisoners
Written by News GhanaDjibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh said on Tuesday that the release of Djiboutians held in Eritrea remain the first precondition for the restart of talks to resolve a territorial dispute between his country and Eritrea, an official source said.
“The resolution of the dispute between Eritrea and my country will depend on the release of Djiboutian
soldiers,” Guelleh said on Monday in Doha during his three-day visit to Qatar, the mediator in the dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti.
President of Djibouti, Isma?l Omar Guelleh,The president made the remarks during his meeting with Qatar Emir Tamin Bin Hamad Al Thani in Doha.
He reminded the Emir that the refusal by Eritrea to give information on the state of the imprisoned Djiboutian soldiers was a source of “unbearable pain for their families.”
The two men agreed on the “need to end the prevailing situation of no war and no peace between Djibouti and Eritrea.”
Guelleh used the opportunity to thank the Emir of Qatar for his tireless efforts in the mediation of the dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea.
In 2008, a territorial dispute caused a three-day armed conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea. Enditem
Source: Xinhua