Sesadu 1

ደገፍትን ወከልትን ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ፡ ብምኽንያት መበል 25 ናጽነት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ኣብ ከተማ ስቶክሆልም ኣብ ሶልና ሃለን ቀዳም ዕለት 14 ግንቦት 2016 ካብ ሰዓት12.00 ክሳብ ወጋሕታ ኣብ ዝግበር ዳንኬራ ፡ ንዝኸዱ ሓተቲ ዑቁባ ስደተኛታት፣ ካብዚ ስርዓት ነፍሶም ከድሕኑ ሃዲሞም ዑቁባ ሓቲቶም ክንሶም ፡ ተመሊሶም ኣብቲ ናይ ስደቶም ጠንቅን መውሃቢ ፍቓዶም ዝኾነ፣ እዚ ስር ዓትዚ  ንኣኻትኩም ግዳይ ናይ ሰብ ነጋዶን፣ ኣብ ምድረ በዳን፣ ባሕርን ዝሞቱ ኣሕዋትኩም፣ ኤርትራውያን ኣይኮኑን ኣፍሪቃውያን ኢዮም ኢሉ ዝጠለመ፣ክትሳተፉ ከሎኹም እንታይ ይስማዓኩም፣ ትማሊ- ትማሊ ዶ ኣይኮነን ኤርትራውያን ኣይኮንኩምን ዝበለኩም፣ሎምዶ ኤርትራውያን ምዃንኩም ዘኪሩ ዘይኮነስ ንፖሊቲካዊ ሃልኪ ክጥቀመልኩም ምዃኑ ጠፊእኩም ኣይኮነን፣እቲ ዋሕዚ ስደት ይቅጽል ኣሎ፣ ግንከ ተመሊስኩም ነቲ ጠንቂ ስደትኩም ዝኾነ ስር ዓት ኣብ ዝገብሮ ዳንከራ ምስታፍ ግን ንጉዳይኩም ከምስደተኛታት ተቀባልነት ከምዘይረክብ ዝገብር ምስክር ኢዩ፡፤

 

 እቲ ስርዓት ዘዳልዎ ፈስታ ክሳተፉ ከለዉ ንጉዳይ ፍቓዶም ዘይቅቡልን ኣብሓደጋ ዘእቱን ክኸውን ስለዝኽእል ፣ ኩነታት ብዝሒ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ሽወደን ነዚ ጉዳይ’ዚ ከጋድዶ’ውን ይኽእል’ዩ።

 

ከም ጽላል ስዊድናዊ ኤርትራዊ ኮሙኒቲ ኣብ ስቶክሆልም ነዚ ጉዳይ እዚ ብዝምልከት ምስ ማሕበር ጋዜጠኛታትን ማሕበራት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ከምዝዘተየሉ ከይሓበርና ክንሓልፍ ኣይንደልን።

 

ጋዜጠኛታትን ካልኦት በቲ ጉዳይ ዝግደሱን፡ ዝምልከቶም መንግስታዊ ኣካላትን ቆላሕታ ይገብሩሉ ስለዘለዉ ጉዳይኩምን መጻኢ ሂወትኩምን ከይበላሸወኩም ክልተ ግዜ ክትሓስቡሉ ኣጥቢቕና ንምሕጸን።

 

ንኽመጽእ ዝኽእል ጸገማትን ሓደጋታትን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ከምኡ እውን ምስቲ ሓደገኛ ዝኾነ ጉዕዞኹምን ዝወረደኩም ግፍዕን መከራን እናስተንተንኩም፣ 

ናብ ዘይተደልየ ሓደጋ ከይትወድቁ ክትሓስብሉ ብጥብቂ ነማሕጽን።

ምስ ሰላምታ!

 

ጽላል ስዊድናዊ -ኤርትራዊ ኮሙኒቲ ኣብ ከተማ ስቶክሆልም

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራውያን ኣዛራብቲ ካብ ዘለዉ ፖለቲካዊ ዛዕባታት ሓደ ዝምድና ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ምምሕዳር ህግደፍን ዝምልከት እዩ። ህግደፍ ኣብ ኤርትራ ውድድር ዓጊቱ “ከም ድላዩ” ይዕንድር ስለ ዘሎ፡ ነቲ ዝምድናኡ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ባህ ከም ዝበሎ ገይሩ እንተገለጾ ንግዜኡ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ዝጸንሕ የለን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ ከይሓነኸ “ንሱ ንሕና፡ ንሕና ከኣ ንሱ” እንዳበለ ዝሕጭጭ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግና ናይ ልቡ ከይዛረብ ልሳኑ ኣብ ዝተለጉመሉ መዋእል ስለ ዘሎ፡ ኣይኮነንዶ ከም ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክሕጭጭ እቲ ክዉን ሓቂ ናይ ምዝራብ ዕድል’ውን ኣይረኸበን።

ከምቲ ለባማት ዝብልዎ “ግዜ ሓያል ፈራዳይ እዩ።” ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እነሆ ድሕሪ 25 ናይ ናጽነት ዓመታት ኩሉ ናይ ህግደፍ መታለሊ ጉልባባት ተቐንጢጡ፡ ሓቀኛ ዝምድና ህግደፍን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ባዕሉ ክዛራብ ኣብ ዝኽእለሉ ደረጃ በጺሑ። እቲ ዝምድና ናይ ጨቋንን ተጨቋንን፡ ናይ ኣሳርን ተኣሳርን፡ ናይ ቀታልን ተቐታልን … ወዘተ ምዃኑ ኮለል ኢሉ ወጺኡ። ዝምድናኦም ድማ ከምቲ ህግደፍ ዝብሎ፡ ናይ  “ንሱ ንሕና፡ ንሕና ከኣ ንሱ” ዘይኮነስ ፊትንፊት ዝፋተጠጡ ኣካላት ምዃኖም ተነጺሩ።

እዞም ክልተ ኣካላት ህግደፍን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ተነጺሎም ዝነብሩ ኣካላት ዘይኮኑስ፡ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነናቶም ጽልዋን ቦታን ዘለዎም እዮም።  “መን ምስ መን?” ኢልና ክንሓትት እንከለና ኣብቲ ናይ መጀመርያ ናይ ናጽነት ዓመታት ብዙሕ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ደጋፊ ህግደፍ ነይሩ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ “ህግደፍ ዝሓዞ መንገዲ ከም መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ቅኑዕ ይረአ ነይሩ እዩ።  “ጉዕዞ ህግደፍ ናብ ጭቆናን ወጽዓን እምበር ናብ ራህዋን ደሞክራስን ዝመርሕ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ከሎ ጌና ንኹለፎ” ምባል ነውሪ ከም ዝነበረ ምንባሩ ከኣ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ሎሚ ግና ናይ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ በደል እንዳኹሉ ገዛ ማዕጾ ሰሰይሩ ስለ ዝኣተወ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምድጋፍ ነውሪ ኣብ ዝኾነሉ ደረጃ በጺሕና ኣለና። ኣብዚ ደረጃ ምብጻሕ ነቲ ኣብ መጻኢ ዝተርፈና ቃልሲ ኣብ ምዕዋት ኣገዳሲ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት እዩ። እዚ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ደረጃ እቲ ጉጅለ ፈትዩ ዝሃቦ ህያብ ዘይኮነ፡ ውጽኢት ናይቶም ሽዑ ውሑዳት ዝነበሩ ተቓወምቲ፡ ሕቡእ ባህርያት ህግደፍ ምስ ተቓለዐ ከም ዝበዝሑ ኣሚኖምን ኩሉ ክኢሎምን ናይ ዘካየድዎ ቃልስን ዝኸፈልዎ ዋጋን ውጽኢት እዩ። ስለዚ ሎሚ ኩነታት ተገልቢጡ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ብኣተሓሳስባ ተሳዒሮም፡ ቁጽሮም ውሒዱ ኣብ ዝሓፍርሉ  በጺሕና ኣለና።

እዚ ማለት ግና ዝርካቦም ደገፍቲ እቲ ጉጅለ ዘስምዕዎ ላሕታት ጸረ-ህዝቢ ድምጺ የለን ማለት ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ ህግደፍ እንዳሓደረ ዝብሎ ጠፊእዎ ኣብ ኢዶም ይሓውዮም ስለ ዘሎ፡ ደገፍቱ ዘስምዕዎ ድሚጺ ዘይርትዓውን ተኸታታልነት ዝጐደሎን እዩ። ኣብ ሓደ ኣጋጣሚ ሓደ ዝተማህረ ዝመስል ደጋፊ ህግደፍ ምስ ኤርትራውያን፡ ደለይቲ ፍትሕን ለውጥን ኣብ መጕተ ቀሪቡ፡ “ስለምንታይ እዩ ህግደፍ ስልጣን ንህዝቢ ዘየረክብ?” ተባሂሉ ምስ ተሓተተ፡ “ህግደፍ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ንሱ ስለ ዘምጸአ ይኣኸለኒ ክሳብ ዝብል ናይ ምግዛእ መሰል ኣለዎ” ክብል ዝሃቦ መልሲ፡ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ደገፍቲ ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣብ መንቀራቕሮ ኣትዮም ከም ዘለዉ ዘመልክት ኣብነት እዩ።

ንመግዛእቲ ህግደፍ ዝቃወሙ ኤርትራውያን ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝበዝሑ ምዃኖም ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት እዩ ኢልናዮ ኣለና። ሕጂ እቲ ቀንዲ ዕማምና ነዚ ብዝሒ ተቓውሞ፡ ናብ ዓይነታዊ ናይ ለውጢ ዓቕሚ ናይ ምምዕባሉ ከቢድ ዕማም ኣብ ቅድሜና ኣሎ። ነዚ ዕማምዚ ከቢድ ካብ ዝገብርዎ ምኽንያታት ሓደ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ቅድም ቀዳድም ነዚ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ናይ ሓይሊ ሚዛን ንምቕያር ዓዲ ዘይውዕል ምዃኑ እዩ። ድሮ’ኳ ነቶም ብሰንኩ ዓዶም ገዲፎም ዝተሰዱ መንእሰያት፡ እንደጋና ኣብ ዝኸድዎ እንዳሰዓበ  “ናይ ጣዕሳ ቀጥዒ ብዝብል” ብዝብል ቋንቁኛ መስረዖም ከቐይሮም ይፍትን ኣሎ። ከምቲ ትጽቢቱ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ እዚ መጻወድያኡ “ዋላ ሓደ ኣይሓዘሉን” ክንብል ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። ውሑዳት ደቂ ልቢ ገርሃ ኣይሰኣነን።

ንሕና ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ነዚ ህግደፍ ከም ሓድሽ ዝዝርገሖ ዘሎ ከፋፋሊ ናይ ምትላል መርበብ ከነምክኖ ይግበኣና። እዚ ተንኮሉ ዝመክን ኣብ ውሽጥና ባዕልና ብእነካይዶ ስራሕ ጥራይ እዩ። ካብ ናይ ህግደፍ ድኽመትን ውድቀትን ክንዕንገል ጥራይ ክንጽበ ኣይግበኣናን። ኣባና ክንሰርሖም ዝግበኣና ዕማማት ብዙሓት እዮም። ኣቲ ቀንዲ ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ ኢድና ዘሎ  ዝተበተነ ዓቕሚ ኣሕቢርና ኣንጻርቲ ጉጅለ ከነዋፍሮ ምኽኣል እዩ። እዚ ዕማምዚ ከቢድን ብምክእኣል፡ ምጽውዋን፡ በይንኻ ክትልውጥ ከምዘይትኽእል ብምእማንን ጥራይ እዩ ዝዕወት። እዚ ዕማምዚ ክትዛረቦ ቀሊል ይመስል። ኣብ ባይታ ክትትግብሮ ግና ከቢድን ክሳብ ሕጂ ሓሊኹ ሒዙና ዘሎን እዩ። ኣብዚ መስርሕ’ዚ ሓድሽን ነባርን፡ ጀብሃ ነበርን ሻዕብያ ነበርን፡ ተሪር ተቓዋማይን ልኡም ተቓዋማይን፡ እንዳተበሃሃልና ናይ ህግደፍ ሲሳይ ከይንኸውን ምጥንቃቕ ከድልየና እዩ። እንተ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዛዕባ ዝምድናኡ ምስቲ ጉጅለ ካብ ማንም ኣካል ከይተጸበየ ካብቲ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ በደላት ኣዳዕዲዑ ተረዲእዎ እዩ። ህግደፍ ደጊም ባዕሉ ኣብ ማእከል ኣስመራ ደቁ ረሽኑስ፡ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ዝምድና ብጐቦ ዓይኒ ካብ ምርእኣይ ሓሊፉ ፡“ንሱ ንሕና፡ ንሕና ከኣ ንሱ” ብዝብል ኣሽካዕላል ዝሕበኣሉ ዕድል ኣይህልዎን እዩ።

On Saturday May 7, 2016 the Bay Area Eritreans for Democratic Change (BAEDC) hosted a seminar in Oakland California that attracted many Eritreans. The essence of the seminar was to bring all Eritreans together to discuss and educate on topics that matter to all. This was a special tribute to Eritrea’s 25 years of Independence.

BAEDC Board invited speakers from all walks life of Eritreans, expertise on their respective field. The following were the topics and the presenters:

1.      Afar in Eritrea – by Ahmed Youssouf

Ahmed, an Afar activist, spoke in detail the essence of the Afar people’s struggle. He assured the audience that they are proud Eritreans but wanted to secure self governance and restoration of their culture. He completely rejected the notion of Ethiopian puppets when asked by an attendee. He said we don’t need to prove our identity. We are proud Eritreans and intend to play a pivotal role in development post PFDJ era.

2.      Information and Communication Technology – by Tewelde Stephanos

Technology guru in his own rights, Tewelde educated the audience in internet technology usage. He gave an insight on how the PFDJ junta uses technology in identifying threats. The audience stressed on the importance of training and in his caliber  to offer training sessions to the community. He assured them that he is ready to sacrifice his time.

3.      Eritrean Women’s Rights Issue – by Elsa Mesfun

A veteran fighter with Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and women’s rights activist, Elsa detailed her view on how to reverse course in Eritrea. Her view is to focus on women inside Eritrea for the gross oppression and abuse that has been heaped on them.

4.      Situation of Eritrean Refugees in Eastern Sudan – by Sabrina Jamil and Jamil Aman

Sabrina in her own right was the star of the day. This American born Eritrean young lady brought the audience in an emotional state with her Eastern Sudan trip story. Sabrina and her father Jamil travelled to Sudan to deliver donated medical supplies to Eritrean refugees. Her story was educational as well as sad to know the plight of our people. She is very committed to bring changes to the lives of those refugees. She is putting together a documentary film from her trip. She titled it “The Forgotten” and it will be released soon. The father/daughter team also shared with the audience their next plan to visit the Eritrean refugee camps in Ethiopia. With her charismatic and dynamic personality combined with broad coalition of like-minded youth, Sabrina could be instrumental in bringing a paradigm shift to the Eritrean journey for justice platform. 

5.      Mass Media and Millennium Goals – by Samuel N.

Samuel is a dynamic youth. He articulated the how print and digital media works and how PFDJ spin masters manipulate it to their own likings. When lies repeat themselves again and again, they create a perception.

6.      Eritrean Economy – by Sengal Woldetensae

The last presenter was Sengal, a brother of the veteran fighter Haile Woldetensae (aka Drue). Sengal, an economist by trade, knows his subject. He spoke about gross domestic product (GDP), growth, etc. in layman’s language. He articulated the gyration of GDP and growth due to gold mining. He also pointed out on how Eritrea is ranked amongst the poorest nations, but PFDJ keep painting it a rosy picture to deceive the people.

Three of the presenters (Ahmed, Elsa and Sengal) presented their topics remotely, via Skype. Audio visual was impeccable. After each presentation, ten minutes of questions and answers session was given. The audience were asking many questions proactively and the presenters gave them satisfying answers.

Overall, the conference was a half day event, but it was a gratifying event. The topics were very engaging and very interesting. The presenters were passionate about the topics they presented and kept the audience engaged. The mood was very inviting and very civil. This was a good way to celebrate Eritrean Independence. 

BAEDC board did a great job in putting the event together. They should be commended for a well planned conference. This conference should be used by all Eritreans justice seekers worldwide as a template.

 

uscirf 2016 annual report - EritreaThe US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), on its 2016 Annual Report, recommends Eritrea to remain designated as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for religious freedom violations.

By TesfaNews,

The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has released its 2016 Annual Report on religious freedom violations in over 30 countries and its Eritrea report was hardly flattering.

The report reveals that the Eritrean government continues to repress religious freedom for unregistered, and in some cases registered, religious communities, particularly Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians and Jehovah’s Witnesses.

It also accuses the government for dominating the internal affairs of the Orthodox Church, the country’s largest Christian denomination, and suppresses the religious activities of Muslims, especially those opposed to the government-appointed head of the Muslim community.

In light of these violations, USCIRF again recommends in 2016 that Eritrea be designated a “country of particular concern,” or CPC, under the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA).

Since 2004, USCIRF has recommended, and the State Department has designated, Eritrea as a CPC, most recently in July 2014.

U.S. Policy towards Eritrea

Relations between the United States and Eritrea remain poor. The U.S. government has long expressed concern about the Eritrean government’s human rights practices and support for Ethiopian, Somali, and other armed and rebel groups in the region.

 

The government of Eritrea expelled USAID in 2005, and U.S. programs in the country ended in fiscal year 2006. Eritrea receives no U.S. development, humanitarian, or security assistance. Since 2010, the government has refused to accredit a new U.S. ambassador to the country; in response the U.S. government revoked the credentials of the Eritrean ambassador to the United States.

U.S. government officials routinely raise religious freedom violations when speaking about human rights conditions in Eritrea.

The United States was a co-sponsor of a 2012 UN Human Rights Council resolution that successfully created the position of Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea.

In July 2014, the United States supported the creation of a UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea to investigate systematic violations of human rights, recommend how to improve conditions and ensure accountability, and raise awareness of the situation in the country.

In 2015, the U.S. government supported the continuation of the COIE’s mandate for one additional year to determine if the Eritrean government’s actions constitute crimes against humanity.

In September 2004, the State Department designated Eritrea a CPC. When re-designating Eritrea in September 2005 and January 2009, the State Department announced the denial of commercial export to Eritrea of defense articles and services covered by the Arms Export Control Act, with some items exempted.

The Eritrean government subsequently intensified its repression of unregistered religious groups with a series of arrests and detentions of clergy and ordinary members of the affected groups.

The State Department most recently re-designated Eritrea a CPC in July 2014, and continued the presidential action of the arms embargo, although since 2011 this has been under the auspices of UN Security Council resolution 1907 (See below).

U.S.-Eritrean relations also are heavily influenced, often adversely, by strong U.S. ties with Ethiopia. Gaining independence in 1993, Eritrea fought a costly border war with Ethiopia from 1998 to 2000. The United States, the United Nations, the European Union, and the now-defunct Organization of African Unity were formal witnesses to the 2000 accord ending that conflict.

However, Eritrean-Ethiopian relations remain tense due to Ethiopia’s refusal to permit demarcation of the boundary according to the Hague’s Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission’s 2002 decision.

The U.S. government views the commission’s decision as “final and binding” and expects both parties to comply.

 

U.S. policy toward Eritrea also is concentrated on U.S. concerns that the country’s activities in the region could destabilize the Horn of Africa. In December 2009, the United States joined a 13-member majority on the UN Security Council in adopting Resolution 1907, sanctioning Eritrea for supporting armed groups in Somalia and failing to withdraw its forces from the Eritrean-Djibouti border following clashes with Djibouti. The sanctions include an arms embargo, travel restrictions, and asset freezes on the Eritrean government’s political and military leaders, as well as other individuals designated by the Security Council’s Committee on Somalia Sanctions.

In April 2010, President Obama announced Executive Order 13536 blocking the property and property interests of several individuals for their financing of al-Shabaab in Somalia, including Yemane Ghebreab, presidential advisor and the former head of political affairs.

In December 2011, the United States voted in favor of UN Security Council Resolution 2023, which calls on UN member states to implement Resolution 1907’s sanctions and ensure that their dealings with Eritrea’s mining industry do not support activities that would destabilize the region.

In 2015, the U.S. government voted in the UN Security Council to retain an arms embargo on Eritrea and to renew for another year the mandate of its Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea.

USCIRF Recommendations

The U.S. government should press for immediate improvements to end religious freedom violations in Eritrea and raise concerns through bilateral and multilateral initiatives. In addition to recommending that the U.S. government should continue to designate Eritrea a CPC and maintaining the existing, ongoing arms embargo referenced in 22 CFR 126.1(a), USCIRF recommends that the U.S. government should:

• Continue to use bilateral and multilateral diplomatic channels to urge the government of Eritrea to:

> release unconditionally and immediately detainees held on account of their peaceful religious activities, including Orthodox Patriarch Antonios;

> end religious persecution of unregistered religious communities and register such groups; grant full citizenship rights to Jehovah’s Witnesses;

> provide for conscientious objection by law in compliance with international human rights standards; implement the Constitution of 1997;

> bring national laws and regulations, including registration requirements for religious communities, into compliance with international human rights standards;

> bring the conditions and treatment of prisoners in line with international standards;

> and extend an official invitation for unrestricted visits by the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, and the International Red Cross;

• Ensure, if development assistance is to be resumed, that it is directed to programs that contribute directly to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law;

• Intensify international efforts to resolve the current impasse between Eritrea and Ethiopia regarding implementation of the boundary demarcation as determined by the “final and binding” decision of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission that was established following the 1998-2000 war;

• Encourage unofficial dialogue with Eritrean authorities on religious freedom issues by promoting a visit by U.S. and international religious leaders, and expand the use of educational and cultural exchanges, such as the Fulbright Program, the International Visitor Program, and lectures by visiting American scholars and experts; and

• Work with other nations, especially those with mining interests in Eritrea and large Eritrean diaspora communities, to draw attention to religious freedom abuses in Eritrea and advocate for the unconditional and immediate release of detainees held on account of their peaceful religious activities, including Orthodox Patriarch Antonios.

Source=http://www.tesfanews.net/uscirf-2016-report-recommends-eritrea-designated-cpc/

ኣይኮነንዶ ብሩራዊ ኢዮበልዩ ዝኽሪ ናጽነት ኣብ ዝቀራርበሉ ግዜ፡ ኩሉ ሳዕ እንተኾነ እውን ብዛዕባ ክብሪ ናጽነትን ንምርግጋጹ ዝተፈጸመ ቅያታትን ምዝራብ ከምዘይምኖ ኩልና እንኣምኖ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እዚ ናጽነት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብክቡር ዋጋን ንዊሕን መሪርን ቃልስን ብሓባር ካብ ምንጋጋ መግዛእቲ ዝመንዘዖ’ሞ ደሓር ከኣ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም “ይግበኣካ እዩ” ኢሉ ወግዒ ዘልበሰሉ ስለ ዝኾነ። እንተኾነ ብዛዕባቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንናጽነት ዝኸፈሎ ዋጋን ዘርኣዮ ጽንዓትን ብውሽጥኻ ኣስተንቲንካ ትዝክርን ትፍሳህን’ሞ ሽዑንሽዑ ከኣ ናብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝባን ተተመለስካስ፡ ሻቕሎት ይወረካ “ናጽነትሲ መሊኡ ኣይተረጋገጸን” ዝብል መልእኽቲ ከኣ ንመንፈስካ ይዕብልሎ።

ናብቲ ንቡር ውነኻ ተመሊስካ ተሓሳብካዮ ከኣ ብሕልና ኮነ ብግብሪ ነቲ ጐላዕላዕ ዝብል ቆጽሊ ናጽነት ደጋጊምካ ተዳህሰስካዮስ ከቶ ፍረ ዘይትረኽበሉ። ድሕሪኡ እቲ በቲ ጽቡቕ ቆጽሊ ዝተፈሰሀ መንፈስካ፡ ፍረ ዘይምስትምቓሩ ይድወን። መጻኢ እንተማዕደኻ ድማ ኣብ ክንዲ ዝሓለፈ ጅግንነት ምጽብጻብ፡ “ፍሪኡ ኣብቲ ባይታኸ’ሞ እንታይ ኮነ?” ኢልካ ክትሓትትን መልሲ ክትረኽበሉን ትግደድ። ማዕከናት ዜና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝርካበን ኩሉ ግዜአን ጸንቂቐን ቦታን ዕለትን እንዳጠቐሳ ኣዝየን ንድሕሪት ተመሊሰን፡ ኣብቲ ነዊሕ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ካብ ዝተሰርሐ ጅግንነት ዝተወሰነ የስመዓን የርእያን ኣለዋ። እዚ ዋጋ ኤርትራውያን ጀጋኑ ስለ ዝኾነ ምስ ኩሉ ውስንነቱ ዝቃወሞ ኣካል ዘሎ ኣይመስለንን። እዋኑ ከኣ ስለ ዝኾነ።

እንተኾነ፡ ከምቲ ወለድና “ጉይይ ካብ ምውዓል፡ ክሳድ ምሓዝ” ዝብልዎ፡ ዜርካ ዜርካ፡ ዝዘርዘርካ ዘርዚርካ “ናይ መወዳእታ ውጽኢቱኸ ከመይ ኮነ?” ኢልካ ምሕታት ናይ ግድን እዩ። ጽቡቕ ኣጀማምራን ምዕሩግ መስርሕን፡ ብኣድማዒ ውጽኢት ተዘይተሰንዩ እቲ መስርሕ ምሉእ ኣይከውንን። እዚ ኣይኮነዶ ብኽንደይ መስገደልን ጥውይዋይ መንገድን ንዝሓለፈ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንማንም ዝስወሮ ኣይኮነን፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ምስ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብኣካል ናይ ምርኻብ ዕድል ዘይነበሮ ግዜ እሞ ንግደፎ፡ ኣብ እዘን ዝሓለፋ 25 ከም ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ መረርቲ ናይ ናጽነት ዓመታት ብመተዓሻሸዊ ተንኮላት ናይቲ ጉጅለ ፈሊሑስ ገሪሩ እዩ።

ኤርትራውያን ኣዴታት ህግደፍ ንቕድሚት ምርኣይ መምስ ሰኣነ፡ ንድሕሪት ተመሊሱ ፋይላት ገንጺሉ ጅግንነት ደቀን ከርእየን እንከሎ ክሳብ ሎሚ ንብዓተን ኣይዛረየን። ምስቲ ለዋህ ንብዓተን “ወዮ መስዋእቲ ደቅናስ ፍሪኡኸ ከመይ ኮነ? ኣኺሉና ድዩ ዓስብና ከምዚ ኮይኑ?” ኢለን ምሕታተን ናይ ግድን እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ ግና ነዚ ሕቶአን ንምምላስ ኣይግደስን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ሎምስ ዓቕሚ’ውን የብሉን። እዚ ሕቶዚ ክሳብ ዘይተመለሰ ከኣ ጉልበት ወሲኹ ንቕድሚት ክመጽእ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብወገኑ ነዚ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ’ዚ ዝምልስ ዓቕሚ ኮነ ባህሪ ከምዘየብሉ ስለ ዘይእመን፡ ካብ ምጉብዕባዕ ሓሊፉ ዝገብሮ የብሉን። “ናጽነትና ብሓርነት፡ ማዕርነት፡ ሰላምን ደሞክራስን ስለ ዘይተሰነየ ምሉእ ኣይኮነን። ምሉእ ንክኸውን ድማ እቲ ነዚ ዓንቂጹ ዘሎ ህግደፍ ክውገድ ኣለዎ” ንዝበሉ ወገናት ዝህቦ መልሲ ከኣ “ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዘይተዋሕጠሎም ወይ ምስ ጸላእቲ ኤርትራ ዝመሓዘዉ” ዝብል ቅጽል’ዩ ዘልግበሎም።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ነዚ መደናገሪ ምህዞኡ፡ ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኢርትራ ኣብ ሓያሎ ፖለቲካዊ ዕዳጋታት ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ’ውን ዋጋ ረኺብሉ ነይሩ እዩ። እንተኾነ ግዜ እንዳነወሐ፡ እቲ ሓቀኛ ባህሪ ናይዚ ጉጅለ ድማ እንዳተቐልዐ ምስ መጸ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ ኪኖ ናጽነት ኣብ ደሞክራሲ፡ ልምዓትን ሰላምን ከሰጉም ዘኽእል መሓውር ከም ዘየብሉ ተረጋጊጹ። ህግደፍ ግና “እዚስ ሰማዒ ስኢነሉ እየ” ኢሉ ከምጸኦ ዝኽእል ሓድሽ ባህሪ ስለ ዘየብሉ፡ ኣብ ናይ “ዋላ ትንፈር እምበር ጤል’ያ” ዓለም ይነብር ኣሎ። መበል 25 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ናጽነት’ውን በዚ ዝበለየ ኣቀራርባ ከኽብሮ’ዩ ዝዳሎ ዘሎ።

እምበኣር ኣካይዳ ህግደፍ ኣብ መዋእል ናጽነት ርኢናዮ ኣለና። ድሕሪ ሕጂ ካብኡ ንጽበዮ ሰናይ ከም ዘየለ ከኣ ኣፍና መሊእና ኣብ እንዛረበሉ ደረጃ በጺሕና ኢና። “ንሕና ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ምስ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራኸ እንታይ ይጽበየና ኣሎ?” እዚ ክንምልሶ ዝግበኣና ሕቶ እዩ። ደጊም ተስፋና ካብ ቃልስና እምበር ካብ ህግደፍ ንጽበዮ ናብ ራህዋ ዝመርሕ ለውጢ ከምዘየለ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ርግጸኛታት ክንከውን ይግበኣና። ንህግደፍ ደጋጊምካ ምርጋምን ንለውጢ ካብኡ ምጽባይን ኣኸቲሙ እዩ። ንሱ ካብዚ ዘለዎ ናብ ደሓን ዝወስድ መንገዲ የብሉን። ስለዚ ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተሰርሐ ጅግንነትን ዝተኸፍለ ክቡር ዋጋን ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ንህግደፍ ኣወጊድካ ነቲ ዝተረፈ ንምምላእ ከኣ ኣብዚ ዝኽሪ መበል 25 መዓልቲ ናጽነት ኮይና፡ ቃልስና ከነሕድስ ናይ ግድን ኮይኑ ቀሪቡ እነሆ።

عندما تأكد للشعب الارتري أنه لن ينال استقلاله بغير الكفاح قرر خوض نضاله في سبيل الاستقلال. ولتحقيق هذه الغاية كان لابد له من وسيلة فاعلة، ألا وهي التنظيم والتأطير، والتنظيم لا شك رابطة تربط المناضلين من أجل هدف واحد في إطار واحد يجعل مجهوداتهم أكثر فاعليةً وقوة، والتنظيم لا يتأتى كيفما اتفق بل له قوانينه الذاتية والموضوعية القائمة بذاتها، وعلي مدى هذه الفاعليةً والقوة يعتمد النجاح أو الفشل في إنجاز المهام المطلوب تحقيقها.

 

بغض النظر عن خلافات واقتتالات فرقاء الثورة الارترية الذين حملوا السلاح لتحقيق الاستقلال، إلا أنه كان لكل منهم إسهامه المقدر في تحقيق الهدف المشترك. ولأن التنظيمات الناشطة في حقل النضال التحرري من الشعب واليه مآلها، يعتبر الشعب صاحب النصر الكبير الذي تحقق. والشعب لم يكتف فقط بأن يكون مصدر الشباب وقود الثورة، بل كان له دور لا يقل عن دور حاملي السلاح في تزويد الثوار بالمقومات اللوجستية وتقديم جميع خدمات الاستخبارات وتولي الشؤون الصحية وتوفير كل ما يحتاجه الثوار في الجبهتين الخلفية والأمامية. ولذلك السبب لم يكن الشعب في نظر المحتل أيضاً بأقل ضرراً بالنسبة له من حاملي السلاح، فنال منه الشعب بدوره نصيباً كبيراً من الفتك والتنكيل أفراداً وجماعات.  

 

لكل تنظيم لا شك دوره المميز في التوعية والاستنهاض وما يجب أن تكون عليه طرق الاستقطاب، إلا أنه ومهما كان تميز التنظيم فهو ليس فوق العامل الشعبي، إذ العلاقة بين التنظيم والشعب كالعلاقة بين البحر والسمك، فالتنظيم يستمد قواه من الشعب، إن تعامل أي تنظيم مع جدلية دور الشعب بالثورة أمر من الأهمية بمكان يؤهله لأن يكون موضع دراسة المختصين في التاريخ والسياسة والاجتماع. لكن ما حدث لهذا الشعب بعد بزوغ فجر الاستقلال من إهمال وتجاهل وسوء معاملة وقلة تقدير قد يعبر بعض الشيء عن نظرة التنظيمات حول دور وأهمية الشعب كمصدر أساسي لوقود الثورة.

 

كلٌّ منا كان يرى بطريقته الخاصة أن شعب الريف صانع للاستقلال وشعب المدن الذي صنع البطولات والمعجزات في مساعدة واحتضان الثورة كمستلم للثورة مثلها مثل أي تحفة فاخرة تعطى له. ما يزال البعض يحمل النظرة الدونية لدور العناصر المدنية في الثورة ويميز بين المدني وحامل السلاح. قد يحق لحامل السلاح تقلد الأوسمة والنياشين ونيل الترقيات المختلفة لدوره المتميز في صنع الاستقلال، علي أن لا يكون ذلك مطيةً للافتئات علي حقوق وأدوار الشعب الأساسية، أما التعالي علي الشعب والتنكر لدوره فهو أمر ليس بأقل من جريمة تاريخية ترتكب بحق الشعب حامي حمى الثورة. لذلك لن يستبعد أن يكون الاستخفاف الحالي بدور الشعب نابعاً من روح التعالي هذه.

 

إنه وإن كان الشعب لم يستمتع بعد بثمار استقلاله فهو سيد المحتفلين بذكرى اليوبيل الفضي للاستقلال دون أن ينتظر من حكومة الهقدف قص شريط احتفاله بهذه المناسبة التي هي من صميم صنعه. إننا يجب أن لا نحاول تبخيس ملحمة وقيمة الاستقلال ظناً منا بأننا نلحق ضرراً بالهقدف، إن الاستقلال ثمرة عظيمة من ثمار نضال الشعب وليس هدية أو منحة من أيٍّ كان، وإن سرقت أو اختطفت ثمرته اليوم فهي لا محالة عائدة الي صاحبها الشعب طال الزمن أم قصر. إن ذكرى الاستقلال ليست باليوم السار للهقدف والحزين للشعب الارتري، إنها فرحة الشعب لا غيره، بالطبع قد يختلف الاحتفال وأغراضه بين الشعب والنظام، فالهقدف يغني في هذا الاحتفال علي ليلى الرخاء الاقتصادي والأمني المفقود في الواقع، بينما يغرد الشعب بأسره في أسره مردداً أنه سوف يناضل بلا هوادة لاسترداد حقه بالتمتع بثمرة استقلاله. لذلك علي الشعب أن لا يرى الاستقلال هبة من الهقدف أو غيره وإنما ثمرة عطائه الثر ونضاله الجسور.     

الارتريون يعلمون أن نضالهم كان ولا يزال طويلاً مزدوج الأهداف، ذلك أنه فضلاً عن المؤرخين وما كتبوه حوله فقد عاش الشعب الارتري تاريخه بنفسه وصنعه عبر تضحياته وبطولاته، وخلال هذه المسيرة النضالية الطويلة دفع الارتريون أغلى التضحيات من أجل وطنهم وحريتهم، ولكل فردٍ منهم إسهامه النضالي المشهود وغير المنكور.

 

هدف النضال الارتري وإن كان يحتضن بين طياته الكثير من الأهداف الفرعية إلا أن أهم شقـَّـيه هما إقامة دولة مستقلة ذات سيادة، ونظام يحقق الديمقراطية، السلام ويصون جميع الحقوق والحريات، وهذان العاملان، حرية الأرض والإنسان، وجهان لعملة واحدة غير قابلين للانفصال، هدف نضالنا الأساسي بالطبع كان تشكيل دولة ارترية حرة ذات سيادة، لكن ذلك وحده ليس كافياً لاستكمال حرية البلاد أرضاً وشعباً. ولابد من مواصلة النضال لتحقيق ما تبقى من قيمنا وحرياتنا. علي أن نضالنا هذا من أجل استكمال حرياتنا يجب ألا يكون علي حساب ما حققناه من قيم وانتصارات وطنية، بل ليزيد قيمنا النضالية والاستقلالية جمالاً علي جمالها وصدقاً علي صدقها.

 

إن ما تحقق من استقلال قبل ربع قرن من الآن نصرٌ نضالي يهم كل الشعب الارتري وليس ملكاً خاصاً للحزب الحاكم (الهقدف)، ليس هناك من سبب يجعل الهقدف وصياً علي الاستقلال ونحن الذين نناضل لاستكماله أعداء متنكرين له. إن افتخارنا وتشرُّفنا باستقلالنا إنما يعبر عن تقييمنا للثمن الغالي الذي دفعه شهداؤنا من أجل الاستقلال، إن التقليل من شأن تضحيات الشهداء إنما يعتبر ردة وتنكـُّــر بحق ما تحقق لنا من الاستقلال والسيادة الوطنية. ومن يتنكر للاستقلال لا يمكن أن يكون مؤهلاً لخوض النضال من أجل إزالة الغبن الواقع علينا جميعاً من الهقدف. إن من يستهين بالاستقلال بدلاً من أن يستند علي إرث حائط تضحيات الشهداء ويتخذه درعاً وسنداً يحاول تقويضه تماماً.

 

نسمع من حين لآخر من يردد أنه لا فائدة من تحرير الجغرافيا طالما ظل الانسان سيد الجغرافيا بلا حرية ولا سيادة، هل يعني ذلك أنهم لا يعترفون باستقلال ارتريا ويتمنون عودتها الي عهد ما قبل الاستقلال؟ ألا يدرك هؤلاء أن الحرية جزءٌ من الاستقلال ولا تنبت في أرضٍ محتلة؟ نحن من جانبنا لا نفصل بين الحرية والاستقلال، إنهما أمران لا يقوم أحدهما بغياب الآخر، وكلما توفر أحدهما وغاب الآخر فهناك نقصٌ فادح لا يستقيم مع وجود القائم منهما. ونضالنا هو الآخر لا يكتمل إلا إذا حافظ علي المكتسبات النضالية السابقة وسعى لاستكمال ما لم يتحقق منها.

 

إننا من صناع ذلك الاستقلال، لذلك ليس غريباً علينا أن نحتفل به ونحيي ذكرى يوبيله الفضي بالرغم مما يعكر صفوه وعلق به من أدران الدكتاتورية، كما لا ينتقص من قيمة احتفالنا به أننا ما زلنا نواصل النضال لاستكمال ما تبقى من قيمه. إن عدم احتفائنا بمناسبة الاستقلال الوطني لأمر يسرُّ عدو الشعب الهقدف ولا يحزنه، لأن ذلك يصب في صالح مشروعه بادعاء ملكيته الوطن والاستقلال وأن من حقه أن يفعل بهما ما شاء. الهقدف يتجهز هذه الأيام للاحتفال بذكرى اليوبيل الفضي للاستقلال، وعندما نقول نحن أيضاً سوف نحتفي به لا يعني هذا أن هناك ما يجمعنا بالهقدف، بل لأننا نحتفل بالمناسبة من منظور وطني تاريخي مختلف. إن الهقدف يستغل المناسبة في توفير عمر إضافي لسلطته ووضع المزيد من المساحيق علي وجهه إخفاءاً لتجاعيد الزمن علي وجه سلطته التي اهترأت وتكاد تتهاوى شلواً، شلواً. بينما نحن في المعارضة نحتفل بالمناسبة بغية كسب المزيد من القوة المادية والمعنوية التي تمكننا من إزالة واجتثاث النظام وإراحة البلاد والعباد منه. لذلك نحن والهقدف نقف من الاحتفال بالاستقلال علي طرفي نقيض، إذ كلٌّ منا يغني علي ليلاه. لذا فالاستقلال منا وإلينا ولا علاقة له بالهقدف، نحن وشهداؤنا من مهرنا الاستقلال دماءَنا وسنبني علي أكتافه نضالنا الجديد من أجل مستقبل جديد، ولن نجعل منه تاجاً نتوِّج به رأس الهقدف الأجرب.     

Invitation

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ዕለት 22 ጉንቦት 2016.     (22-05-2016)
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