Ghirmay Ghebreslassie |Photo: AP.
Tuesday, 15 November 2016 11:43
Eritreansk Afton
Written by Svensk Eritreansk Vänskap och Kultur Föreningen
Sunday, 13 November 2016 20:45
رئيس الحزب يلتقي بغوتمبرغ بالناشط السياسي والمجتمعي السويدي السيد/ توماس ماغنوسون
Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
في الثامن من أكتوبر 2016م عقد السيد/ منقستئاب أسمروم رئيس حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتريمحادثات بناءة مع السيد/ توماس ماغنوسون مسئول العلاقات الخارجية بفرع الحزب الديمقراطي الاشتراكي السويدي بمنطقة غوتمبيرغ والقيادي البارز بمركز غوتمبيرغ لدمج اللاجئين والمهاجرين بالمجتمع المحلي. حضر اللقاء الي جانب الرئيس السيد/ زهايي قلتا عضو اللجنة القيادية لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بإقليم أوربا ومدير راديو صوت الحرية بغوتمبيرغ.
رئيس الحزب افتتح اللقاء بإزجاء الشكر والعرفان للسيد/ ماغنوسون لدوره المشهود في إثراء مهرجان ارتريا لهذا العام ( 2016 ) بفرانكفورت ونيله أعلى درجات جذب وإعجاب الجمهور عند إعلانه التعهد بتعزيز التضامن مع نضالات الشعب الارتري من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي. السيد/ ماغنوسون الذي عمل لسنوات بجنيف رئيساً لمنظمة ( الحراك العالمي من أجل السلام )، هو الآن أحد الناشطين الذين أسسوا مؤخراً رابطة ( ارتريا في قلوبنا ) بغوتمبيرغ والمهتمة بإلقاء الضوء علي قيم وتقاليد الثقافة الشعبية الارترية.
أبرز نقاط اللقاء تركزت في الآتي:
1- الانتهاكات الفادحة والجماعية لحقوق الانسان في ارتريا.
2- القيام بكل ما يمكن عمله لمساعدة اللاجئين الارتريين بمعسكرات اللجوء السودانية والاثيوبية.
3- أوجه المساعدات التي يمكن تقديمها لتحسين موارد وأوضاع كلٍّ من مدرسة ود شريفي للاجئين الارتريين ومعسكر جرحى ومعاقي حرب التحرير الارترية بكسلا.
4- بحث إمكانية تقديم التدريب للناشطين المدنيين الارتريين في مختلف المجالات.
5- المزيد من تحسين العلاقات بين الحزب الديمقراطي الاشتراكي السويدي الحاكم وحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري.
6- تنظيم سمينارات وورش تثقيف بالسويد لرفع وعي الشعب السويدي بأوضاع الشعب الارتري وما يتعرض له من قمع علي يد النظام الحاكم في بلاده.
وفد الحزب مستفيداً من فرصة هذا اللقاء الدبلوماسي الهام اقترح اتخاذ المزيد من الخطوات نحو تطبيق القرارين المهمين للمؤتمر السابع والثلاثين للحزب الديمقراطي الاشتراكي السويدي المعقود بغوتمبيرغ قبل ثلاث سنوات والذَيْن وعد فيهما الحزب بالعمل علي مساعدة القوى الديمقراطية في رفع قدراتها علي إنهاء وإبطال دفع ضريبة ال2% غير القانونية وغيرها من الابتزازات المالية التي يمارسها نظام اسمرا علي الارتريين بالسويد وعموم المنافي الارترية.
Sunday, 13 November 2016 20:38
الحزب يناشد الأمم المتحدة وضع ارتريا في أجندتها ويذكر جمعيتها العامة بخيانتها إياها في الخمسينيات
Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
في مذكرة عاجلة الي اللجنة الثالثة للجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة بنيويورك قام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بتذكير الهيئة العالمية بعدم وجود سبب وجيه يقضي بمنع اللجنة الدولية المكلفة من الأمم المتحدة بتقصي أوضاع حقوق الانسان في ارتريا من تقديم تقريرها الشفوي الي الجمعية العامة متأسيةً بسابقتها لجنة تقصي حقوق الانسان في كوريا الشمالية.
في المذكرة المحررة في الرابع من أكتوبر 2016م والمعنونة الي فخامة الآنسة/ مارية إيمَّـا ميجيا رئيس اللجنة الثالثة تحت بند القضايا الإدارية المتعلقة بالقمة الواحدة والسبعين للجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة، في تلك المذكرة عبر حزبنا عن مرير الأسف وعميق الصدمة عندما علم بغياب التقرير من الأجندة الحالية التي من المتوقع أن تقدم فيها لجنة التحقيق تقاريرها الشفوية التي تتضمن ارتكاب جرائم ضد الانسانية في ارتريا خلال ربع القرن المنصرم.
وأضافت المذكرة أن هذا النداء المتواضع الذي ينتظر كريم نظرتكم وتحرككم الإيجابي المتعلق بالوضع في ارتريا إنما هو نداء جمهرة من الارتريين التواقين الي العدالة والذين ينتظرون في قلق بالغ للخطوة المناسبة من الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة تجاه قرارات وتوصيات مجلس الأمم المتحدة لحقوق الانسان وما أعقبها من التقديم الشفوي لتقرير لجنة تقصي الحقائق والتي سوف تظل أعمالها ناقصة ومعيبة ما لم تشنف بتقريرها آذان المجتمع الدولي ممثلاً في الجمعية العامة، تماماً كسابقتها وشبيهتها لجنة كوريا الشمالية".
وتضيف أيضاً "نسبةً لعلمكم التام بوضع حقوق الانسان في ارتريا سوف لن يكون في وسع هذه المذكرة المتواضعة أن تشرح الحالة المزعجة الفريدة للحقوق السياسية والانسانية السائدة في بلادنا" لكن حزبنا تحدوه الآمال العريضة بأن لا تذكره القمة الواحدة والسبعون للجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة ب"ما فعلته القمة الخامسة بقضية الشعب الارتري العادلة في ديسمبر 1950م"
إن حزبنا يخامره الخوف من أن لا تكون الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة تترَسَّــم خطى وزير خارجية امريكا جون فوستر دالاس الذي أعلن عقب الربط الظالم فدرالياً بين ارتريا واثيوبيا والذي تم تبنيه في ديسمبر 1950م "أن الشعب الارتري مظلوم في هذا القرار لأن مصالح استراتيجية لقوى أخرى اقتضت ذلك"
في الأثناء سوف ينظم الارتريون في امريكا الشمالية تظاهرة ضخمة بنيويورك في السابع والعشرين من اكتوبر 2016م بالتزامن مع اليوم الذي من المفترض أو المتوقع أن تقدم فيه لجنة تقصي أوضاع حقوق الانسان في ارتريا تقريرها الشفوي الي الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة.
Sunday, 13 November 2016 20:33
هل نخوض معركةً انتخابية في الهواء الطلق؟!
Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
نعيش عصر تقدم وسائط الاتصال الاجتماعي الي أقصى حد، فقد أتيحت للبشر، أفراداً وجماعات، فرص عديدة للإدلاء بآرائهم حول أية قضية. كما أصبح بإمكان الأحزاب والتنظيمات السياسية إيصال رسالتها الي المستهدفين بها بأيسر الطرق. من تلك الطرق والقنوات الالكترونية البريد الالكتروني "الإيميل"، الموقع علي الانترنت، إسكايب، فايبر، يوتيوب، تويتر، فيسبك، مسنجر ...الخ. لذا لم يعد النقاش والإدلاء بالرأي بما في ذلك التصويت علي الآراء يستدعي اللقاء الشخصي والحضور الجسدي للمتناقشين، وبعد هذا الانتشار الواسع لتلك الوسائل هناك قلق علي مضامين ما ينشر من أفكار وموضوعات أكثر من القلق والخوف من وسيلة النشر. يجب أن يجري تلاقح فكري جاد وتبادل للرأي عبر التصويت الحر والمباشر بين طارحي الأفكار ومتلقيها من النخبة أو الجمهور. لا نعني بالتصويت فرض رأي بعينه علي المتلقي بل لابد من فهم المتلقي للموضوع فهماً عميقاً.
الأحزاب والتنظيمات السياسية الارترية اليوم تستعمل تلك الوسائل في إيصال رسالتها السياسية الي أعضائها وسائر من تراهم مستهدفين ومعنيين بتلك الرؤى. إحدى أهم فوائد هذه الوسائل نشر وترسيخ مبدأ الشفافية. ومما لا يمكن تجاوزه في هذه الجزئية بالذات وجود تنظيمات تدعي أنها تنظيمات معارضة رغم عدم شفافيتها وغموضها في قضايا ومواقف عديدة. هل تمارس الأحزاب والتنظيمات السياسية الارترية المعارضة التصويت فيما بينها؟؟؟ من الطبيعي أن يتناول تنظيم أو حزب سياسي ما نقد الآخرين سلباً أو إيجاباً وأن يتلقى هو الآخر رأي الآخرين فيه، ولكي تصل الي خلاصة الرأي برفض أو قبول الرأي المطروح، عليك أن تتحلى بالحذر والوضوح في ذات الوقت. ليس من السهل علي نفس السياسي أن يصل الي حكمٍ قاطع علي السلوك أو الاتجاه السياسي لحزبٍ، تنظيمٍ، منظمةٍ ما. ذلك أن هكذا حكم يتطلب أدلة مادية يصعب دحضها، وما ذلك إلا لأن مستقبل علاقتك بمن حكمت عليه سوف يتأثر بذلك الحكم. خلاف ذلك يعتبر الأمر مجرد تهريج فارغ للمكايدة والاستهلاك.
في الوقت الراهن تدلي جميع تنظيمات المعارضة الارترية برأيها السياسي حول مستقبل البلاد بعد سقوط النظام الدكتاتوري الحاكم، والشعب الارتري بدوره سوف يحكم علي تلك التنظيمات بما أودعته في وثائقها من رؤى ويؤيدها أو يرفضها وفقاً لتلك الرؤى. والأمر ذاته يمكن تطبيقه علي التنظيمات حول رؤيتها لبرامج بعضها البعض. أما إلقاء القول علي عواهنه والتوزيع المجاني للتهم والنعوت علي التنظيمات فأمر لا يقود إلا الي خراب السلوك السياسي برمته.
كما أوضحنا آنفاً تحول عالم اليوم الي مسرح لتلاقي وتبادل الأفكار، والأخذ والرد فيما هو مطروح للنقاش، ومع ذلك نجد من هم ليسوا علي استعداد لتقبل الرأي الآخر أو حتى سماعه، وهذا سلوك ضار وخاطئ في عالم اليوم بالذات. وقديماً قال الأجداد: " أن تكون مستمعاً ذكياً خيرٌ من أن تكون متحدثاً ذكياً". البعض مستعد للإملاء علي الآخرين وغير مستعد للاستماع لهم. وهؤلاء لا شك سوف يحرمون حتى من الانتفاع مما هو إيجابي من آراء الآخرين. إنهم لا ينتبهون الي حقيقة أن مستمعهم ومن يملون عليه آراءهم لديه هو الآخر الرغبة في الاستماع اليه. ليس مقبولاً إلباس الآخرين ما ليس فيهم دون التأكد والتحقق من معلوماتك عنهم. والأنكى من ذلك أن تحكم علي الشخص في ذاته بتفسيرك الخاص لأفكاره ورأيك فيها. ومن أسوأ آثار مثل هذا السلوك الإضرار بقائل مثل تلك الآراء ومن ثم تجريده من الثقة بأقواله.
الظاهر من سلوك معظم تنظيمات المعارضة حتى الآن تضخيم حجم الاختلاف وتقليص مساحة الاتفاق، وهذا من مؤشرات عدم الثقة بالنفس، وللخروج من متاهة هذا السلوك المريض لابد لمن يتصدى للحكم علي الآخرين، فردا كان، تنظيماً أو جماعة أن يأتي بأدلة وبراهين موثقة علي ما يقول، سلباً أو إيجاباً، هناك اليوم أفكار متنوعة تطرح من مختلف الاتجاهات السياسية والمدنية من خلال مواقع الانترنيت والوسائط الالكترونية الأخرى، علينا أن نقرأها ونفهمها بإمعان ثم نحكم عليها بنزاهة وإنصاف. وهذه خطوتنا الأولى نحو اعتماد نهج التصويت الالكتروني في قراءة الأفكار والحكم عليها بالسلب والإيجاب.
ምርጫ ፕረሲደንት ኣመሪካ 2016 ካብ ዝሓለፉ ምርጫታት ዝተፈልየ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ፍሉይ ካብ ዝገብሮ ነጥብታት ድማ፡ ነዚ ዝስዕብ ክንጠቅስ ይከኣል።
1. ናይ ሎምዘበን ምርጫ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ኣብ ቍምነገር፡ ኣብ ጸርፊ፡ ቈይቊን ምጽልላምን ዘትኰረ ኢዩ ነይሩ፤
2. ናይ ሎምዘበን ውድድር፡ ኣብ መንጐ ፖለቲካ ዘይፈልጥ ሃብታም ውልቀ-ሰብን ኣብ መንጐ ምኩራት ዝዀኑ ፓለቲከኛታትን መራሕቲ ፓርትታትን ምክያዱ፤
3. ውጽኢት ምርጫ፡ ሰብ ዘይተጸበዮን ኣንጻር ኵሉ’ቲ ዝተገብረ መጽናዕታትን ድህሰሰታትን ግምታትን (public polls) ምዃኑ ንመላእ ዓለም ዘስደመመ ነይሩ፤
ፕረሲደንት ምሩጽ ዶናልድ ትራምፕ ክፍጽሞ ኢየ ኢሉ ካብ ዝጐስጐሰሎም ዕላማታት፡ ገለ ውሑዳት ንምጥቃስ ዝኣክል ድማ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ነበሩ።
1. ንመክሲካውያን ብፍላይ ንላቲኖ ድማ ብሓፈሻ ገበነኛታትን ዘይሕጋውያን ስደተኛታትን ገይሩ ብምግላጽ፡ ናብ ሃገሩ ከይኣትዉ ዝኽልክል መንደቕ ክሃንጽ ምዃኑ፤
2. “ኦባማከይር” ተባሂሉ ዝፍለጥ፡ ንድኽታታትን ትሑት ኣታዊ ንዘለዎም ዜጋታትን ዝውሃብ ሕክምናውን ትምህርታውን ዋሕስነት ደው ምባል፤
3. ንኣመሪካ ዘየርብሑ ዝበሎም ምስ ካልኦት ሃገራት ዝተገብሩ ንከባብያዊ ብከላ ንምቝጽጻር ዘኽእሉ ይኹኑ ንንግዲ ስግር ባሕሪ ዝምልከቱ ውዕላት ምፍራስ፤
4. ንሓርበኛታት ኣመሪካ ምሕጋዝን ምንክብኻብን፤
5. ኣስላም ናብ ኣመሪካ ከይኣትዉ ምኽልካል፥
6. ተኸልኪሉ ዝጸንሐ፡ ኣብ ማይ ብምጥሓል ንትንፋስ ዘሕጽር ናይ ምርመራ ኣገባብ ኣብ ግብሪ ምውዓል፤
7. ዜጋታት ኣመሪካ ነብሶም ንምክልኻል ብረት ክሕዙ ምድጋፍ። ናይ ኣእምሮ ሕማም ንዘለዎም ጥራሕ ብረት ከይሕዙ ምኽልካል፤
8. ናብ ኣመሪካ ዝኣቱ ናይ ወጻኢ ፍርያት፡ ክብ ዝበለ ቀረጽ ምግባር፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይ ቺና፤ ንሃብታማት ኣመሪካውያን ድማ ቀረጽ ምንካይ፤
9. ጃፓን ትኹን ሃገራት ኣውሮጳ ወይ ንኣመሪካ ዝኸፍልኦ ኣምሳያ ከዛይዳ ወይ ድማ ባዕለን ንነብሰን ክከላኸላ ምግዳፈን።
10. ካብ ኣመሪካ ንደገ ወጺኡ ዘሎ ፋብሪካታት ናብ ኣመሪካ ክምለስ ምግባር፤
11. ከሰልን ዘይትን (Oil) ዝኣመሰሉ ንብከላ ዘጋድዱ ነደድቲ ተጠቒምካ ሃገራዊ ኢንዱስትሪታት ምብርባር . . . ወዘተ።
ፕረሲደንት ምሩጽ ትራምፕ፡ ሓደ ካብ’ቶም ዕዉታት ናይ ዘመና ህቡባውያን (Populist) መራሕቲ ኢዩ። ህቡበነት፡ ኣብ’ዚ ዘለናዮ ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ዝግሃድ ዘሎ ተራዮ ኢዩ። ስደተኛታት በዚሖምና፡ ባህልና ተባላሽዩ፡ ኣብ ስራሕ ተቓጺጾምና እናበሉ፡ ብስም ሃገርነት ኣሉታዊ ስምዒታት ዘልዓዕሉ ፓርትታት ደገፎም እናዓበየ ክኸይድ ንዕዘብ ኣሎና። ንኣብነት ኣብ ጀርመን፡ ፈረንሳን ሽወደንን ጥሩፋት የማናውያን ሓይልታት ህዝባዊ ደገፍ እናረኸቡ ይኸዱ ኣለዉ። ትራምፕ እውን ዓሌታዊ እኳ እንተዘይኰነ፡ ንኦባማ ኣመሪካዊ ኣይኰነን፡ ኣስላም ናብ ኣመሪካ ክኣትዉ የብሎምን፡ ላቲኖ ገበነኛታትን ዘይሕጋውያን ስደተኛታትን ስለዝዀኑ መታን ናብ ኣመሪካ ከይኣትዉ መንደቕ ክሰርሕ ኢየ ምባሉ፡ ሓላዪ ናይ ህዝቢ ተመሲሉ ንህዝቢ ንምትላል ዝጥቀመሉ ዘሎ ናይ ህቡብነት ኣገባብ ምዃኑ ብሩህ ኢዩ። ክላሲካዊ ኣገባብ ቃልስን ክላሲካውያን ፓርትታትን ኣይጠቕሙን ኢዮም እናበልካ ምንሻውን፡ ህዝቢ ህዝቢ ዝብል ምቁር ጭርሖታት ምድግጋምን ናይ ዘለናዮ መዋእል ፋሽን ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ከይተረፈ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ሓጺር እዋን ዝተጋህዱ ህቡባዊ ባህርያት ዘለዎም ምንቅስቓሳት ውሑዳት ኣይኰኑን። መልክዓቱ ይፈላለ እምበር እቲ ህቡብነት ኣብ ኵሉ ኵርንዓት ናይ ዓለም ኢዩ ዝኽሰት ዘሎ።
ህቡብነት ዝልለየሉ ሰለስተ ንጹራት ጠባያት ኣለዉዎ።
1. ኣብ መንጐ መራሕትን ተመራሕትን ግርጭት ምፍጣር። ነቶም ላህመታውያን ክፍልታት ናይ ሓደ ሕብረተ-ሰብ (elite) ከም ጐዳእቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ገርካ ምግላጽ። መራሕቲ፥ ሕማቕ እምበር ጽቡቕ ናይ ህዝቢ ዘይደልዩ ኣምሲልካ ምድዋን።
2. ህቡባውያን፡ ካብ’ቲ ልሙድ ክላሲካዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኣገባብ ኣመራርሓ ወጻኢ ኢዮም ዝዋስኡ። ክላሲካውያን ፖለቲካውያን መራሕቲ ነውሪ ዝብልዎ ስነ-ምግባር ህቡባውያን ብዘይ ሕንክከት ይጥቀምሉ።
3. ዘየለ ቅልውላው ከም ህልውን ኣብ ቀረባ እዋን ዝመጽእን ገይሮም የቕርቡ። ብዘይክኦም ድማ፡ ካልእ ነዚ ቅልውላው ክፈትሕ ወይ ንህዝቢ ከድሕን ዝኽእል ሓይሊ ወይ መራሒ ከምዘየለ ኣምሲሎም ከእምኑ ይጽዕሩ።
ዶናልድ ትራምፕ እምበኣር፡ ካልኦት ፍሉጣት ወይ ክላሲካውያን ፖለቲከኛታት ክብልዎ ዘይደፍሩ ፖሊሲታት ኢዩ ሕንኽ ከይበልለ ክፍጽሞ ኢየ እናበለ ክማባጻዕ ዝሰማዕናዮ። ትራምፕ፡ ጭብጥታት ዘይብሎም፡ ግን ንስምዒታትን ጽልእን ዘልዓዕሉ ወፈራታት ኢዩ ከካይድ ተራእዩ።
ትራምፕ፡ ንመራሕቲ ሪፑብሊካውያን ይኹን ዲሞክራስያውያን መወዳድርቱ ከም ሰነፋት፡ ብልሽዋትን ንኣመሪካ ዘድከሙን፤ ንመራኸቢ ብዙሓን ድማ፡ ብሻርነትን ኣድልዎን ብምኽሳስ ኣገልገልቲ ናይ’ቲ ዝተለምደ ወይ ዝጸንሐ ስርዓት (establishment) ኢዮም ብምባል ከምዘይእመኑ ገይርዎም። መልእኽቱ ኣብ ክንዲ በቶም መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ብሶሽያል ሚድያ (ትዊተር፡ ፈይስቡክ . . . ወዘተ) ኣቢሉ ከመሓላልፍ ኢዩ መሪጹ።
መራኸቢ ብዙሓን (ሚድያ)ድማ፡ ኣንጻሩ ተዋፈሩ። እዚ ኣብ ክንዲ ዝጐድኦ ክብ ዝበለ ጠመተ ((attention) ካብ ህዝቢ ክረክብ ስለዘኽኣሎ፡ መሊሱ ጠቐሞ ደኣ። በዚ ኣገባብ’ዚ ህዝቢ ኣብ ልዕሊ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ፖለቲከኛታትን ኣብ ልዕሊ ዲሞክራስን እምነት ከምዘጕድል ንምግባር ተዓዊቱ። ምርጫ ከይተጀመረ እንከሎ ምድንጋር ኣሎ ዝብል መናፍሓት ዘርጊሑ።
ነዚ፡ "ንኣመሪካ እንደገና ሓያል ክንገብራ ኢና" ብዝብል ጭርሖ ብምስናይ፡ ነቶም መወዳርቱ ከምድኹማት፡ ንነብሱ ድማ ከምሓያል መራሒ መሲሉ ብምቕራብ ንስምዒታት ናይ ብዙሓት ተንኪፉ።
ዓወት ናይ ትራምፕ፡ ማህረምቲ ናይ ክላሲካውያን ሰልፍታትን ፖለቲካን ጥራሕ ዘይኰነስ ማህረምቲ ናይ ገስገስቲ ሓይልታትን ሓሳባትን እውን ኢዩ። እታ ቅድሚ 8 ዓመት ንጸሊም ኣመሪካዊ (ኦባማ) ዝመረጸት ኣመሪካ፡ ሎሚ ስደተኛታት ከተባርር፡ ኣስላም ናብ ኣመሪካ ከይኣትዉ ትኽልክል፡ንደቂ ኣንስትዮ እተቆናጽብ ብሓጺሩ ውሑዳን ዝሰግኡላ ሃገር ኢያ ኰይና ዘላ። ናይ ሎሚ ኣመሪካ፡ ዓሌታት፡ ጾታታት፡ ቋንቋታት ዝውሃሃዱላ ቍራዕ (melting pot) ዘይኰነትስ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ኣዝያ እተኸፋፈለት ሃገር ኢያ እናዀነት ትኸይድ ዘላ።
ፕረሲደንት ምሩጽ ትራምፕ፡ ነዚ ምክፍፋል’ዚ ከም መብጻዓኡ እናዕሞቐ ድዩ ክኸይድ ወይስ ንመምረጺ ተጠቒሙ ከም’ቶም ክላሲካውያን መራሕቲ ዝገብርዎ ኢዩ ክገብር መጻኢ ግዜ ዝምልሶ ሕቶ ኢዩ። ንኽትምረጽ እትገብሮ ወፈራን መንግስቲ ምምራሕን፡ ዝተፈላለየ ጕዳይ ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኢዩ። ትራምፕ ሕጂ፡ ንሪፑብሊካውያን ዘይኰነስ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኣመሪካ ኢዩ ክመርሕ። እዚ ጥራሕ ውን ኣይኰነን። ኣብ ኣመሪካ ዘሎ ኣብ ሓጋጊ፡ ፈጻምን ፈራድን እተኸፋፈለ ስልጣን፡ ከምድላዩ ክጐይን ክጋልብን ከፍቅደሉ ከምዘይኰነ ናይ ፕረሲደንት ኦባማ ተመኵሮ እኹል ትምህርቲ ኢዩ። ድሕሪ 4 ዓመት ዝግበር ምርጫ’ኸ፡ ከመይ ኮን’ዩ ክኸውን? ከም’ዚ ናይ ሎምዘበን ህቡብነት፡ ምጽልላምን ምክሳስን ድዩ ወይስ እቲ እንፈልጦ ልሙድ ኣገባብ ኢዩ ክኸውን?
ካብ ምርጫ ፕረሲደንት ኣመሪካ 2016 እንቐስሞ ኣስተምህሮ እንታይ ኢዩ?
1. ሶሽያል ሚድያ ኣገዳሲ ናይ መዋእልና ናይ ቃልሲ መሳርሒ ምዃኑ፤
2. ግደ ስነ-ሓሳብ (ideology) ኣብ ዝበዀረሉ ወይ ዝሃሰሰሉ፡ ህቡብነት ነቲ ባዶሽ ክመልእ ከምዝኽእል። እዚ ማለት ድማ፡ ዲክታቶርያውያን፡ ፋሽስታውያን ስልጣን ክሕዙ ከምዝኽእሉ፤
3. ሓድሽ ዓለማዊ ስርዓት (Globalization) ንዝጠልቦ ናይ ሰባትን ሃለኽቲ ኣቝሑን (ንግድ) ናጻ ምንቅስቓስ፤ ናጽነት ናይ ኣምልኾን እምነትን፤ ዝጻረሩ ሓይልታትን ሓሳባትን ይስዕርሩ ምህላዎም። ትራምፕ ንኣስላምን ላቲኖን ናብ ኣመሪካ ከይኣትዉ ክኽልክል ምህቃኑ ከም ኣብነት ክጥቀስ ይከኣል ኢዩ።
4. እቲ ዝምረጽ መራሒ ወይ ሰልፊ ዝተጠቕመሉ ኣገባብ ብዘየገድስ፡ ካብ ቅዋም ወጻኢ ክሳብ ዘይኰነ ድምጺ ህዝቢ ልዑላዊ ምዃኑ።
ብርሃነ ኣብርሃ
ኣብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራን መትከላትን ዝኣምና ሃገራት ኩለን ብሓደ ዓይኒ ዘተግብርኦ ነጥቢ ምቅብባል ስልጣን ብሰላማውን ዲሞክራሲያውን ኣገባብ እየን ብድምጺ ህዝቢ ንዝተመርጸ መሪሕነት ሓንጎፋይ ኢለን ዝቕበለኦ። ንሱ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ እቲ ኣብ ምምራሕ ዝነበረ ስልጣኑ ነቲ ብድሕሪኡ ዝተመርጸ ብግቡእ የረክብ። እዚ ሎም ዘበን 2016 ኣብ ኣመሪካ ዝተኻየደ ምርጫ ከም ኣብነት ናይ መን ፕረሲደንት ኮነ ዝተኻየደ መስርሕ ኩልና ከም ዝተዓዘብናዮን ዝሰማዕናዮን መን ኣብ ስልጣን ይመጽእ ዝውስን ናይ ህዝቢ ስልጣን ምዃኑ እዩ ዝእምት። እዚ ከኣ መላእ ህዝቢ ኣመሪካ ጸሊም ይኹን ጻዕዳ ነቲ ቅድሚ ክንደይ ዓመታት ዝጸደቐ ቅዋም ተማእዚዞም ስለዝኸዱ ከኣ ካብታ ሕጊ እነሆ ፈልከት ከይበሉ በቲ ቅዋም ተገዚኦም ብምኻዶም ኣመሪካ ከም ዓባይ ሃገር ኣብ ጐደና ደሞክራሲ ክትቅጽል ዝኸኣለት።
ልክዕ ኣብ ኣመሪካ ክልተ ዓበይቲ ተወዳደርቲ ሰልፍታት ሪፑብሊካንን ዲሞክራትን ተባሂለን ንዓመታት ዝወዳደራ ዘለዋ እየን። እዘን ሰልፍታት እዚአን ክሳብ ሕጂ በቲ ኣብ መስከረም 17, 1787 ዝተጻሕፈን ብ1789 ከኣ ዝጸደቐ ቅዋም እየን ተማእዚዘንን ተገዚአንን ዝኸዳ። እዚ ቅዋም እዚ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣበየግዚኡ 27 ግዜ ምምሕያሻት ተገይሩሉ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ኩሉ ግዜ ንህዝቢ ተወኪሳካ ዝፍጸም እምበር ኣብ ድሌት ናይዘን ክልተ ሰልፍታት ጥራይ ተወሲኑ ዝተርፍ ኣይኮነን።
እቲ ሕጊ ኣብ ምርጫ ዝኣቱ ባእታ ብሰልፉ ዝተመርጸ ኮይኑ ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ህዝባዊ ምርጫ ተኻይዱ እቲ ንፕረዚድንትነት ዝበቅዕ ኣካል በቲ ንሱ ዝረኽቦ ብዝሒ ድምጺ እዩ ዝውሰን። እዚ ምናልባት ኩልና ኣብ ወጻኢ ይኹን ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዘሎና ብዙሕ ክንመሃረሉ ዝግባእ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ሓደ ካብኡ በቲ ህዝቢ ዝተሰማማዓሉን ዘጽደቖን ቅዋም ተገዚእካ ናይ ምዃድ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ልዕልና ሕጊ ክንኣምን ከምዘሎና እዩ ዝሕብር። ብተወሳኺ እቲ ኣብ መንእሰያትና ዘሎ ፍልስፍና ናይ መንእሰይን ዓበይትን ዝብል ፈላላዪ ሓሳብ እውን እቶም ናይ ክልቲኡ ሰልፍታት ኣብ ምርጫ ዝቐረቡ ዕድመ ወሳኒ ከምዘይኮነ ግርም ገይሩ እዩ ዘብርሆ። መጀመርያ ጉዳይ ዕድመ ፖለቲካዊ ዛዕባ ወይ ኣጀንዳ ኣይኮነን። ንሱ ስለዝኾነ ከኣ ትራምፕ ወዲ 70 ሂላሪ ከኣ ጓል 69 ዓመት እዮም። ስለዚ እቲ ክመርሕ ዝኽእልን ህዝቢ ዝመረጾን ደኣ እምበር ብስም መንእሰይ ወይ ኣረጊት (ዓቢ) ኢልካ ዝውሰን ከምዘይኮነ ንኹልና ርዱእ ከክኸውን ኣለዎ።
ካልእ እቲ ዓብን ኣገዳስን ነጥቢ ኣማራጽታት እተቐሪቡ እቲ ውጽኢት ኩሉ ግዜ ተዓዋትን ተሳዓርን ወይ ከኣ ዝተዓወተን ዝተሳዕረን ክኸውን ከምዝኽእል ምርዳእ እዩ። ኣብዚ ከኣ እዩ እቲ ቀንዲ ቁምነገርን ፍልጠትን ክንቀስመሉ ዘሎና ጉዳይ። ዝተዓወተን ዘይተዓወተን ኣብ መወዳእታ ብቕርሕንትን ጽልእን ዘይኮኑ ዝፋናነውስ እንታይ ደኣ ተመጓጒሶምን ሃገር ሓደነታ ኣውሒሳ ንኽትቅጽል እዮም ዝሓስቡ። ኣብዚ ክንመሃረሉ ዝግበኣና ጉዳይ እምበኣር፡ እቲ ወ/ሮ ክሊንተን ዝበላኦ ‘’ነቲ ውጽኢት ተቐቢልና ንመጻኢ ንጠምት’’ ዝብል ሓረግ እዩ። ስለምንታይ ከምኡ ኢለን ዝብል ሕቶ ክለዓል ናይ ግድን እዩ። በቲ ህዝቢ ዝተሰማማዓሉ ቅዋም ተቐይድና፡ ተማእዚዝናን ተገዚኣናን ንኺድ ዝብል እዩ። ተሰኒፈ ኢልካ ፍንጭራዕ ወይ ምፍንጫል ወይ ከኣ ፈላላይን ጐዛዛይን ሓሳባት ሒዝካ ንህዝቢ ምድንጋርን ምውንጫፍን የለን ማለት እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ እዋን ከኣ እዩ ነቲ መላእ ህዝቢ ዝኣመነሉ ቅዋም ተገዚእካ መጻኢ ብምጥማት ንስዕረትካ ሓንጐፋይ ኢልካ ብምቕባል ዝገለጽ ደሞክራሲ ዝረአ።
ኣብ መስርሕ ደሞክራሲ እምበኣር ክንክተሎን ክንኣምነሉን ዝግበኣና፡ ነጥቢ እንተልዩ፡ እቲ ኣተሓሳስባና ኣብ ፍትሓውን ርትዓውን ዝኾነ ኣተሓሳስባ ክምርኮስ እዩ ዝግበኦ። ንሱ ከኣ ዋላኳ ኣብ ደሞክራሲ ድላይካ ክትመርጽ ግቡእን መሰልን እንተኾነ ፡ነፍሲ ወከፍ ሰባብ ዝገብሮ ምርጫ ካብ ወገነይ ወይ ዓሌተይ ወጺኡ፡ ነቲ ዝመርጾ ካበየናይ ብሄር ወይ ኣውራጃ ወይ ሃይማኖት ብዘየገድስ ንመላእ ሃገርን ህዝብን ዘገልግል ዲዩ ኣይኮነን ተመራሚሩ “ምእንቲ ረብሓ ኩሉ” ዝብል መንፈስ ከሕድር ኣለዎ። ነቲ ዝተመርጸ ከኣ ንፍተዎ ንጽለኦዮ ኣብ ክንዲ ምቕባል፡ ናብ ዓመጽ ገጽካ ምኻድ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣይኮነን።
ስለዚ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን እውን መጀመርያ እቲ እነውጽኦ ወይ እንሕንጽጾ ሃገራዊ ቅዋም ይኹን ወድባዊ ወይ ሰልፋዊ መትከላት ኣሳታፊ ዲዩ ኣይኮነን? ንኹሉ ብዘዕግብ ዲዩ ወይ ኣይኮነን? ዝሓንጸጽናዮ ቅዋምከ ብኡ ተገዚእና ክንከይድ እንታይ እንታይ ክነማልእ ኣሎና? ዝብሉ ዓበይቲ ጉዳያት ከም መለለዪ ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ወሲድና ክንምልሶምን ክንሰርሓሎምን ይግባእ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ባዕልኻ ዝሓንጸጽካዮን ኣግላልነቱ ዝዓዘዘን መስርሕ ኣቢልካ ዲሞክራሲያዊ እዩ እሞ በቲ ናተይ ተማእዘዝ ክበሃል እንተኾይኑ ሸፈጥን ጸረ-ዲሞክራስን ኢዩ ዘመልክት።
ድራር መንታይ
Friday, 11 November 2016 20:44
LEARNING TO LISTEN AND LISTENING TO LEARN
Written by Dr. Tesfa G. GebremedhinListening is perhaps the most important of all interpersonal skills. It is the combination of intelligently giving undivided attention, hearing and understanding what is being communicated, not just what is being said. We need to remember that hearing is not the same as listening. People may hear the words, but if they do no pay attention, then they will not be able to understand the message correctly. Sometimes, it is easy to hear the words without truly listening in order to grasp the real message. We think that we know what is being said, but we need to clarify and double check the accuracy and our certainty of the situation before jumping to unnecessary and irrational conclusions. At times we are deeply preoccupied in our own thought or affair that we fail to pay attention to what other people say. One time, Aboy Manna, a crop farmer, was planting seeds in his field. Adey Fanna was passing by and said, “Aboy Manna, Good Morning to you.” Aboy Manna replied, “I am planting wheat.” Adey Fanna said again, “I just said Good Morning.” He replied again, “Though we do not have rain, we hope that the wheat will germinate.” In this conversation, Aboy Manna did not at all pay attention nor properly responded to what Adey Fanna was saying. The same thing frequently happens with so many of us because we do not give our full attention to listen and understand to what is said by other people. It is so important that we have interpersonal relationship and communicate properly and appropriately with other people who live around us, if we desire to avoid misunderstandings and confusion. It often happens that we take a certain term, or phrase, or even statement out of its real context from what was said and we make our own interpretation or conclusion which can create misunderstanding and confusion. The story below is a typical example that exhibits confusion due to lack of proper listening to what has been said by another person.
A group of ladies in one Eritrean Orthodox Christian church complained about the sermon given by the priest. The complaint started when the priest preached for two consecutive Sundays about the teachings of Prophet Isaiah (Esayas). The ladies collectively selected three from their group to represent them and confront the priest. They made an appointment to talk to the priest after the church service. At the meeting, the three ladies indicated to the priest that they come to church to learn the gospel and to receive spiritual blessings, not necessarily to learn or to listen to any kind of politics. The priest listened to them with full attention and interest. After they finished expressing their complaints, he asked them if they have a Bible and if they read it. They indicated to him that they have the Bible and they read it sometimes. He asked them to turn to the appropriate chapters and verses on prophet Isaiah. He explained to them that he was actually preaching about Prophet Isaiah from the Bible, not politics. The confusion was created because the ladies took the name ‘Esayas’ out of its context and made the wrong interpretation.
Most people, most of the time, take listening for granted; it is something that just happens. It is only when we stop to think about listening and what it entails that we begin to realize that listening is in fact an important interpersonal skill that needs to be nurtured and developed. However, it is commonly observed in our Diasporas society that when another person voices an idea that is different than our own, we usually fail to listen with interest to what is said by the other person, or we often fail to acknowledge that the other person may have some truth in what they are saying. Such situation happens because “Most people do not listen with the intent to understand; they listen with the intent to reply” (Stephen Covey). Too often, we forget to listen. Many people in a conversation are not really listening. We are already preparing to respond while somebody is still talking. Listening is requisite for an exchange of ideas. We never learn anything while we are talking. People listen more attentively to those who listen to them. Most people do not seek first to understand because we do not listen with the intent to understand; we usually listen with the intent to reply. We are either speaking or preparing to speak. Consequently, the necessary information will not be conveyed properly in the process of our interpersonal communication. Lack of information will then create misunderstanding and misunderstanding will create conflict. Much of the negative discourse in our conventional interpersonal communication is caused and orchestrated by those people who do not listen and understand what is said by another person. When listening to people with different viewpoints and outlook, we need to put ourselves in their own shoes. Although we may not agree with them, it might help us to better understand their perspective. We have to try to find a common ground; areas in which we all agree, and seek the decency to respect each other’s perspective.
The funny story narrated below shows how misunderstanding and confusion can happen, if we do not communicate our message properly to another person verbally or in writing. The story is about a husband Gurja and a wife Gimja, on a shopping trip that went wrong. Gimja needed some grocery items to make a birthday cake for their ten year-old daughter. Gimja decided to send Gurja to the grocery store to buy them. By coincidence Gurja was on his way to a sports event, but he agreed to do it on one condition. There would be only a few items to buy so that he could go through the express checkout to save time, so he could still be on time for the game. Gimja told him verbally what she wanted him to buy, but, instead he asked her to list the items for him on a piece of paper. Gurja left and Gimja expected him to return home soon. However, time passed by and he was not home, so she began to worry. She picked up her phone and as she was about to call, but she heard him coming in the driveway. He came into the house with three bags, put them down on the kitchen floor and told her that he would be back in with the rest of the bags. Gimja wondered what he was talking about and she started unpacking the bags. She was surprised to see so many bags of grocery items. In the first bag there was one pound of butter, 2 bags of icing sugar and 3 bottles of vanilla. In the second bag there were 4 dozen eggs. In the third bag there were 5 packages of lard and her grocery list. She looked at the list and suddenly realized what had happened. When Gurja asked her to make sure he could go through the express checkout, she made a list by numbering the items one through seven. She quickly put the list away before Gurja came in with the rest of the bags and decided not to say anything at all about the confusion between the numbers and the quantities of items bought. Instead she planned on thanking him for being such a great husband. He brought in several more bags that contained 6 large bags of flour and 7 large cartons of milk. Then he looked at his wife and said, “I obviously didn’t go through the express checkout because there were too much stuff. However, when the cashier was ringing up the last item, I realized what I had done wrong and I just wanted to get out of the store as fast as I can because the people in line behind me were laughing.” Originally, the numbers in the list were meant to identify the list of items, not necessarily to indicate the quantities of items to be bought. Apparently, it was Gurja, not Gimja, who was very much confused in this adventurous episode of miscommunication.
The story clearly indicates that men and women communicate very differently. When women talk they are also listening carefully to what has been said. When men talk, they do not listen very well and will miss a lot of details in the process. In general, women have much better listening skills than men. Most men, unlike women, like to talk, especially about themselves. However, most people, men and women, never listen. That is why many people talk to themselves. One good advantage of talking to themselves is that they know at least somebody is listening. Whether it is a casual interpersonal conversation with friends, or attending a seminar, or talking to somebody on the telephone, there is an underlying trend that we have stopped listening to people who have a different perspective. We are so sure of our rightness that we no longer listen to others. Instead, we are smugly content in our own assumed correctness thinking and believing the same perspective. This intellectual bullying or mere arrogance, especially in men, erodes the sense of connectedness and cooperation in our own Diasporas society. Luckily, it is a blessing that God created women to look after men and harmonize our situations.
Listening is the first rule and initial step of effective interpersonal communication. We usually listen with our ears for meaning, but we also listen with our eyes for behavior and we listen with our hearts for feelings. Learning to listen is a special skill of interpersonal communication. However, it is important to note that listening is not a skill with which we are born. We have to learn how to develop good listening skills, and practice what we learn. There are two choices when it comes to listening. We can listen with positive expectations or we can listen with judgment. How we listen shapes how we think and speak. Listening with judgment is an irrational behavior. Once a judgment is in place, we listen for what we want to hear. If we have judged a person as stupid, we listen for everything about the person that supports this perception. If we have also judged a person as clever, we listen for everything about the person that supports this perception. Thus, learning to listen is a powerful art used to build alliance.
To listen well, we also need to stop talking. It will take patience to let other people talk without interruption or finishing what they have to say. However, listening is well worth the effort. By being genuinely interested in what others have to say, we show them that they are important in the relationship. Listening gives others due respect and validation. To this effect, “One of the most sincere forms of respect is actually listening to what another person has to say” (Bryant McGill). The quality of our relationship with other people depends on our ability to listen well. In reflecting the importance of listening, we are created with two ears and one mouth for a good reason. If we were supposed to talk more than we listen, we would have been created with two mouths and one ear. To become better and more skilled listeners we are expected to listen twice before we speak once. In doing so, we can improve our relationships with each other, we can have a better understanding of each other, and we can reduce any undesirable misunderstanding and confusion among ourselves. For this reason, effective listening is very often the foundation of strong relationships with other people. Without the ability to listen effectively, communication with other people, particularly with our own children, can easily breaks down. Though our children never listen to us, we need to make efforts to inspire them to stop, listen and build a more positive attitude and develop a better perspective. Listening is one of the greatest gifts we can give to our family members and others with whom we interact. By improving our listening skills, we can be a better parent, spouse, pastor, teacher, friend, leader or follower. People naturally gravitate towards us, and appreciate us, if we listen to them with respect, empathy, and positive attitude. It is our responsibility to work on improving our listening skills. It may take time and effort, but the rewards will be worth it. As Winston Churchill said, “Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak. Courage is also what it takes to sit down and listen.” In general, effective listening is one of the most important skills a strong leader can have, and it is the one that our young generation need to develop. Most of the successful people are the ones who do more listening than talking. It is evident that the less we speak, the more we listen and understand each other. Our mouths can put us in trouble for talking rubbish, but our ears will never get us in trouble even for listening to gibberish. As the Turkish proverb says, “If speaking is silver, listening is gold.” Clearly, listening is an important skill that we can all benefit from improving. By becoming a better listener, we can improve the quality of our interpersonal relationships and develop the ability to avoid any unnecessary conflict among ourselves.
Dr. Tesfa G. Gebremedhin, West Virginia University
ቤይ- ኤርያ ኤርትራውያን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለዋጢ ወርሐዊ ኣኬብኡ ብዕለት 6/11/16 ኣካይዱ። እቲ ከም ውትሩ ዝካይዶ ህዝባዊ ኣኬባ ኾይኑ። እቲ ናይ ሎሚ ፍሉይን ኣገዳስን ዝገብሮ ግን እቲጻዕሪ ዉፍያትን ሰብ ሞያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ዘይሕለል ህዝባዊ ቃልሲ ነቲ ዓማጽን ግፍዔኛን ስርዓት ኣብ ሕጋዊ መጋባእያ ዓለም ክቀርብን ሕጋዊ ፍርዱ ክረክብን እንተኮይኑ ብሐድነት ተጠርኒፍካ ምስራሕ ካብ ማንም ግዜ ንላዕሊ ውድዕነት በሲሉ ምህላውን ንምትግባሩ ይስራሓሉ ከም እቲ ኣብ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ ኒዮርክ ዘተገብረ ናይ ሙሉእ ሰሜን ኣሜርካን ካናዳን ካብ ህዝቢ ዝተወከለን ተሐታትነቱ ንህዝቢ ዝኾነን ህዝባዊ ሽማግለ ምምራጽ ጥርናፈ ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣብ ስራሕካ ከዕውተካ ዝክእል ምካኑ በቲ ድሕሪ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ ዝተገብረ ዕዉት ሰሚናር ኣብነት ምካኑን፣ እቲ ንቅጸልነት ሐደ ህዝባዊ ሽማገለ ንምምስራት ተወጢኑ ዘሎ ንተግባራውነቱ ብዝለዓለ ንክሰርሕ ካብቲ ብኣቶክሮ ርእዩ ዝተመያየጠሉ ዓቢይ ኣርእስቲ እዩ ኔሩ።
ኣብዚ ኣኬባ’ዚ እቲ ኣብ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ ኔዮርክ ዘነበረ ሰሚናር ዓቢይ ኣስተምህሮ ዝሃበ በዓል ሞያ ተጣባቂ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኣቶ ሳሙኤል ቢዘን እውን ንተሳተፍቲ ብዛዕባ ሰለማዊ ሰልፍን ኣድማዕነቱን ከምኡ’ውን ትጽቢታትና ካብ ማሕበረ ሰብ ዓለም ክንከዶ ዘሎና ኣገባብ ኣቀላልሳን ሰፊሕ መብርሂ ድሕሪ ምሃብ ካብ ሕጂ’ውን ንጉዳይና ብሓድነት ተጠርኒፍና ምስ እንሕዞ ጥራሕ ክንዕወት ከም እንክእል ኣስሚርሉ።
ካልእ ፍሉይ ናይዚ ኣኬባ’ዚ እውን በይ-ኤርያ ነቶም ነዚ ሰለማዊ ሰልፊ ብውህደት ናይ ኩለን ከተማታት ሰሜን ኣሜርካን ካናዳን ዕዉት ኮይኑ ንክወጽእ ለይትን መዓልትን ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ ብተወፋይነት ዝሰርሑ ናይ መትባብዒ ሽልማት ሂብዎም። ከምኡ’ውን ነቶም ኣብዚ ዓመት እዚ ኣብ ኩሉ ሰርሐት ዓቢይ ኣስተዋጽኦ ዝገበሩ ኣባላቱ ተመሳስሊ መተባብዒ ሽልማት ሂብዎም።
ኣብ መጭረሻ ድማ ኩሉቲ ናይ ህዝቡን ሃገርን ድሕነትን ራህዋን ዝደሊ ደላይ ፍትሒ’የ ዝብል ኣብ ክንዲ ንተፈላጥነቶም ንድሕነት ህዝቦም፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ንበይኑ ተጠኒፎም ክሰርሑ ኣሰሚሩ ብምምይያጥ በይ-ኤርያ ከምቲ ናይ ኩሉ ግዜ መጸዋዕትኡ ሎሚ’ውን ፍልልያት ምዘየገድስ ንዝብን ሃገርን ንምድሓን ብሐድነት ተጠተርኒፉ ንምስራሕ ቁርብ ንዝኾነ ኩሉ ሓቢሩ ንምስራሕ ማዕጽኡ ኩፉት ምካኑን ደጊሙ ይጽውዕ።
ጥርናፈ ዋሕስ ሐድነት’ዩ!!
እንቢ ንምልኪ !!
እወ ንልዕልና ሕጊ!!
በይ-ኤርያ ኤርትራውያን ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ
7/11/16
Friday, 11 November 2016 16:44
Security Council Extends Arms Embargoes on Somalia, Eritrea, Adopting Resolution 2317 (2016) by 10 Votes in Favour, with 5 Abstentions
Written by UNKey Members Differ over Neighbour’s Support for Al-Shabaab Terror Group, Release of Djibouti Prisoners Taken during 2008 Border Clashes
The Security Council today extended the arms embargo on Somalia until 15 November 2017, while reaffirming that country’s sovereignty over its natural resources. It also reaffirmed its arms embargo on Eritrea.
Adopting resolution 2317 (2016) under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter — by a vote of 10 in favour none against, with 5 -abstentions (Angola, China, Egypt, Russian Federation, Venezuela) — the Council also extended the mandate of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group until 15 December 2017, and urged the Government of Eritrea to facilitate the Group’s entry into that country.
By terms of the text, the Council underlined the need for Member States to follow strictly the notification procedures for providing the assistance needed to develop Somalia’s security sector institutions, and urged increased cooperation by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in documenting and registering all military equipment captured as part of offensive operations.
Reiterating concerns that the petroleum sector could be driving increased conflict, the Council underlined the vital importance of the Federal Government of Somalia putting a resource-sharing agreement and a credible legal framework in place. It also expressed serious concern about the Al-Shabaab terrorist group’s increasing reliance on revenues derived from natural resources, including taxes on the illicit sugar trade, agricultural production and livestock. The Council reaffirmed the ban on the import and export of charcoal into or out of Somalia, and requested that AMISOM support and help the Federal authorities implement a total ban.
Further by the text, it expressed serious concern about the deteriorating humanitarian situation and condemned, in the strongest terms, increased attacks against humanitarian actors. The Council also demanded that all parties allow and facilitate unhindered access for the timely delivery of aid to persons in need across the country, encouraging the Federal Government to improve the regulatory environment for aid donors.
The Council also expressed concern about continued reports of corruption, diversion of public resources and financial impropriety involving members of the Federal Government Administration and the Federal Parliament, underlining that individuals engaged in acts that threatened Somalia’s peace and reconciliation process might be listed for targeted sanctions.
Also by the text, the Council demanded that the Government of Eritrea allow access or provide information, including to the Monitoring Group, on the Djiboutian prisoners missing in action since clashes between the two countries between 10 and 12 June 2008.
Following the vote, a number of countries expressed their support for the resolution, which targeted causes of instability in the Horn of Africa. The United Kingdom’s representative said the renewal of the sanctions regime would cut off Al-Shabaab’s funding and protect Somalia’s natural resources. Regarding Eritrea, he declared: “We don’t welcome the progress because nothing has changed,” while emphasizing that the lack of cooperation on the part of the country’s authorities had “tied the international community’s hands”. The representative of the United States echoed that sentiment, stressing that non-cooperation was not the path to getting the sanctions lifted. While no evidence had been found that Eritrea supported Al-Shabaab, that was difficult to corroborate because the Monitoring Group had not been allowed into the country, she said.
The Russian Federation’s representative noted the Monitoring Group’s affirmation that there was no evidence of Eritrean support for Al-Shabaab, and that its support for regional armed groups no longer existed.
Similarly, Angola’s representative said that, while a constructive proposed roadmap for changing the sanctions regime would encourage Eritrea to engage with the international community, that proposal had not been considered.
Djibouti’s representative said it was regrettable that, although Eritrea’s release of prisoners in March had raised hope, its past practices continued. Djibouti supported extending the sanctions regime, he added.
Also speaking today were representatives of China, Egypt, and Venezuela.
The meeting began at 10:05 a.m. and ended at 10:50 a.m.
Statements
MATTHEW RYCROFT (United Kingdom) said Al-Shabaab continued to pose a serious threat to peace and stability in the region, and the sanctions regime’s renewal would cut off the group’s funding and protect Somalia’s natural resources. Turning to Eritrea, he said the lack of cooperation by that country’s authorities had tied the international community’s hands. “We don’t welcome the progress because nothing has changed,” he declared, adding that the Council had engaged with regional stakeholders in order to balance views on the text.
WU HAITAO (China) said his country would continue to help Somalia’s State-building efforts. Encouraging countries in the region to take the “big picture” into account, he called on them to strengthen neighbourly relationships and avoid confrontation. China hoped that the Security Council would pay close attention to changes on the ground and make timely adjustments, while remaining responsive to the legitimate concerns of States, he said.
JULIO HELDER MOURA LUCAS (Angola) said his delegation had abstained from the vote because the Monitoring Group had found no evidence of Eritrea’s support for Al-Shabaab. While a constructive proposed roadmap towards changing the sanctions regime would encourage the Government of Eritrea to engage with the international community, that proposal had not been considered, he noted.
ISOBEL COLEMAN (United States), emphasizing her strong support for the resolution, which targeted causes of instability in the Horn of Africa, said that sanctions regimes were an important part of the international community’s response to the situation there. Eritrea had called for an end to the sanctions but its lack of cooperation was not the path to lifting them, she said. While no evidence had been found that Eritrea supported Al-Shabaab, that was difficult to corroborate because the Monitoring Group had not been allowed to visit the country. No information had been provided on the fate of Djiboutian prisoners of war. Somalia, however, had transitioned from being a failed State to building a State, she said.
PETR V. ILIICHEV (Russian Federation) said his delegation had been forced to abstain from the vote because the Monitoring Group had affirmed that there was no evidence of Eritrean support for Al-Shabaab in Somalia. The allegations of its support for regional armed groups simply did not exist anymore, he emphasized, suggesting that a roadmap be drawn up on the matter.
AMR ABDELLATIF ABOULATTA (Egypt) emphasized that the resolution’s wording should have been more balanced. Acknowledging positive developments, including the absence of support for Al-Shabaab, he called upon Council members to use clear criteria when determining sanctions, adding that it should be done in such a way as to promote peace and security, while resolving regional concerns. Stressing that sanctions must not continue forever, he said they must be flexible enough to be responsive to changes on the ground.
RAFAEL DARÍO RAMÍREZ CARREÑO (Venezuela) said he had abstained from voting on the resolution because the section on Eritrea was unfair. The Sanctions Committee’s workings were a clear example of imposing sanctions as an end in itself, he said, speaking in his capacity as Chair of that subsidiary body. Such measures should not be used for the collective punishment of a country, he said, emphasizing that the sanctions imposed on Eritrea had no further political purpose beyond serving the national interests of permanent members. The Monitoring Group had submitted a professional opinion that pointed to the case for lifting the sanctions, he said, pointing out that for three years in a row, no evidence had been found of Eritrea lending support to Al-Shabaab. Qatar was working to obtain the release of a number of prisoners of war and to settle the dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti, and a roadmap was needed for lifting the sanctions. China’s proposal to address that issue had won the support of five members, but the penholder seemed to believe it was not appropriate, he noted. Venezuela supported the resolution’s elements on Somalia, he added.
AMANUEL GIORGIO (Eritrea) said the Council had committed a grave injustice against his country’s people, declaring: “There is no reason to maintain sanctions against Eritrea.” The Monitoring Group had proven the justification for the measures non-existent, he pointed out, emphasizing that the sanctions had been detrimental not only to Eritrea, but also to the wider Horn of Africa region. Sanctions encouraged zero-sum approaches and imparted a sense of impunity on the part of some countries, he said. Turning to Djibouti, he said Eritrea supported the State of Qatar’s mediation, which had resulted in the release of all prisoners of war.
MOHAMED SIAD DOUALEH (Djibouti) expressed concern about his country’s combatants missing in action since the 2008 clashes with Eritrea. That country’s release of prisoners in March had raised hope, but unfortunately, its past practices continued. Furthermore, Al-Shabaab continued to pose a serious threat to peace and stability in Somalia, he noted, expressing support for extending the sanctions regime.
Resolution
The full text of resolution 2317 (2016) reads as follows:
“The Security Council,
“Recalling all its previous resolutions and statements of its President on the situation in Somalia and Eritrea, in particular resolutions 733 (1992), 1844 (2008), 1907 (2009), 2036 (2012), 2023 (2011), 2093 (2013), 2111 (2013), 2124 (2013), 2125 (2013), 2142 (2014), 2182 (2014), and 2244 (2015),
“Taking note of the final reports of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (the SEMG) on Somalia (S/2016/919) and Eritrea (S/2016/920) and their conclusions on the situations in both Somalia and Eritrea,
“Reaffirming its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia, Djibouti and Eritrea respectively,
“Condemning any flows of weapons and ammunition supplies to and through Somalia in violation of the arms embargo on Somalia and to Eritrea in violation of the arms embargo on Eritrea, as a serious threat to peace and stability in the region,
“Expressing concern that Al-Shabaab continues to pose a serious threat to the peace and stability of Somalia and the region,
“Welcoming the further improved relationship between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), regional administrations, and the SEMG, and underlining the importance of these relationships improving further and strengthening in the future,
“Welcoming the efforts of the FGS to improve its notifications to the Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (‘the Committee’), looking forward to further progress in the future, particularly in relation to post-delivery notifications, and recalling that improved arms and ammunition management in Somalia is a fundamental component of greater peace and stability for the region,
“Taking note of the preliminary efforts of the FGS to restore key economic and financial institutions and progress achieved on financial governance and structural reforms; and welcoming the passing of anti-money-laundering legislation and the establishment of a Financial Reporting Centre;
“Underlining the importance of financial propriety in the run-up to, and conduct of, elections in Somalia in 2016, and stressing the need for further efforts to fight corruption, promote transparency and increase mutual accountability in Somalia,
“Expressing serious concern at reports of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing in waters where Somalia has jurisdiction, underlining the importance of refraining from illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, welcoming further reporting on the matter, and encouraging the FGS, with the support of the international community, to ensure that fishing licenses are issued in a responsible manner and in line with the appropriate Somali legal framework,
“Expressing serious concern at the ongoing difficulties in delivering humanitarian aid in Somalia, and condemning in the strongest terms any party obstructing the delivery of humanitarian assistance, as well as the misappropriation or diversion of any humanitarian funds or supplies,
“Recalling that the FGS has the primary responsibility to protect its population, and recognizing the FGS’ responsibility, working with the regional administrations to build the capacity of its own national security forces, as a matter of priority,
“Taking note of the two meetings and six letters between the representative of the Government of Eritrea and the SEMG, expressing concern that the SEMG has not been able to visit Eritrea since 2011 and fully discharge its mandate, and underlining that deepened cooperation will help the Security Council be better informed about Eritrea’s compliance with the relevant Security Council resolutions,
“Taking note that during the course of its current and two previous mandates the SEMG has not found any evidence that the Government of Eritrea is supporting Al‑Shabaab,
“Expressing concern over reports by the SEMG of ongoing Eritrean support for certain regional armed groups, and encouraging the SEMG to provide further detailed reporting and evidence on this issue,
“Expressing serious concern at ongoing reports of Djiboutian combatants missing in action since the clashes in 2008, urging Eritrea to share any available detailed information pertaining to the combatants, including to the SEMG,
“Welcoming the release of four prisoners of war by Eritrea in March 2016, expressing support for mediation efforts by the State of Qatar and encouraging further mediation efforts by the State of Qatar in order to reach a final and binding solution to resolve this issue as well as the border dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea,
“Underlining the importance it attaches to all Member States complying with the terms of the arms embargo imposed on Eritrea by resolution 1907 (2009),
“Determining that the situation in Somalia, as well as the dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea, continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security in the region,
“Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
Arms Embargo
“1. Reaffirms the arms embargo on Somalia, imposed by paragraph 5 of resolution 733 (1992) and further elaborated upon in paragraphs 1 and 2 of resolution 1425 (2002) and modified by paragraphs 33 to 38 of resolution 2093 (2013) and paragraphs 4 to 17 of resolution 2111 (2013), paragraph 14 of resolution 2125 (2013), paragraph 2 of resolution 2142 (2014), and paragraphs 2 to 10 of resolution 2244 (2015) (hereafter referred to as ‘the arms embargo on Somalia’);
“2. Decides to renew the provisions set out in paragraph 2 of resolution 2142 (2014) until 15 November 2017, and in that context reiterates that the arms embargo on Somalia shall not apply to deliveries of weapons, ammunition or military equipment or the provision of advice, assistance or training, intended solely for the development of the Somali National Security Forces , to provide security for the Somali people, except in relation to deliveries of the items set out in the annex of resolution 2111 (2013);
“3. Reaffirms that the entry into Somali ports for temporary visits of vessels carrying arms and related materiel for defensive purposes does not amount to a delivery of such items in violation of the arms embargo on Somalia, provided that such items remain at all times aboard such vessels;
“4. Reiterates that weapons or military equipment sold or supplied solely for the development of the Somali National Security Forces may not be resold to, transferred to, or made available for use by, any individual or entity not in the service of the Somali National Security Forces, and underlines the responsibility of the FGS to ensure the safe and effective management, storage and security of their stockpiles;
“5. Welcomes in this regard the commencement, by the FGS, of a more rigorous weapons registration, recording and marking procedure, expresses concern at reports of continued weapons diversion from within the FGS, notes that further improved weapons management is vital in order to prevent the diversion of weapons, welcomes the efforts of the FGS to develop detailed Standard Operating Procedures for weapons and ammunition management, and urges the FGS to finalize and implement these procedures as soon as possible;
“6. Further welcomes the efforts of the FGS in establishing the Joint Verification Team (JVT) and urges Member States to support improved weapons and ammunition management to improve the capacity of the FGS to manage weapons and ammunition;
“7. Welcomes the improvement in FGS reporting to the Security Council pursuant to paragraph 9 of resolution 2182 (2014) and as requested in paragraph 7 of resolution 2244 (2015), calls on the FGS and regional administrations to prioritize a sustainable and comprehensive agreement on the composition of the Somali Security Forces based on the National Security Policy and requests the FGS to report to the Security Council in accordance with paragraph 9 of resolution 2182 (2014) and as requested in paragraph 7 of resolution 2244 (2015) on the structure, composition, strength and disposition of its Security Forces, including the status of regional and militia forces by 30 March 2017 and then by 30 September 2017;
“8. Recalls that the FGS has the primary responsibility to notify the Committee, pursuant to paragraphs 3 to 8 of resolution 2142 (2014), welcomes the efforts of the FGS in improving its notifications to the Committee;
“9. Calls upon the FGS to improve the timeliness and content of notifications regarding the completion of deliveries, as set out in paragraph 6 of resolution 2142 (2014) and the destination unit upon distribution of imported arms and ammunition, as set out by paragraph 7 of resolution 2142 (2014);
“10. Stresses Member States’ obligations pursuant to the notification procedures set out in paragraph 11 (a) of resolution 2111 (2013), underlines the need for Member States to strictly follow the notification procedures for providing assistance to develop Somali security sector institutions, and encourages Member States to consider the Implementation Assistance Notice of 14 March 2016 as a guide;
“11. Recalls paragraph 2 of resolution 2142 (2014) and notes that support for the development of the Somali National Security Forces may include, inter alia, building infrastructure and provision of salaries and stipends solely provided to the Somali National Security Forces;
“12. Urges increased cooperation by Africa Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), as set out in paragraph 6 of resolution 2182 (2014), to document and register all military equipment captured as part of offensive operations or in the course of carrying out their mandates, involving other Somali National Security Forces as appropriate;
“13. Calls upon the FGS and regional administrations to enhance civilian oversight of its Security Forces, to adopt and implement appropriate vetting procedures of all defence and security personnel, including human rights vetting, in particular through investigation and prosecuting individuals responsible for violations of international humanitarian law, and in this context recalls the importance of the Secretary-General’s Human Rights and Due Diligence Policy in relation to the support provided by the United Nations to the Somali National Army;
“14. Underlines the importance of timely and predictable payment of salaries to the Somali security forces and calls on the FGS to implement systems to improve the timeliness and accountability of payments and supply of provisions to the Somali security forces;
“15. Recalls the need to build the capacities of the Somali National Security Forces, in particular the provision of equipment, training and mentoring, in order to build credible, professional security forces to enable the gradual handing-over of security responsibilities from AMISOM to the Somali security forces, and encourages further donor support in this regard;
“16. Further reaffirms the arms embargo on Eritrea imposed by paragraphs 5 and 6 of resolution 1907 (2009) (hereafter referred to as ‘the arms embargo on Eritrea’);
Threats to Peace and Security
“17. Expresses concern at the continued reports of corruption and diversion of public resources which pose a risk to State-building efforts, expresses serious concern at reports of financial impropriety involving members of the FGS, regional administrations, Federal Member States and Federal Parliament, which pose a risk to State-building efforts, and in this context underlines that individuals engaged in acts which threaten the peace and reconciliation process in Somalia may be listed for targeted measures;
“18. Welcomes the efforts which the FGS has made in order to improve its financial management procedures including continued engagement between the FGS and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), encourages the Somali authorities to maintain the pace of reform and continue the implementation of IMF-recommended reforms to support the continuation of a Staff Monitored Programme and increased transparency, accountability, comprehensiveness and predictability in revenue collection and budget allocations, and expresses concern at the generation and distribution of counterfeit Somali currency;
“19. Reaffirms Somalia’s sovereignty over its natural resources;
“20. Reiterates its serious concern that the petroleum sector in Somalia could be a driver for increased conflict, and in that context underlines the vital importance of the FGS putting in place, without undue delay, resource-sharing arrangements and a credible legal framework to ensure that the petroleum sector in Somalia does not become a source of increased tension;
“21. Expresses serious concern at Al-Shabaab’s increasing reliance on revenue from natural resources including the taxing of illicit sugar trade, agricultural production, and livestock and looks forward to further SEMG reporting on this issue;
Charcoal Ban
“22. Reaffirms the ban on the import and export of Somali charcoal, as set out in paragraph 22 of resolution 2036 (2012) (‘the charcoal ban’), welcomes the decrease in exports of charcoal from Somalia and increased efforts of Member States to prevent the import of charcoal of Somali origin, reiterates that the Somali authorities shall take the necessary measures to prevent the export of charcoal from Somalia, and urges Member States to continue their efforts to ensure full implementation of the ban;
“23. Reiterates its requests in paragraph 18 of resolution 2111 (2013), that AMISOM support and assist the Somali authorities in implementing the total ban on the export of charcoal from Somalia and calls upon AMISOM to facilitate regular access for the SEMG to charcoal exporting ports;
“24. Welcomes the efforts of the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) in their efforts to disrupt the export and import of charcoal to and from Somalia, and further welcomes the cooperation between the SEMG and CMF in keeping the Committee informed on the charcoal trade;
“25. Expresses concern that the charcoal trade provides funding for Al‑Shabaab, and in that context reiterates paragraphs 11 to 21 of resolution 2182 (2014), and further decides to renew the provisions set out in paragraph 15 of resolution 2182 (2014) until 15 November 2017;
“26. Encourages the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime to continue its work, within its current mandate, under the Indian Ocean Forum on Maritime Crime to bring together relevant Member States and international organizations to develop strategies to disrupt the trade in Somali charcoal;
Humanitarian Access
“27. Expresses serious concern at the acute humanitarian situation in Somalia, condemns in the strongest terms increased attacks against humanitarian actors and any misuse of donor assistance and the obstruction of the delivery of humanitarian aid, and reiterates its demand that all parties allow and facilitate full, safe and unhindered access for the timely delivery of aid to persons in need across Somalia and encourages the FGS to improve the regulatory environment for aid donors;
“28. Decides that until 15 November 2017 and without prejudice to humanitarian assistance programmes conducted elsewhere, the measures imposed by paragraph 3 of resolution 1844 (2008) shall not apply to the payment of funds, other financial assets or economic resources necessary to ensure the timely delivery of urgently needed humanitarian assistance in Somalia, by the United Nations, its specialized agencies or programmes, humanitarian organizations having observer status with the United Nations General Assembly that provide humanitarian assistance, and their implementing partners including bilaterally or multilaterally funded non-governmental organizations participating in the United Nations Humanitarian Response Plan for Somalia;
“29. Requests the Emergency Relief Coordinator to report to the Security Council by 15 October 2017 on the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Somalia and on any impediments to the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Somalia, and requests relevant United Nations agencies and humanitarian organizations having observer status with the United Nations General Assembly and their implementing partners that provide humanitarian assistance in Somalia to increase their cooperation and willingness to share information with the United Nations;
Eritrea
“30. Welcomes the SEMG’s ongoing and significant efforts to engage with the Government of Eritrea, in that context recalls the two meetings between the Representative of the Government of Eritrea and the SEMG, reiterates its expectation that the Government of Eritrea will facilitate the entry of the SEMG to Eritrea, to discharge fully its mandate, in line with its repeated requests, including in paragraph 52 of resolution 2182 (2014); and underlines that deepened cooperation will help the Security Council be better informed about Eritrea’s compliance with the relevant Security Council resolutions;
“31. Urges the Government of Eritrea to facilitate a visit of the SEMG to Eritrea, and thereafter to support regular visits to Eritrea by the SEMG;
“32. Calls on Eritrea to cooperate fully with the SEMG, in accordance with the SEMG’s mandate contained in paragraph 13 of resolution 2060 (2012) and updated in paragraph 41 of resolution 2093 (2013);
“33. Stresses its demand that the Government of Eritrea allow access and make available any detailed information, including to the SEMG, pertaining to the Djiboutian combatants missing in action since the clashes of 2008 so that those concerned may ascertain the presence and conditions of any remaining Djiboutian prisoners of war;
“34. Expresses its intention to review measures on Eritrea in light of the upcoming midterm update by the SEMG due by 30 April 2017, and taking into account relevant Security Council resolutions;
Somalia
“35. Recalls resolution 1844 (2008) which imposed targeted sanctions and resolutions 2002 (2011) and 2093 (2013) which expanded the listing criteria, and notes one of the listing criteria under resolution 1844 (2008) is engaging in acts that threaten the peace, security or stability of Somalia;
“36. Reiterates its willingness to adopt targeted measures against individuals and entities on the basis of the above-mentioned criteria;
“37. Reiterates its request for Member States to assist the SEMG in their investigations, reiterates that obstructing the investigations or work of the SEMG is a criterion for listing under paragraph 15(e) of resolution 1907 (2009) and further requests the FGS, regional authorities and AMISOM to share information with the SEMG regarding Al-Shabaab activities;
“38. Decides to extend until 15 December 2017 the mandate of the Somalia and Eritrea SEMG as set out in paragraph 13 of resolution 2060 (2012) and updated in paragraph 41 of resolution 2093 (2013), and expresses its intention to review the mandate and take appropriate action regarding the further extension no later than 15 November 2017;
“39. Requests the Secretary-General to take the necessary administrative measures as expeditiously as possible to re-establish the SEMG, in consultation with the Committee, until 15 December 2017, drawing, as appropriate, on the expertise of the members of the SEMG established pursuant to previous resolutions, and further requests that administrative support to the SEMG be adjusted, within existing resources, to facilitate the delivery of their mandate;
“40. Requests the SEMG to provide monthly updates to the Committee, and a comprehensive midterm update, as well as to submit, for the Security Council’s consideration, through the Committee, two final reports; one focusing on Somalia, the other on Eritrea by 15 October 2017, covering all the tasks set out in paragraph 13 of resolution 2060 (2012) and updated in paragraph 41 of resolution 2093 (2013) and paragraph 15 of resolution 2182 (2014);
“41. Requests the Committee, in accordance with its mandate and in consultation with the SEMG and other relevant United Nations entities to consider the recommendations contained in the reports of the SEMG and recommend to the Security Council ways to improve the implementation of and compliance with the Somalia and Eritrea arms embargoes, the measures regarding the import and export of charcoal from Somalia, as well as implementation of the measures imposed by paragraphs 1, 3 and 7 of resolutions 1844 (2008) and paragraphs 5, 6, 8, 10, 12 and 13 of resolution 1907 (2009) in response to continuing violations;
“42. Requests the Committee to consider, where and when appropriate, visits to selected countries by the Chair and/or Committee members to enhance the full and effective implementation of the measures above, with a view to encouraging States to comply fully with this resolution;
“43. Decides to remain seized of the matter.”
For information media. Not an official record.
ነብስሄር ወይዘሮ ዑቝባ ተስፋይ፡ ብዝሓደራ ሕማም ኣብ ሆስፒታል ክትእለ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ብ2 ሕዳር 2016 ካብ’ዛ ዓለም ብሞት ከምእተፈለየትና ምስ ሰማዕና ከቢድ ሓዘንን ስንባደን ተሰሚዑና። ነብስሄር ዑቝባ ተስፋይ፡ ብዓልቲ ቤቱ ንሓው ኢያሱ ወልደሚካኤል ኣባል ሰዲህኤ ጨንፈር ዓዲ ጣልያን ኢያ።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ፡ ንመዋቲት መንግስተ-ሰማይ የዋርሳ፡ ንበዓል ቤታን ኵሎም ቤተ-ሰብን ድማ፡ እግዚኣብሄር ጽንዓቱ ይሃቦምን ጠሉ የውርደሎምን እናበልኩ፡ ብስመይን ብስም ኵሎም ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ፡ ናይ ሓዘኖም ተኻፈልቲ ምዃና ክገልጽ እፈቱ።
መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም
ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ
More...
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
ኤርትራውያን ተቓወምቲ፡ ጉዳይና ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ምዃኑ ወትሩ እነንጸባርቖ ዕላማና እዩ። ነዚ ዓብይ ጉዳይ፡ ምስቲ ቀንዲ ዋንኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይና ኣብ መዕርፎኡ ከነብጸሖ ከም እንደልን ናብኡ ዘብጽሕ ዓቕሚ ከም ዘለናን እውን ወትሩ እንጠቕሶን ከም ቀንዲ ዕላማና እንወስዶን እዩ። እዚ ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ምትግባር ብዙሓት ዘይሰዓርናዮም ብደሆታት ከም ዘለዉ ከኣ ደጋጊምና ንገልጽ። “ድሌትናን ዕላማናን ሓደ፡ ኣዋፍራና ከኣ በበይኑ” ምዃኑ ከኣ ናይ ዘይምዕዋትና ፍሩይ መግለጺ እዩ። ጸገምና ምርዳእ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናይ ጸገምና ጠንቂ እንታይ ምዃኑ ከም ዘይጠፍኣና’ውን ብዙሕ ግዜ ነመላኽት ኢና። ኣንጻር ሓደ ክውገድ ዝግበኦ ኣይኮነንዶ ንሕና ዓለም ዘለለየቶ ጸረ ህዝቢ ክትቃለስ እንከለኻ፡ ከምቲ ንቡር ቀንዲ ዕንቅፋት ክኾነካ ዝግበኦ ንሱ እቲ ኣንጻሩ ትቃሶ ዓመጸኛ እዩ። ካለኦት ባዕላውን ወድዓውን ጸገማት ኣይህልዉን ማለት ግና ኣይኮነን።
እዚ ጉዳይዚ ኣባና ክመጽእ እንከሎ ግና ፍልይ ዝበለ መልክዕ ምሓዙ ንግንዘብ። እቲ ኣንጻሩ ንቃለሶ ዘለና ዘይህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ብሰንኪ ኣሻዅ ባህርያቱ እንዳ ሓደረ ዝምንምን ዘሎ ብምዃኑ ቀንዲ ዓንቃፊና እዩ ኢልካ ምጥቃሱ የጸግም። ከም ውጽኢት ምድኻሙ ኣባና ዘንጸባርቕ ብርታዐ ግና ትሕቲ ክኾኖ ዝግበኦ እዩ። ንሕና ከኣ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ባህግናን፡ ዓቕምናን ኣውሃሂድና ንቃለዓለም ዘይኮነስ ብልብን ብዘይቀያየር ቀጻልነትን “ጉዳይና ጉዳይ ህዝቢ” ምዃኑ ኣዕሚቑ` ክሰርጸና ዘይምኽኣሉ ከም ቀንዲ ጸገምና ኮይኑ ቀሪቡ ኣሎ። ብዙሓት ከም ዝብልዎ፡ “ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ዝተሰለፍኩ እየ” ምባልን ብተግባር ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ምውፋይን ይፈላለ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ኩነታትና ናይ ብሓቂ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ዝተሰለፈ ኮይና ክንበቅዕ ዝተርፈና ብዙሕ እዩ። ከም ሓቂ ናይ ምትግባሩ ውሱንነት እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ናይ ብሓቂ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ዝተሰለፈ ወገን ንምዃን ከነማለኦ ዝግበኣና እውን ኣይመጠፈኣናን። እቲ ጸገም ኣብ መንጎ ንውልቃውነትካ ወይ ጉጅላውነትካን ምዃንን ንባህጊ ህዝቢ ምዃንን ዘሎ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባን ምድብላቕ ዝፈጠሮ እዩ።
ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ዝተወፈየ ዘተኣማምን ሓይሊ ንምዃን፡ ክኽፈል ካብ ዝግበኦ ክቡር ዋጋ ንጸቢብ ድሌትካ ብናይ ህዝቢ ድሌትን ባህግን ከም ዝግዛእ ክትገብሮ ምብቃዕ መሰረታዊ’ እዩ። ዝተፈላለዩ ጸበብቲ ዝንባሌታትካ ውሒጥካ ናይ ብሓቂ “ኣነ ንህዝበይ’የ” ኣብ ክንዲ ምባል፡ ክልተ፡ ሰለስተ ዝንባሌታትን ኣተሓሳስባታትን እንዳቛሰኻ ምኻድ ኣየዕውትን እዩ። በቲ ሓደ ወገን “ኣነ ንህዝበይ” ዝብል ጭረሖ ሒዝካ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ድማ፡ ንሃይማኖታዊ፡ ንብሄራዊ፡ ንቋንቋውን ንቦታውን ጸቢብነታት ብውዱብ ይኹን ብዘይውዱብ መልክዕ ልዕሊ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ክትሰርዕ ምፍታን ውጽኢቱ ኣብ ዘለኻዮ ዕንክሊልን ደውታት እዩ። ምናልባት እውን ካብኡ ንታሕቲ ሻታሕታሕ ምባል ይኸውን።
ኣብ ከምዚ ዘለናዮ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ብዙሕነት፡ ነየናይ ወሲድካ ነየና ትገድፍ፡ ነየናይ ኣደይብካ ነየናይ ተውርድ፡ ኮታ ነየናይ ተቐቢልካ ነየናይ ትነጽግ ክትውስን’ሞ ውሳነኻ ከኣ ርትዓዊ ክኸውን ኣተሓሳስባታትን ተረኽቦታትን ምግምጋምን ምምዛንን ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ናይ ብሓቂ ኣገዳሲ ዝኸውን ከኣ ሚዛንካ ኣብ ርትዓውነት ዝተመስረተ ኮይኑ ናይ ውጽኢ’ቲ ገምጋምካ ምእዙዝን ቅዩድን ክትከውን እንከለኻ እዩ። እዚ ዘይምግባር ከኣ ኣዝዩ ግጉይ እዩ። ከምቲ ግጉይ መንገዲ ናብቲ ዝሓሰብካዮ ዘይወስድን ካብ ናይ ህዝቢ ውክልና’ውን ዘውጽእ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ብኒሕ፡ ብህልኽ፡ ብሓንሳብ ካብ ጀመርኩዎ ንድሕሪት ኣይምለስን ተሰንዲሕካ ንዝረአን ዝድህሰስን ክዉን ሓቂ “ይረኣየኒ የለን” ዝዓይነቱ መንገዲ ምምራጽ ቦታኻ ከምቲ ኣፍካ ዝደርፎ ወገን ህዝቢ ዘይኮነስ ኣብቲ ኣንጻሩ ዘሎ ኩርናዕ እዩ ዝኸውን። ካብዚ ናይ “ዓይኒ የብለይ ስኒ የብለይ” ኣካይዳ ወጺእካ ብግብሪ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ዘቐድም ርትዓዊ መንገዲ ክትሓዝ ተወፋይነት ዝሓትት እዩ። ተወፋይነት ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ከምዚ ዘለናዮ ሃለዋት ንባዕላውነት ኣወጊዱ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ዘቐድም ኣተሓሳስባ ምሓዝ እውን ውፉይነት እዩ። ኣብዚ ዝዕወቱ ከኣ ጀጋኑ እዮም። ብእንጻሩ፡ “ንውልቃዊ ወይ ጉጅላዊ ድሌተይን ጸቢብ ስምዒተይን ዘየንጸባርቕ እንተኾይኑ፡ ዋላ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ይኹን ይጠንጠን” ምባል ከኣ ናይ ስሰዐ መግለጺ እዩ። ስሰዐ ኣብ ንዋይ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባ’ውን ይረአ እዩ።
ኣብ ክንዲ ቅኑዕ ህዝባዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ምሓዝ ጸቢብ ህርፋንካ ከተርዊ ምምራጽ ነቲ ዓወቱ ዘይተርፍ ባህጊ ህዝቢ ተገደደስ የደናጎዮ እምበር ጠጠው ከብሉ ኣይክእልን። ጉዳያት ብናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም ናይ ምቕጻል ባህሪ ስለ ዘለዎም። ቅኑዕ ናይ ህዝቢ ሕቶ ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ክዕወት ናይ ግድን እዩ። እቲ ዘይቅኑዕን ዘየስርሕን ክነሱ “ቅኑዕ እዩ” ኢልካ ትምድረሉ ከኣ ናይ ግዜ ጉዳይ ደኣ ይኸውን እምበር ብኣሉታ ምምዝጋቡ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እቲ ንሓደ ተረኽቦ፡ ኮነ ኢሉ ብናይ ህዝቢ ድሌት ኣጐልቢቡ፡ ንጸቢብነቱ ሓሸውየ ክጻወት ዝፍትን ኣካል ከኣ ብውሕዱ ብሕልንኡ ክውቀስ ምዃኑ ዘይተርፍ እዩ። ህዝቢ’ውን “ንዓኻ ኣሚነ ነዓይ ኣብ ዘይውክል መስርሕ ተስፋ ኣንቢረ መዋጸኦ ከይደሊ ዘሪዕካኒ ጸኒሕካ” ዝብለሉ መድረኽ ከም ዝመጽእ ምዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን።
Published in
EPDP Editorial
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ ትማሊ 6 ጥቅምቲ 2016 መበል 5ይ ጉባኤኡ ኣብ ከተማ ኦስሎ ብዓወት ኣሰላሲሉ። ኣብቲ ንልዕሊ 7 ሰዓታት ዝተኻየደ ጉባኤ፣ ዋና ጸሓፊ ጨንፈር ብጻይ ዳዊት ኣርኣያ ንኹሎም ተጋባእቲ ናይ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መጻእኩም ቃል ኣሚዑ፣ መደባትን ኣጀንዳታትን ጉባኤውን ብዝርዝር ኣብሪሁ።
ብምቅጻል፣ ናይ ደገፍ ቃሉ ከስምዕ ዝተዓደመ ኣቦ መንበር በርገሳዊ ማሕበር ሕብረት ኤርትራውያን ሓው ወልደኣብ ፍሰሃጼን ኣብቲ ጉባኤ ተረኺቡ ናይ ዮውሃናን፣ ሰናይ ድለትን፣ ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕ ድልውነት ንሱ ዝመርሖ በርገሳዊ ማሕበርን ኣስሚዑ። ሓው ወልደኣብ 5ይ ጉባኤ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ ብሓደ ወገን፣ ኩነታት ህዝብና ኣብ ውሽትን ዋጻእን ሃገር ኣብ ዝገደደ ሓደጋ ተሳጢሑ ኣብ ዝርከበሉ ህሞት፣ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ ኣብ ከርሲ ደምበ ደለይቲ ፍትሒውን እንተኾነ፣ ንእዋናዊ ቃልሲ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ከምዘየሎን፣ ከምዘየድምዕን ገሩ ንኽገልጽ፣ ንናይ ናጽነት ብረታዊ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ጀግንነታዊ ታሪኹን ምስ ሽፍትነትን ገበንን ኣዛሚዱ ብምግላጽ ንዝተኸፍለ ረዚን ናይ ህይወት ዋጋውን እንተኾነ ብኮንቱነት ዝገልጽ፣ ንናጽነትን ልዑላውነትን ሃዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራውን ዘይቅበልን ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ሓድነት ኣብ ዝብል ማኣዝን ዝስሕብ ብደረቱ ዝሓስብ ሓይልታት ተቀልቂሉ፣ ንማኣዝን ሃገራዊ ቃልስና ኣንፈት ንምስሓት ህርድግ ኣብዝብለሉ ኩነታት ይከየድ ከምዘሎ ብምሕባር፣ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ማንም ግዜ ንላዕሊ ጸኒዑን ሓዪሉን ክሰርሕ መድረኽ ይጠልቦ ኣሎ ክብል ኣተሓሳሲቡ። ብምቅጻል ብጻይ ወልደኣብ፣ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቤ ኤርትራ ብደረጃ ዓለም ኮነ ብደረጃ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ፣ ንዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ኣብ ምውህሃድን ኣብ ምቅርራብን ክጻወቶ ዝጸንሐ ታራ ዓቢይ ከምዝኾነ ብምግላጽ፣ ሕጅውን እንተኾነ ከይተሓለለ ክቅጽሎ ብምልባው፣ መቃልስቲ ኣሕዋት ናይዚ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ጽኑዕ ሰልፍን ጽኑዓት ኣባላቱን ምዃን ድማ የሐብነናን የዅርዓናን እዩ እንክብልውን ምስጋኑኡን ኣድናቆቱን ገሊጹ።
ኣባል ፈጻሚት ሽማገለን ኣቦ መንበር ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያትን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብጻይ መድሃኔ ሃብተዝግውን ኣብቲ ጉባኤ ተረኺቡ፣ ብቀዳምነት ብሽም ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮምን ኣቦ መንበር ዞባ ኤውሮጳ ኣቶ ኢሳቅ ወልደማርያምን ንተጋባእቲ ምዉቅ ሰላምታን ናይ ዕዉት ጉባኤ ሰናይ ምንዮትን ቃል ኣስሚዑ፣ ብምቅጻል ድማ ጉዕዞ ሰልፍን ዓወታቱን ድኽመታቱን ድሕሪ 2ይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ኣብ ዝብል ኣተኲሩ መብሪሂ ሂቡ። ኣብ መደረኡ ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ኣብ 7ይ ዓመታዊ ኣኼባኡ ግቡእ ግምገማ ሰልፊ ብምክያድ፣ ተተሓሒዝዎ ዘሎ ሰልፊ ናይ ምሕያልን ምሕዳስን መደባትን ዕማማትን ናይ ስራሕ ኣከፋፍላን ብዝምልከት ሰፊሕ መብሪሂ ብምሃብ፣ ኩሉ ኣባል ሰልፊ ድማ ብማዕረ ሓላፍነትን ዓቅሙ ዘፍቅዶ ኣበርክቶን ብምግባር ንትግባረ ናይዚ መደባት ዕዉት ክገብሮ ኣተሓሳሲቡን ተላቢዩን።
ብምኽታል ንጨንፈር ካብ ራብዓይ ጉባኤ ክሳብ 5 ጉባኤ ብዓቢይ ሓላፍነት መሪሑ ዘብጸሐ መሪሕነት ዓመታዊ ጸብጻባቱ ንተጋባእቲ ኣስሚዑ፣ ተጋባእትውን ዘትዮምሉን ተመያዪጦምሉን።
ድሕሪ ጸብጻባት ምስማዕን ምምይያጥን ጉባኤ ሰክረታር ጉባኤ ብምምራጽ፣ ንነውሕ ግዜ መደባትን ዝቅጽል ዓመተ ስራሕ ክዕመሙ ዘለዎም መደባት ኣብ ምምዳብን ናይ ስራሕ መምሪሒታት ኣብ ምንዳፍን ኣሕሊፉ። ዲሕሪ ምንዳፍ ናይ ስራሕ መምሪሒታትን ምድላው ዓመታዊ መደባትን ምክፍፋል ስራሕን፣ ጉባኤ ሓዲሽ መሪሕነት ኣብ ምምራጽ ሰጊሩ፣ ኣብ ዝሕለፈ ዓመት ብሓላፍነት ንዘገልገሉ ግቡእ ምስጋና ድሕሪ ምቅራብ ድማ፣ ብደሞክራስያዊ ኣገባብ መሪሕነት ጨንፈርን ተቆጻጻርቲ ጨንፈርን መሪጹ፣ ጉባኤኡ ብዓወት ዛዚሙ።
ክፍሊ ዜናን ሓበረታን ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
November 06, 2016 06:39 PM
NEW YORK (AP) - Eritrea's Ghirmay Ghebreslassie has won the New York City Marathon in the men's field.
Ghebreslassie finished his debut in New York with an unofficial time of 2 hours, 7 minutes, 51 seconds.
For most of the course, the men's field was a three-man race between Ghebreslassie, Kenya's Lucas Rotich and Ethiopia's Lelisa Desisa. By mile 20, Ghebreslassie gradually began pulling away.
The 20-year-old beat Rotich by 62 seconds and became the youngest male winner in New York. The previous youngest male winners were Alberto Salazar in 1980 and Tom Fleming in 1973, who won as 22-year-olds.
Defending champion Stanley Biwott withdrew at the 10-mile mark with a right calf injury. He also dropped out in the Rio Olympics after getting sick.
American Abdi Abdirahman placed third.
Desisa, who was the runner-up in New York in 2014 and a two-time Boston Marathon winner, dropped out at the 22nd mile.
___
This story has been corrected to show that the winner's last name is spelled Ghebreslassie, not Ghebresiassie, and that he's 20 years old, not 19.
Source=http://wnyt.com/sports/eritreas-ghirmay-ghebresiassie-wins-nyc-marathon/4311589/?cat=256
Monday, November 7, 2016
Eritrea marked 25 years of independence from Ethiopia this year, but its citizens remain victimised by one of the world’s most repressive governments.
They suffer arbitrary and indefinite detention; torture; inhumane conditions of confinement; restrictions on freedom of speech, movement, and belief; and indefinite conscription and forced labour in national service.
People from all walks of life —government officials, leaders of government-controlled labour unions, business people, journalists, and national service evaders or escapees — have been jailed for explicit or inferred opposition to the ugly brutal President Isaias Afwerki and his policies.
The number of Eritreans jailed for such opposition is difficult to confirm, but ranges from 10,000 to 20,000, excluding national service evaders and deserters, who may number tens of thousands more. More than numerous prominent critics and journalists have been held in incommunicado isolation for a decade — most of which are feared to be dead.
Prisoners are often held indefinitely without access to family members, prison monitors or lawyers. There are no public trials and no appeals. Those inquiring about a relative’s whereabouts risk being jailed themselves, or disappeared.
Families are punished for the acts of one of its members, especially for draft evasion or desertion. The family is given no opportunity to defend itself. Families are fined for evasion or desertion. Those who do not or cannot pay are jailed and may have property confiscated, in addition to the forced labour and other abuses faced by those who do national service.
Therefore, we urge the United Nations to take the required immediate strict action against the criminal government so that it might be a good lesson to the other dictators.
Source=https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/eritreans-face-repression
