" Awaken the Giant Within"

   Anthony Robbins

The word ” dialogue” derives from the Latin term ” dialogos” which means ” the flow of meaning.” The practice of dialogue enables the true meaning or deeper significance of something to flow and come into being. Through dialogue our natural intelligence is able to reveal itsllf. Our humanity is afforded the possibility of recognizing itself. Dialogue offers different interests an opportunity to interact in a non-adversarial way when opposing issues are at stake.

Dialogue is different from debate in that it encourages diversity of thinking and opinions rather than suppressing these notions. It facilitates the progressive emergence of a mutual understanding of the problems and the search for consensus. In the practice of dialogue, there is an agreement that one person’s concepts or beliefs should not take precedence over those of others, and that the common agreement should not be sought at the cost of individual integrity.

An underlying premise when dialogue is used as a problem saving tool is that any part of a nation, organization, system or group- if it has access to real information about the whole of which it is a part, and has a chance to listen itself-will start to think creatively and to organize itself towards the evolutionary step.

This process is not about pronouncing judgements; rather it is about listening for a deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place. When this can happen, movement towards resolution has a real opportunity to take place

Dialogue is the main instrument for bringing stakeholders together to discuss the opportunities and constraints for democratic change and design strategies to address the issues in a way that ensures the best possible common agreement.

Through dialogue competing interests can be interacted in a friendly atmosphere. The process of dialogue is not about to pronounce judgements but rather listening for a deeper understanding and awareness of the issues at stake, thus increasing opportunities for resolving differences in mutually accepted way.

In case of, ” Eritreans for democratic change” those who are engaged in the struggle from dictatorship to democracy, the impact of the political dialogue did not generate a momentum and reinforced the democrtic transition but disabled them to resolve their differences in a mutually accepted way.

In this article, I will try to assess the Eritrean opposition and their practising of dialogue based on the below mentioned search questions.

  1. Did the repeated dialogues between Eritreans for democratic change increase the opprtunities for resolving their differences in mutually accepted way?
  2. How is the process of dialogue in the Eritrean forces for democratic change?
  3. What were the impacts of these dialogues?
  4. What are the values of dialogue?
  5. What are the requirements of dialogue to be effective?
  1. 1.Did the repeated dialogues between Eritreans for democratic change increase the opportunities for resolving their differences in mutually accepted way?

If we see the Eritrean politics from the early time of political awareness since nationhood and later during the federation period have repeatedly performed dialogues but their dialogues were full of mistrust, intrigues and gossips due to this Eritrean political elites lost the opportunities for resolving their differences in a mutually accepted way and Eritrean people lost their self-determination and later occupied by the Ethiopian Emperor.

During the armed struggle the trend of mistrust, intrigues and gossips continued and conflicts were resolved by violence and internecine wars. The post liberation period has continued by the same trend with the motto the winner takes all. The Eritrean conflict is not negative itself but it is the method of conflict management, where stakeholders attempt to resolve their disputes by unconstitutional or violent means. We all advocate for democratic system in Eritrea. Democracy is the system of all opportunities. Do we in the opposition camp learned and used these opportunities to resolve conflicts. If democracy is about managing conflict peacefully, do we practise democratic methods in resolving disputes? Looking at the Eritrean political and civic organizations experience from the building of coalitions and partnership we have seen many national dialogues performed but all were on paper but not in practice.

The Eritrean opposition must first engage in a national and international dialogue to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts.

Dialogue as ”prevention mechanism” Bringing all stakeholders together for structured, critical and constructive discussion at the level of nation – Eritrea by practicing this method we can avoid confrontation and conflict. We need to break the vicious circle and build bridges of negotiations.

Dialogue as mechanism of managing conflicts: The Eritrean opposition failed to build a democratic institutions and procedures to manage their internal conflicts peacefully. We lack democratic institutions that can provide us with skills and knowledge for political consultation and joint action that can peacefully manage potential conflicts.

Dialogue as resolution mechanism: The Eritrean opposition political dialogue has never defused potential crises but deteriorated them ( see all the past dialogues) We need a political dialogue that defuses potential crises by proposing appropriate peaceful solutions. The opposition must establish institutions that provide frameworks sustaining peaceful settlements of conflicts and preventing recurrence of conflict.

  1. 2.How is/ was the process of dialogue in the Eritrean forces for democratic change?

The Eritrean opposition political organizations national dialogues were not performed in a friendly atmosphere but in adversarial and mistrustful pronouncing judgments instead of listening for a deeper understanding and wareness of the national issues at the stake. They start with emotional and spontant feelings without well studied framework and guidelines.

The process of national dialogue must be based on partnership without dictation and imposition. Looking at the Eritrean opposition forces dialogue has not followed a genuine partnership and development with mutual respect, common objectives and responsibilities.

Let us take the Eritrean Political Organizations dialogue under the title, ” Unity to save our people” their framework started based on the assessment of the previous strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. It was this assessment that guided them to build a coalition of all political organizations in the opposition camp. The joint assessment put the common values and objectives first to build coalition of political organizations and later prepare the all inclusive convention of unity and democracy like that of South Africa- CODESA/ Convention democracy for South Africa and later COSATU/ Convention South African Trade Unions. In South African case, these two conventions were mile Stones in the transition from Apartheid to democracy. The ANC and other political organizations united at this convention and the trade unions followed the same method and come together towards democratic transition.

The Eritrean Political organizations dialogue under the name , ” consultation forum” failed in its application because since democracy is dynamic they would have first achieved build the coalitions of political organizations and later build a broad national coalitions including the civil society and trade unions. Civil societies or trade unions should first have their convention and later these two meet and agree on joint actions now at this time of struggle against the dictatorship and lay down the foundations of future democratic Eritrea.

The application or implementation should have been by stages. Putting the common values as guidelines and practicing the principles of partnership both at the grass level. The constituents of the political organizations should have known the process of coalition building. The Eritrean political organizations leaders if they have agreed in the common values the application of the agreed framework is not difficult it can be solved by deepening the consultation/dialogue. I hope the consultation forum continue both at national and international level.

  1. What were the impacts of these dialogues/ consultation forum?

The Eritrean struggle from dictatorship to democracy and those who are engaged either political or civil society organizations have been performing seminars, conferences and consultations at intervals since 2008. If we evaluate these efforts one can ascertain that never helped u sto reach an agreement on the implementation of the forged consensus. For example, the Awasa congress and its leadership national council for democratic change forged a consensus on common values and documents but failed to implement the common values.

The consultation forum of political organizations also gridlocked in the implementation of the forged agreements.( Building coalitions and convening of national congress) who will take the responsibility. Eritrean national dialogues failed to identify priority areas and focus on the priorities instead of bickering for power.

The impact of national dialogues and consultations have not helped us develop a new political culture but hold us in our previous Vicious circle.

It couldn’t help us to gain popular support and legitimacy.

  1. What are the values of dialogue?

Political dialogue is the process of consultation and participation and is one of the tools of democracy. Dialogue is useful method for managing, preventing and resolving conflicts. Dialogue is a soft power mechanism that helps us solve our conflicts peacefully. Dialogue enhances trust building and reconciliation.

The Eritrean political organizations agreed in principle to renew their partnership for future in order to topple the dictatorship in Eritrea but not succeeded to build a strengthened coalition through deeper political dialogue.

Political dialogue should not take the form of dictation but be based on dialogue contract. Dialogue continues until it reaches the objectives of the people. How much are the Eritrean political opposition organizations aware of the values of dialogue is the issue to be discussed and analysed.

  1. What are the requirements of dialogue to be effective?

For a dialogue to be effective requires genuine interest of all political organizations involved in the dialogue. All the parties involved must adhere to the guiding principles. The dialogue must be transparent from the very beginning and no part of the opposition be excluded. In a genuine dialogue is required a firm commitment among the stakeholders that disputes and conflicts should be resolved peacefully and not by violent means. The Eritrea culture of resolving conflicts has been violent since the Eritrean nationhood from 1942 -2014.

A genuine dialogue disseminated to its wider constituents. The recent Eritrean Political organizations consultation forum has never been disseminated to its constituents but later known that it has come to deadlock. A genuine dialogue must have belief and never-ending commitment and open to media so that it can get witness that who is responsible for the success or failure of the dialogue.

Assessing the Eritrean practising of national dialogues show that all the dialogues taken during the past political and armed struggle were not based on national principles and beliefs. The post-independence Eritrea by the EPLF/PFDJ is historically and naturally against all democratic tools. Their books are of negligence, violence and arrogance.

The main challenge in the struggle from dictatorship to democracy is uprooting the culture of negligence and arrogance of the Eritrean elites of all kinds. Let us destroy the blocks, break down the walls of hate and build up the bridges of trust and beliefs.

  

Sunday, 01 April 2018 22:11

Radio 88 - Hernnet Arabia 31-03-2018...

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ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝዀኑ ሓው ትኩእ ተስፋይን ሓውቲ ፈቨን ግዴዎንን ዝርከብዎ ልኡኽ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብ31 መጋቢት 2018 ኣብ እስራኤል ኣትዩ።

 

ልኡኽ ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣብ መዓርፎ ነፈርቲ ተልኣቪቭ፡ ዕታሮ ዕንባባ ብዝሓዙ ነበርቲ ኣብ’ታ ሃገር ድሙቕ ኣቐባብላ ተገይርሉ።

 

EPDP Deligation arrived Israel 01.04.2018

 

ልኡኽ ሰዲህኤ፡ ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡ ምስ’ቶም ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከቡ ንማእሰርትን ምብራርን ተቓሊዖም ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ምድግጋፉ ንምርኣይ ክኸውን እንከሎ፣ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኵነታት ኤርትራ፡ ሰዲህኤን ደምበ ተቓውሞን መብርሂታት ክህቡ ኢዮም።

 

ልኡኽ ሰልፊ ኣብ እስራኤል ኣብ ዝጸንሓሉ ግዜ ምስ እስራኤላውያን ተጣበቕቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ጕዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝምልከቶም ካልኦት ትካላትን ክራኸብ ክጽዕር ኢዩ።

EPDP Deligation arrived Tel Aviv Aport 01.04.2018

 

ዝርዝር ሓበሬታ ንጥፈታት ልኡኽ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ እስራኤል ከነስዕበልኩም ኢና።

ርሑስ በዓል ፋሲካን ሰላም፡ ብልጽግናን ፍትሕን ዝሰፍነሉን ዓመት ይግበረልኩም

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

Meron Estefanos 25 Mar 2018 00:00

The Eritrean government has no intention to change the unlimited national service that pushes the youth out of the country. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

The Eritrean government has no intention to change the unlimited national service that pushes the youth out of the country. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

Thousands of African refugees and migrants are trapped in Libya, where they are exposed to enslavement, torture and rape. A vast network of militias, armed groups and smugglers inhumanely brutalise these refugees held captive, demanding ransom for their release. This Old-World experience might be new for the international community, but it is sadly normal for the Eritrean people, who have become accustomed such horrors. With the abuse against Eritrean refugees persisting on for almost 10 years, in Sudan, Egypt, Yemen, Israel, and now Libya, Eritreans have become desensitised; the slavery in Libya is “the new normal”.

In Sudan, we get kidnapped and sold; in Egypt we get auctioned and sold; in Libya we are sold over and over again; Israel pays Rwanda $5 000 for our resettlements; and worst of all, our president demands $50 000 from Israel for our deportation and torture. This is what it means to be an Eritrean refugee in 2018! It is an enigma that I fail to resolve.

Narrating the tragic, first-hand accounts of Eritrean refugees held in the hands of smugglers and armed militias can provide a clear picture as to why these refugees are willing to take such risks. As an activist and journalist, I have been reporting on the plight of Eritrean refugees around the world. While it was encouraging and vindicating to witness the international community’s outrage against slavery in Libya, still, every month, more than two thousand young people join the hundreds of thousands in refugee camps in Sudan and Ethiopia. Despite a population of only five million, Eritrea is one of the largest refugee-producing countries in the world.

 

Of all the atrocities taking place in Eritrea, be it against dissident politicians, independent media professionals, religious leaders and community elders, it is the plight of the youth that is the most harrowing. Eritrean youth are wrought with most horrifying and tragic obstacles on their way to Europe. A young Eritrean who gives up hope and leaves his native country, choosing the prospect of a dignified death abroad over an undignified life in Eritrea, is either tortured, raped or dies a slow agonising death. By fleeing the indefinite military conscription and human right abuses in their own country, they are exposed to a vicious cycle of tragedy.

In my years of activism, I have heard stories that shocked my conscience and made me question humanity. But there are few stories that remain glued to me always, that I am unable to erase from my memory. Here are three of them.

The biggest one is a story that shocked the world in 2013. On 03 October, a tragedy struck in the Mediterranean Sea, very near the idyllic Italian cost of Lampedusa. A refugee-carrying boat capsized, and more than 350 Eritrean men, women and children vanished within sight of safety.

Yohanna, a 22-year-old was among those who lost her life. Had she survived the tragic death in Mediterranean, she would have given birth to a child and enjoyed being a parent together with her fiancé in Italy. But as fate would have it, her child was born as she was sinking to her death. Both were found amidst the wreckage, with the umbilical cord still connecting them in death as they were in life.

The lives of Helen and her four children were also claimed by the tragedy of that day. She was on her way to join her mother in Europe and give her children a better future. Those who survived the tragedy remember how she had gathered all of her children near her, trying to hold them in embrace to save them. She screamed in agony as one after another slipped out of her arms to their deaths. She wailed in anguish, she cried her regret, and finally, she, too, was swept away, or maybe she decided there was nothing worth holding on for.

I am also left thinking of this horrifying story of torture and rape at the hands of the human traffickers in the Sinai Desert. Mulugeta, a former Eritrean freedom fighter, decided to abscond the country with his two teenage daughters, hoping for a better future and education for his girls in Europe. Within days, they reached a Sudanese camp. Hours after their arrival, soldiers came into the camp, and traffickers followed. Mulugeta was beaten, his legs were sliced and cut and he, along with his two daughters and a group of other refugees were taken to Sinai by force. For 15 days, they crossed the desert, with little food and water. When they arrived at a new camp, Mulugeta was forced to the ground, his face in the dirt while iron chains were roughly locked around his ankles and wrists. He was beaten over and over again. He witnessed the man next to him die from malnourishment and the beatings.

 

Mulugeta was helpless to intervene as his daughters were stripped, sexually violated and beaten. The traffickers used stones, chains, or tree branches to beat victims on their legs, back and even head, he explained. The pain was excruciating, but after a while, he admitted, he didn’t even feel it as his body became numb and it all became a blur. The traffickers demanded $40 000 for each of them. Mulugeta’s community in Eritrea raised the funds and gave them to his wife to transfer to the traffickers. He was released after three months with four others, was forced to abandon his daughters and arrived in Tel Aviv in November, where they were left out on the street.

Still, thousands of Eritreans perish at the hands of human traffickers in Libya or crossing the Mediterranean Sea. This situation is exacerbated by Europe’s attempt to contain African refugees in Africa and its push policy of external border protection and deportation. The failure to come up with policies to address the refugee issue is another problem. Providing development funds for countries like Eritrea in the hope of reducing the refugee crisis hasn’t worked. The Eritrean government has no intention to change the unlimited national service that pushes the youth out of the country. Until Europe and the international community proactively responds, it is not only Eritreans who will suffer from human trafficking but also other Africans, who are fleeing their countries in search of freedom and better life in Europe.

The question remains, what are Eritreans doing to change their plight to get rid of the root cause?

The dream of a prosperous Eritrea that respect the rights and dignity of its people still resonates with the youth. The resilience of this dream is instilled within them and they won’t give up fighting for it. They organise themselves and fight back. First, they fight their own bewilderment and then the system that has caused it. They organise solidarity marches and protests. They are the ones who marched in support of the finding of the Commission of Inquiry on human rights in Eritrea. They organise rescue missions and lobbying missions and try to organise mass phone contacts with their counterparts in Eritrea to keep the dream alive. They have made hundreds of thousands of calls as part of the Freedom Friday Movement. One-to-one calls and automated mass calls are made in an effort to engage Eritreans inside the country and encouraging them to show their resistance by taking actions that build their solidarity and confidence.

This relationship among the locals and across activists in the diaspora has encouraged a small but sturdy team to form inside the country. Their enthusiasm and boldness inspires everyone, including observers in the international community. They smuggled video clips, posted protest posters, launched and distributed an underground new paper. Recently, team Arbi Harnet were among those who shared several video clips and photos about the unprecedented 31 October 2017, protest staged by students Diae Al Islamai on Asmara.

This was a vindication and affirmation of what I said in 2013 at the Oslo Freedom Forum and I will reiterate it at next week’s Oslo Freedom Forum in Johannesburg on 26 March. “It is extremely early days and these are tiny baby steps, but the momentum of resistance doesn’t follow the normal stages of development, the Arab Spring has demonstrated that. I am fully confident that with time Eritreans, too, will rise and challenge the most brutal dictatorship in Africa.

As President Obama rightly articulated, “the refugee crisis is a test of our common humanity. We must recognise that refugees are a symptom of larger failures – be it war, ethnic tensions, or persecution.” Democracies do not produce refugees. If we need a permanent solution to the refugee crises, we need to address the root cause: democratisation and the violation of human rights in Africa. This is a global crisis, which needs global solution. Let the European countries and other international organisations use their leverage to push for change in Africa. Let the African people stand up against their own dictatorial regimes. It is through our combined effort that change can be real in Africa. Thus, on the occasion of World Refugee Day on June 20, let us all renew our commitments to fight for democracy and human rights all over the world. It only then that of tragedy of the refugee will come to an end! 

Meron Estefanos is an Eritrean journalist and human rights activist, who will be speaking at the Oslo Freedom Forum in Johannesburg on March 26. 
Meron Estefanos

Meron Estefanos

Meron Estefanos is an Eritrean journalist and human rights activist. She is a contributor to the leading Eritrean diaspora news site Asmarino, and a presenter for Radio Erena (Tigrinya for “Our Eritrea”). She is also the co-founder of the International Commission on Eritrean Refugees, an advocacy organisation for the rights of Eritrean refugees, victims of trafficking, and victims of torture. Estefanos identifies families around the world who have been blackmailed into paying ransoms for their kidnapped family members, and she was a key witness in the first blackmail trial in Europe. Estefanos has been threatened and harassed for her work, especially her coverage of the case of Dawit Isaak, a Swedish-Eritrean journalist imprisoned without charge for more than 10 years in Eritrea. Despite the backlash, she continues to campaign for democracy in her country, which has suffered under the dictatorship of Isaias Afwerki since 1993. Estefanos has co-authored two books, "Human Trafficking in the Sinai: Refugees between Life and Death," and "Human Trafficking Cycle: Sinai and Beyond.” Read more from Meron Estefanos

Eritrea's Qatar attacks don't come out the blue

Link to original article
Analysis: UAE and Saudi designs on the Red Sea have seen East Africa’s Eritrea join the blockade of Qatar. Asmara’s rhetoric against Doha now mirrors the Riyadh-led bloc’s line.

Eritrea launched a series of surprise verbal assaults on Qatar this week, claiming the Gulf state and Sudan were both interfering in the East African state’s internal affairs.

A bizarre statement issued by Asmara claimed that the two countries were backing an anti-government figure and that Doha sent fighter aircraft to an area of Sudan close to the Eritrean border.

In an interview with Saudi broadcaster al-Arabiya on Wednesday, an Eritrean diplomat alleged that Qatar had been meddling “for years” in the East African state. 

The claim contradicted the cordial relations between the two countries over the past many years.

In 2016, Qatar helped broker a deal which saw four Djibouti prisoners of war released from an eight-year stint in Eritrean captivity.

They were captured during a bloody war between the two countries in 2008, which ended in 2010 when hundreds of Qatari troops were deployed to the fraught border region as peacekeepers.

Last year, Eritrea distanced itself from Qatar and joined a Saudi-led blockade launched on Doha in June.  

Claims

Asmara’s latest attack on Qatar came through a statement issued by Eritrea’s information ministry this week.

In the bizarrely worded complaint, Asmara named Qatar as “one of the military threats that the African horn region could face”.

Eritrea went to on to claim that Qatar and Sudan had established a joint military training camp for an Eritrean opposition figure named Mohammed Jumma, described by Asmara as a “radical cleric”.

The ministry then alleged that Qatar and Sudan had deployed three MiG fighter jets to Kassala in eastern Sudan, flown by two Qataris and an Ethiopian pilot.

The military deployment was to “thwart” a planned attack by Eritrea “that would be unleashed with the support of the United Arab Emirates”, the ministry added.

  The historical bond between the peoples of Qatar and Eritrea [is] strong  

Qatar and Sudan swiftly denied the claims. Qatar’s foreign ministry said Eritrea’s reports were “false” and contradict “Qatar’s foreign policy principles that respect the sovereignty of other countries and promotes peaceful coexistence”.

[click to enlarge]

The statement added that Qatar was committed to security and stability in the Horn of Africa region. “The historical bond between the peoples of Qatar and Eritrea [is] strong,” the statement added.

Pressure

Eritrea was one of several African nations to follow the Saudi-led alliance and cut ties with Qatar in June, all of which are believed to have been rewarded by their Gulf patrons.

Shortly after Asmara announced it was cutting ties with Doha, Qatar pulled its 400 peacekeeping troops from the Eritrean-Djibouti border region.

Eritrea soon seized the contested territories that were once monitored by the Qatari troops, despite earlier assurances it would not. It appeared to be a pay-off by the Saudi-led coalition to Asmara for its diplomatic support during the crisis.

The UAE has been building its military and diplomatic relations with Eritrea for some time.

In late 2017, the UN said Abu Dhabi might have broken an international arms embargo imposed on the repressive Eritrean regime and that the UAE was building up its military presence in the state.

  The UAE, has meanwhile been expanding its presence along the strategically vital Red Sea coastlines, boosting its military presence in south Yemen and East Africa  

Eritrea’s role in the Yemen war also remains unclear.

This could be a dangerous escalation in the military balance in the region, given the risk of war between Eritrea and its neighbours Djibouti and Ethiopia still remains high.

With the aggressive military regime in Asmara getting the clear backing of the UAE and Saudi Arabia, things could get worse.

East Africa’s fragile peace has not been helped by the dispute over control of the Nile waters. Egypt has signalled it could take military action against Eritrea’s historic rival Ethiopia over its massive dam project.

Egypt’s ally, the UAE, has meanwhile been expanding its presence along the strategically vital Red Sea coastlines, boosting its military presence in south Yemen and East Africa.​

Abu Dhabi is now building up its military presence in Eritrea with a naval and airbase near the port of Assab. Naval ships, helicopters and attack aircraft are thought to be operating from the military base.

UAE-backed Egyptian forces also reportedly entered Eritrea in January, according to the Kuwaiti al-Sharq newspaper.

Given the UAE’s other economic and military endeavours in south Yemen, it is likely that Eritrea could be part of Abu Dhabi’s plans for controlling key shipping lanes through the Bab al-Mandab strait.

With Turkey also building up its presence and having concerns about Abu Dhabi’s designs on the region, the latest allegations from Eritrea – which echo the Saudi-led bloc’s own rhetoric – could signify something much bigger. 

Follow Paul McLoughlin on Twitter: @PaullMcloughlin

Source=https://beastwatchnews.com/eritreas-qatar-attacks-dont-come-out-the-blue

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

“ኤርትራና ኩሕሎ” ክንብል እንከለና እቲ ዘይሓልፍ መሬታ ምስ ባሕራን ህዝባን ማለትና ምዃኑ ንጹር እዩ። እቲ ንዓኣ ከከም ግዜኡ በብዝጥዕሞ ዘመሓድር ዘሎን ዝነብረን መንግስትን ሕግታቱን ግና ሓላፊ እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝተፈላለዩ መንግስታትን ምምሕዳራትን ክሓልፉ እንከለዉ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ግና ከም ወትሩ ህያው እዮም። ኣርዑት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከኣ እነሆ ታርኡ በጺሕዎ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን እኳ እንተማሰነ፡ ክሓልፍ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ምምሕዳሩን ከምቶም ዝሓለፉ ክሓልፉን ኤርትራን ህዝባን ግና ክቕጽሉ ውሁብ እዩ። ድሕሪ ህግደፍ ኤርትራን ህዝባን እንታይ ዓይነት ምምሕዳር ክገጥሞም እዩ? ካብዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ዝሓሸዶ ዝገደደ? ከኣ ናይዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲ ውጽኢት ዝውስኖ እዩ። ኤርትራ ናይ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን እትኸውን ከኣ ብናይ ኩልና ቃልሲ፡ ሓልፍነትን ልቦናን ጥራይ እዩ።

መንግስታት ብባህሪኦም ኣገደድቲ እዮም። ግና ኣይከም ህግደፍን። ሃገርን ህዝብን ጐዓጺጾም ኣብ ረብሓኦም ንምውዓልን ዕድመ ስልጣኖም ንምንዋሕን ካብ ምሕላን ንድሕሪት ኣይብሉን። ነዚ ንምዕዋት ከኣ ንገዛእ ርእሶም ምስቶም ዘይሓልፉ ሃገርን ህዝብን ከም ቁርዲድ ይጣበቑ። ብኣንጻሩ እታ ሃገር’ኳ ከም ሰብ ኣፍ ኣውጺኣ እንተዘይተዛረበት፡ ህዝቢ ግና እቲ ዘመሓድሮም መንግስትን ዘመሓድረሉ ሕግን ኣንጻር ረብሓኡን መሰሎን ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ ከቶ ሓንጐፋይ ኢሎ ከምዘይቅበል ብተመኩሮታት ዝተረጋገጸ እዩ። ንተመኩሮ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንድሕሪት ተመሊስና ብምድህሳስ ምስዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ እንተዛመድናዮ’ውን ነዚ እዩ ዘርእየና። ህዝብና ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ንመሰልካን ናጽነትካን ምቅላስ ሰማዒ እዝኒ ዝረኸበሉ፡ ካብ ቅድም እውን ዓቕሚ ውሒድዎን ኢድ ሓጺርዎን እንተዘይኮይኑ ኣንጻር ብስሙ ዝምሕል ግና ድማ ንረብሓኡ ዘይሰርሕ መንግስትን ሕግታቱን ናይ ዘይምቕባል ሃብታም ተመኩሮ ኣለዎ።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነጺልካ ኣብ ዝረኣየሉ፡ ከም ዝጥቃዕ ስለ ዝርዳእ፡ ብጭረሖ ኮነ ብሜላ ካብ ህዝቢ ክፍለ ኣይደልን። “ንሕና ህዝቢ ንሕና ሃገር” ዝብል ዘይጭበጥ ጭረሖኡ ድማ ነዚ ዘመልክት እዩ። ህዝቢ ሰሚሩ “ሃገርን ህዝብን ነበርቲ እዮም፡ ስርዓታት ግና ሓለፍቲ’ዮም” ዝብል ተረድእኡ ከይዓኩኽ ከኣ ሜላ “ከፋፊልካ ግዛእ” ይጥቀም። እቲ ምክፍፋል በብግዜኡ ዝሕደስን ብብዙሕ ረቀቕቲ ኣገባባት ተቐሚሩ ዝቐርብን እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ ከም መከፋፈሊ ካብ ዝጥቀመሎም፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ዕድመ፡ ጾታ፡ ብሄር፡ ደረጃ መነባብሮን ትምህርትን፡ መዳይ ስራሕ፡ ደረጃ ተመኩሮ ኣብ ቃልስን ከባብን ከም ኣብነት ዝጥቀሱ እዮም። እቲ ስርዓት ብግብሪ ናይ ኩሎም ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ጸላኢ ክነሱ፡ ኣብ ዝተወሰነ መድረኽ ንሓደ ወገን የቕርብ ነቲ ካልእ ከኣ የርሕቕ። እቲ ናይ ከፋፊልካ ምጥቃዕ ከምኡ ኢሉ ይቕጽል። ንሓንሳብ ንምሁር የቕርብ ነቲ ዘይተማህረ ዝብሎ የርሕቕ። ንሓንሳብ ንገጠር ይሕለቕ ንከተመኛ የነኣእስ። ንዝተማህረን ዘይተማህረን፡ ንመንእሰይን ዓብይን፡ ንጓለንስተይትን ወዲ ተባዕታይን፡ ንሲቭልን ወተሃደርን፡ ኣብ ሃገር ንዝነብርን ኣብ ወጻኢ ዘሎን፡ ንክስታናይን ኣስላማይን፡ ንዋርሳይን ይከኣሎን፡ ንከበሳን መታሕትን… ወዘተን ከኣ ከምኡ ኤርትራ ናይ ኩሎም ምዃና ኣረሲዑ፡ እንዳናቖተ ከም መናውሒ ዕድመ ክጥቀመሎም ንዘይሰምረሉ ይፍትን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኤርትራውያን ኣብቲ ዘይሓልፍ ኤርትራውነት ሓደ ክንስና፡ ኣብቲ ዝሓልፍ ኣተሓሳስባታት ግና ፍልልያት ኣለና። ገሌና ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንመሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንቃለስ። ገሊኦም ድማ ጸረ ህዝቢ ተግባራቱ ጠፊእዎም ዘይኮነስ፡ ንዓኡ ምጽራር ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ምኽሓድ ኮይኑ እንዳተሰመዖም ምስ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ይለሓጉ። ውሑዳት ደኣ ይኾኑ እምበር፡ በቲ ሓደ ኤርትራ ናይ ኩልና ምዃና፡ በቲ ካልእ ከኣ ናይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ነባርነትን ናይ መንግስቲ ግዝያውነትን እንዳተረድኡ፡ ኮነ ኢሎም ናይ ዘመን ህግደፍ ተጠቀምቲ ንክኾኑ ንህዝቢ በዲሎም ነቲ ጉጅለ “ምሳኻ ሞተይ” እንዳበሉ ኣብ ርእሲ ስኻሩ ዘሻህርትዎ ኤርትራዊ ወገናት ከም ዘለዉ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን፡ ከምቲ “ኮር ተገልበጥ” ዝበሃል እቶም ንሓላፊ ዘይጥዑይ ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ዝተቓወሙ ከም ኣንጻር ኤርትራዊ ሃገራውነትን ልዕልና ህዝብን ዝግለጽሉ፡ እቶም ናይቲ ጉጅለ ኣሳሰይቲ ድማ ቀዳማይ ቀጸላ ሓለውቲ ኤርትራውነት መሲሎም ወዛሕዛሕ ዝብልሉ ኣጋጣሚ’ውን ይረአ እዩ።

መራሒ ህግደፍ ኣቶ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቅ ዳርጋ ድሕሪ ዓመት ምክያድ ረፈረንዶምን ምውሓስ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ኣቢሉ፡ ብጋዜጠኛ ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ “ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኣብ መንጎ ውድብን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዘሎ ዝምድና ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ይርከብ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ምስ ቀረበሉ “ውድብናን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን መንዩ ክልተ ተዛመድቲ ኣካላት ገይርዎ?” ኢሉ ነቲ ሕቶ ብሕቶ ዝሃቦ መልሲ ዘገርም ነይሩ። እዚ ነቲ “ዝተወሰኑ ኣባላት ዝሓቁፍ ውድብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክሰርዕ ዝደናደኖ ዝነበረ ዘርኢ እዩ።

ነዚ ንክጥዕሞም ድማ ከምቲ ገዛእቲ ሓይልታት ንናጽነቱን ንመሰሉን ንዝቃለስ ኤርትራዊ ዝህብዎ ዝነበሩ፡ “ናይ ዓረብ ተለኣኣኽን ናይ ፔትሮ ዶላር ሽዩጥን” ዝብሉ ደወንቲ ሓረጋት፡ ሎሚ እውን ካብዚ ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ግጉይ ቅኒት ብዘይተፈልየ፡ ነቲ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ክብርን ቀጻልነት ኤርትራን ህዝባን ፈልዩ፡ ኣንጻሩ ዝቃለስ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ካብ ህዝቢ ይንጽሎ’ዩ ዝብልዎ ፈጠራዊ ቅጽላት ክህቦን ምስ ጸላእተይ ዝብሎም ከዛምዶን ምስማዕን ምንባብን ዝተለምደ እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ ምእንቲ ኣብ እንግደዓ ህዝብና ክነብር ኩሉ የገልግለኒ ዝብሎ ኣእማን እንተፈንቀለ ትጽበዮ’ምበር ሃንደበት ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ናይ ምንባርን ዘይምንባርን ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾኖ። እቲ ዘሕዝን ናይቶም ረብሓኦም ኣንጻር’ቲ ጉጀለ ምስ ዝግበር ቃልሲ ክነሱ፡ ናቱ ተሓዝቲ ጽላል ዝኾኑ እዩ።

በቲ ይኹን በዚ ግና እንተገደደስ ግዜ ደኣ ይወስድ እምበር፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ተሳዒሩ ክሓልፍ እዩ። እቶም ዘይሓልፉ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ከኣ ንኡስ ፍልልያትና ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኖም፡ ናይ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ኮይኖም ክቕጽሉ እዮም።

Ibrahim Mohamed 2መምህር ኢብራሂም መሓመድ፡ ኣባል መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራ (ሰደኤ) ብሕማም ምኽንያት ብ26 መጋቢት 2018 ከምዝዓረፈ ሰሚዕና። መስዋእቲ መምህር ኢብራሂም መሓመድ፡ ንቤተሰቡን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዓቢ ክሳራ ምዃኑ ዝእመነሉ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ ድማ፡ መምህር ኢብራሂም ቅኑዕን ዘይፈላልን ንህዝብን ሃገርን ዘቐድምን ዕጉስን ተቓላሳይ ብምንባሩ ኢዩ።

በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንመዋቲ መንግስተ-ሰማይ የዋርሶ፡ ንቤተሰቡን መቃልስቱን ድማ እግዚኣብሄር ጽንዓት ይሃቦምን ራሕሱ የውርደሎምን እናበልና ናይ ሓዘኖም ተኻፈልቲ ምዃና ንገልጽ።

መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም

ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ