In a statement issued at the end of a two-day meeting on 27 May, 2018, the  Executive Committee of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) expressed full satisfaction by the performances of party organs during the period under review and highly commended the new Ethiopian leader's conciliatory tone promising better days for the region by ending the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict.

 

The EC regular meeting was opened with expressions of good wishes to all Eritreans at the occasion of their 27th Independence Day and by paying tribute to Martyr Mohammed Asselo, EPDP Central Council member who passed away last April while on duty in the Sudan. It then studied reports of various party organs; discussed arrangements for the upcoming Eritrea Festival 2018; finalized a paper on the modalities for the implementation of the 4 June 2017 EPDP Proposal for Joint Work with other sister organizations and finally reviewed developments in Eritrea and the region.

On EPDP Performances

By reviewing activity reports of the nine EC offices during the previous four months, the meeting observed exceptionally high achievements almost in all sectors of party activities. Special mention was made of the achievements in the spheres of organizational and public diplomacy and advocacy tasks that included EPDP leadership missions to Israel and UK as well as active participations in conferences and public events in the Netherlands, Germany and Canada. Among the commended activities was the party's continued advocacy work on behalf of Eritrean refugees in many critical places like Libya and Israel.

On Ethiopian PM's Signals for Peace

 

EPDP EC Holds Regular Meeting 1

On 27 May, the EC thoroughly discussed the positive gestures of the new Ethiopian Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, on the lingering border problem and urged his government to accept the Algiers Agreement and the ruling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian Boundary Commission (EEBC).

The EPDP leadership meeting, which was held nine days ahead of EPRDF's acceptance of the ruling, also alluded to past records and noted that the forces that eventually formed the EPDP were, from the start, of the position that the EEBC arbitration ruling was final and binding and that there was no need for another "dialogue" if not mutually agreed by both parties. The EPDP Executive Committee thus reiterated the party's resolve to continue advocating for the final resolution of the conflict peacefully.

 

Saturday, 09 June 2018 00:20

When Peace Is a Problem

Written by
By Michela Wrong
Ms. Wrong has spent over two decades reporting on the African continent, visiting Ethiopia and Eritrea repeatedly.
June 8, 2018
Abiy Ahmed, the newly elected chairman of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, in April.
Credit Mulugeta Ayene/Associated Press

If nature abhors a vacuum, politics abhors a military standoff, especially between two nations in one of the poorest, most volatile and most strategically sensitive regions of the world.
And so there was much excitement when the government of Ethiopia announced on Tuesday that it would fully accept the ruling of an international tribunal in the country’s boundary dispute with Eritrea — some 16 years after the judgment was issued.

In 2002, a special international commission delineated the border between the two countries, as they had agreed in the peace deal that ended their 1998-2000 war. Demarcation on the ground was expected to start swiftly, allowing cross-border trade and cooperation to resume. But none of this happened.

Ethiopia accepted the ruling in principle but called for further dialogue and, crucially, kept its troops in place, including in what had been declared Eritrean territory. A few years later, the boundary commission dissolved itself, and in 2008, the United Nations peace monitoring force meant to oversee actual demarcation pulled out, its services unwanted.

What once seemed unsustainable — an indefinite state of neither peace nor war — became the norm. Both countries hosted guerrilla groups committed to overthrowing the other one’s government. They cynically fought a proxy war in neighboring Somalia. There were repeated flare-ups at their border, triggering apocalyptic predictions that Ethiopia and Eritrea were going to fight again, and next time to the bitter end.

Legally, Ethiopia clearly was in breach, having committed in the 2000 peace deal, like Eritrea, to uphold whatever decision the boundary commission issued. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) and the United States had pledged to act as guarantors, and so were also in the wrong. Eritrea, for its part, had good reason as a fledgling country to crave international recognition for its borders.
 
But given the choice between a giant traditional ally led by an emollient prime minister and a tiny new-kid-on-the-block with a notoriously prickly president, the major Western powers opted to side with the bigger player — and all the more readily because it cast itself as an ally in the fight against Islamist terrorism.
 
So what prompted Ethiopia’s announcement this week? Age and sickness is one answer. Over the years, local analysts and former guerrilla fighters have told me that Ethiopia’s dispute with Eritrea was partly being kept alive by animosity between the two countries’ longtime leaders and their immediate entourages.

Years ago, Meles Zenawi and Isaias Afewerki, whose families both hail from the Tigray region that straddles the border, joined the forces of their rebel movements against Ethiopia’s Marxist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam. They managed to oust him in 1991, paving the way for Eritrea’s formal independence from Ethiopia in 1993 — and then Mr. Meles’s rise to prime minister of Ethiopia and Mr. Isaias’s to president of Eritrea.
 
But rivalry and resentment simmered below the surface. In 1998, a dispute over the nondescript border village of Badme escalated into a war that would kill more than 100,000 people. Many Horn of Africa watchers predicted that relations between the two countries would only normalize once the two leaders quit the scene.

Mr. Isaias, 72, is still at the helm, although only last month he was reported to have left Eritrea for emergency medical treatment in Abu Dhabi. Mr. Meles died in 2012. His immediate successor, Halemariam Desalegn, resigned in February, seemingly overwhelmed by the task of running his discontented nation of some 105 million people. Mr. Halemariam’s fresh replacement, Abiy Ahmed — a spruce 41-year-old with a background in military intelligence — is a man in a hurry.

And with good reason. Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, may be booming, but so is unrest among a young population that scoffs at official 8-to-10 percent annual growth rates, accuses Mr. Meles’s party — which long dominated the ruling coalition — of ethnic chauvinism and corruption, and chafes at government repression. Foreign exchange reserves are running low; the national debt is climbing. Ethiopia has lived through coups and popular revolutions before, and in recent years the Oromo, who make up the country’s biggest ethnic group but have long been marginalized, have been at the forefront of protests. Appointing Mr. Abiy, an Oromo, as prime minister was a smart survival move; the Ethiopian realized that real change was required.

So have its foreign allies.

In recent years, Western diplomats have grown more and more worried that an increasingly isolated Eritrea, resentful at its treatment by the international community and routinely dubbed a “pariah state” for its domestic human rights record, might come to be seen as an attractive destination by jihadists spilling out of nearby Yemen, Syria and Iraq.

Any such infiltration would be particularly unwelcome given rising geostrategic interest in the Horn of Africa over the last decade and a half. The Red Sea has quietly become one of the world’s most important waterways, with foreign military assets and investment pouring into the region’s ports, railways, airports and roads. Djibouti, landlocked Ethiopia’s de facto outlet to the sea, now hosts troops from the United States and France, but also China, Germany and Japan. The United Arab Emirates’ military operates out of the ports of Assab in Eritrea and Berbera in Somaliland.

For such players, the stalemate between Eritrea and Ethiopia was becoming politically and financially untenable. It is probably no coincidence that Ethiopia’s shift about the boundary this week follows a visit to the region in late April by Donald Yamamoto, the United States’ acting assistant secretary of state for African affairs.
 
While cheering Mr. Abiy’s declaration about the border, diplomats are stunned by the rat-a-tat pace of his sudden departures from old practice. First came the release of the opposition leader Andargachew Tsige, a bête noire of the Ethiopian government, along with several hundred political prisoners. Then the state of emergency was lifted. After that it was announced that state-owned enterprises would be opened to private investment.
 
“This is breathtaking stuff,” said a diplomat who has spent years shuttling between the region’s capitals. “The pace of change is incredible, and the prime minister needs every bit of support from the international community if he is to push this through.”

And yet the much-awaited, much-desired normalization of relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea could prove more destabilizing to the Horn of Africa in the long term than its cold war ever was.

For all of Mr. Isaias’s complaining about Ethiopia’s refusal to honor the boundary decision, that reluctance has served him well: It has allowed his control-freak regime to keep running Eritrea along the militaristic lines he and his movement established in the bush during the fight for independence. His government could invoke the threat of an imminent invasion to justify its refusal to implement the 1997 Constitution, allow opposition parties, stage multiparty elections or tolerate a free press.

Mr. Isaias’s insistence that all Eritreans’ first duty is to protect their country has kept much of the nation’s youth trapped in open-ended military service. The policy has crippled the economy, leaving Eritrean farms and businesses bereft of labor. It has also been massively unpopular, including within the military itself. In 2013, Mr. Isaias survived a coup attempt by junior army officers.

At the same time, indefinite forced conscription has allowed Mr. Isaias to pre-empt the kind of mass protests that roiled northern Africa during the Arab Spring. Eritreans who can’t stand living conditions in Eritrea flee rather than rebel. In one of the saddest exoduses in contemporary African history, tens of thousands of them have risked their lives heading for the Mediterranean Sea and then trying to cross it. Many have drowned; others have wound up rotting in Libyan prisons or being held hostage by human traffickers in the Sinai Peninsula.
If Ethiopia does withdraw its troops from the Eritrean territory it still occupies, a key excuse for Mr. Isaias’s iron rule will be removed.
 
His admirers hope that he would grab any historic opportunity for real peace with Ethiopia to display once again the visionary leadership that defined him as a freedom fighter and reset his management of the country.
 
His critics, who see him as incapable of shifting gears, believe the sustained bluff that was mass conscription may have just been called. If they are correct, Ethiopia’s recent peace overture could actually make the region more, not less, volatile.
 
Michela Wrong is the author of “Borderlines,” a novel about a border dispute in the Horn of Africa, and “I Didn’t Do It For You,” a history of Eritrea.
 

The UN Security Council has imposed sanctions on six leaders of human trafficking networks operating in Libya – the first time traffickers have been put on an international sanctions list.

The blacklisted six are four Libyans, including the head of a regional coast guard unit, and two Eritrean nationals.

Smugglers have taken advantage of insecurity in Libya to move hundreds of thousands of migrants by sea to Europe.

Many migrants are trapped in detention centres and beaten by traffickers.

The sanctions – a global travel ban and an assets freeze – were the result of an internationally-backed Dutch proposal. The proposal was initially presented on 1 May but held up by Russia, which sought to examine the evidence against the six men.

The unprecedented sanctions follow widespread outrage at the end of 2017 after CNN aired footage showing the auctioning of migrant men as slaves in Libya.

The Dutch proposal came after Professor Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi Mawere published the names of several human traffickers involved in criminal networking.

They concluded that: “Crimes against Humanity are ongoing in Eritrea. Human trafficking is organised from within Eritrea and the lines between human trafficking and smuggling are blurred. Refugees believe that traffickers from within Eritrea are connected to the broader network operating outside Eritrea, which involves perpetrators all along the routes. Many who flee stay within the region, but feel that they are in constant danger.”

According to Van Reisen and Mawere, the human trafficking network leading to Tripoli and the Central Mediterranean route began in 2009, when many Eritreans were abducted and held in captivity in Sinai. There they were tortured and had ransoms extorted from them by calls to relatives and friends over mobile phone.

Some have been persecuted, such as the Eritrean trafficker Medhanie Yehdego Mered, known among refugees as ‘The General’. But in a tragic mistake the wrong person was taken to court.

The real Medhanie was recently confirmed to be operating with a Ugandan passport from Kampala (news reported by The Guardian and in a Swedish documentary).

Another Eritrean trafficker said to have a central role is Angosom Teame Akolom, also known as Angosom Wajehey or Angosom Kidane.

Angosom is alleged to be a key player in human trafficking from Eritrea, including to Egypt and Sinai. He is reported to have been previously a member or the head of the Eritrean Intelligence Agency in Asmara.

Mirjam van Reisen and one of the researchers, Meron Estefanos, concluded that the trafficking networks operated with knowledge of the Eritrean regime.

In this publication, Van Reisen and Estefanos stated that: “Linked across the region between Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and Libya, the Eritrean refugees are traded as priced commodities: the most conservative estimate of the total value of the human trafficking in trade in Eritreans is over 1 billion USD.”

The researchers also conclude that the financial gains are controlled through an international web of informal financial agents operating in Asmara, Khartoum, Israel, and Libya.

An Eritrean who made the journey told the researchers:

“In Khartoum, I went to an Eritrean called Zeki. I paid 1,600 USD from Khartoum to Libya. I went to Asmara Market in Khartoum. I paid to an Eritrean man, Welid, USD 2,200 USD for the crossing on the boat. They split it, they pay the Sudan people and Libya people and they keep the rest.” (Interview by Van Reisen). 

Van Reisen and Estefanos spoke to an Eritrean, named as Abderaza or Abdurazak, who has been in charge of developing the route from Eritrea to Libya since 2005 or 2006:

“The alleged head of the human trafficking organisation in Libya (..) is now a wealthy man. (..). According to various sources this Eritrean started his involvement in smuggling and human trafficking in Libya in 2005. He has residences in Libya and Dubai. Other Eritreans, working for him (..) were involved in the day-to-day organisation and collection of the payments.”

The trafficker was also identified in a report by the Horn of Africa’s regional organisation, IGAD.

The Eritrean ‘top traffickers’ work with Libyans to arrange transport and accommodation. The book identifies the role of the Eritrean embassy in Libya:

“A refugee mentioned that he saw that a representative of the Eritrean Embassy in Tripoli assisted specific refugees who had been captured by the Libyan authorities while moving across Libya to Europe (..)”.

A similar allegation was made in the IGAD report, which stated:

“Nevertheless, one NGO official based in the region for a significant amount of time alleges that some remaining diplomatic personnel profit from the irregular migration routes, by charging ‘fees’ to negotiate the release of people from detention centres. Two eyewitnesses appeared to corroborate these allegations when they reported that they have seen high-profile smugglers at the Eritrean embassy in Tripoli. “ (cited in Van Reisen and Mawere, p. 176)

Van Reisen and Estefanos conclude that: “Linked across the region between Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and Libya, the Eritrean refugees are traded as priced commodities: the most conservative estimate of the total value of the human trafficking in trade in Eritreans is over 1 billion USD.”

Eritrean refugees are trafficked by a Human Trafficking network led by these Eritrean traffickers.

This sad reality is now confirmed by the resolution adopted by the UN Security Council, which blacklists two Eritrean traffickers and 4 Libyans.

The Netherlands, currently chairing the UN Security Council, has used its role to  expose the illicit Eritrean involvement abroad. Earlier the Netherlands expelled the chargé d’affaires.

The UN Security Council sanctions are the next step in tackling the exterritorial criminal engagement of the Eritrean regime.

This is an attempt to end the impunity of Eritrean traffickers: to bring them to account for torture and killing of their fellow citizens in the Horn and beyond.

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን

ብምኽንያት መበል 27 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ፡ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንዅሉ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ግዳምን ዝርከብ ኤርትራውን ፈተውቲ ሃገርና ኤርትራን ናይ ዮሃና መልእኽቲ የመሓላልፍ። ህዝብና ካብ’ዚ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ኣደራዕ ተጋላጊሉ፡ ፍትሕን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ዝነግሰሉ፡ ዜጋታት ብሰላም ወፊሮም ብሰላም ናብ ገዝኦም ዝምለስሉ፡ ውግእን ወረ ውግእን ዘኽትመሉ ዓመት ክዀነልና ድማ ይምነ። 

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ17ን 27ን ግንቦት 2018 ዝተኻየደ ካልኣይ ኣርባዕተ ወርሓዊ ምዱብ ኣኼባኡ ብዝኽሪ ስዉእ ተጋዳላይን ኣባል ማእከላይ ባይቶ ነበርን መሓመድ ኣሰሎ ኢዩ ከፊትዎ። ኣብ’ዚ ካብ ወርሓት ጥሪ ክሳብ ሚያዝያ 2018 ዘጠቓለለ ኣኼባ ዝቐረቡ ዛዕባታት ድማ፡ ጸብጻባት 9 ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ፈስቲቫል 2018፡ ንድፊ ትግባረ እማመ ሰዲህኤን ዝብሉ ነበሩ።

ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ፡ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እናበረኸ ከምዝመጽእ ዘሎ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ መዚኑ። ሰዲህኤ፡ ብመሰረት ናይ እማመ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት፡ ምስ ዝተፈላለያ ውድባትን ምስ ህዝብን ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ርክባት ተስፋ ዝህብን ኣበርቲዑ ክደፍኣሉ ዘለዎ ዕማምን ምዃኑ ርእዩ። ነቲ እማመ ናብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ዝሕግዝ ንድፊ ትግባረ እውን ተሊሙ ኣሎ።

ኣብ እስራኤልን ዓባይ ብሪጣንያን ብኣባላት መሪሕነት ዝተኻየደ ዑደት ዝንኣድ ውጽኢት ከምዝነበሮ ገምጊሙ። ከምኡ’ውን፡ ብቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ርብዒ ዓመት ኣብ ሆላንድ፡ ከተማ ሀግ፡ ዝተኻየደ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍን ኣኼባታትን፤ ብእጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት ኣብ ካናዳን ሽወደንን ዝተኻየዱ ህዝባዊ ኣኼባታት፡ ብምኽንያት መበል 27 ግንቦት መዓልቲ ናጽነት ብምኽትል ኣደመንበር ቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እተገብረ ቃለ-መሓትት...ወዘተ ንጥፈታት ቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እናበረኸ ይመጽእ ምህላዉ ዝሕብሩ ምልክታት ምዃኖም ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣስሚርሉ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ፡ ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ ናይ ፓልቶክ መደብን ኣብኡ ዝዝረበሎም ዘለዉ ኣጀንዳታትን ትምህርቲ ዝቕሰሞምን ንሓድነት ናይ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንቕድሚት ክደፍኡ ዝኽእሉ ኣበርክቶታት ዘለዎምን ምዃኖም ኣኼባ መዚኑ። ነዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ጽቡቕ ተበግሶ ንምስፋሕን ኣሳታፊ ንምግባሩን ተወሳኺ ጻዕሪ ክግበር ከምዘድሊ ድማ፡ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ርእዩ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ሰዲህኤ ንጕዳይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ብሓፈሻ፡ ንጕዳይ ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ድማ ብፍላይ፡ ኣብ ምጥባቕ፤ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ዘይሕለል ጻዕርታት፡ ቤት ጽሕፈት ማሕበራዊ ጕዳያት ከኣ፡ ህጻናት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ሱዳን ዝምሃርሉ ቤት ትምህርቲ ወድሸሪፈይ ቀጻልነት ክህልዎ ንዝገብሮ ዘሎ ኣበርክቶ፡ መርኣያ ናይ’ቲ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ዜጋታቱ ዘለዎ ሓልዮትን ሓላፍነትን ዝገልጽ ዕላማታቱ ምዃኑ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣስሚርሉ። ነቶም ነዚ ቤት ትምህርቲ ዝምውሉን ዝድግፉን ማሕበራትን ውልቀሰባትን ድማ ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ እውን፡ ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ዕለት ዘቕርቦም መሃርቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ብጽሑፍን ብድምጽን ዝዝርግሖም ዜናዊ ሓበሬታታት፡ ንሰልፋዊ ንጥፈታት ኣብ ምቅላሕ ዝጻወቶ ዘሎ ግደ ኣኼባ ንኢዱ።

ኣባላት ሰዲህኤን ደገፍቱን፡ ነዚ እናበረኸ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ንጥፈታት ንምትብባዕ ክገብርዎ ዝጸንሑን ዝገብርዎ ዘለዉን ናይ ገንዘብ ወፈያታት ድማ፡ ኣኼባ ናእዳኡን ምስጋናኡን ገሊጹ።

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ብጕዳይ እቲ ካብ 3-5 ነሓሰ 2018 ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝካየድ ፈስቲቫል 2018፡ ካብ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ዝቐረበሉ ጸብጻባት ሰሚዑን ንለበዋታታ መሊሱን። ናይ ሎምዘበን ፈስቲቫል፡ ንኣባላት ሰልፊ ዝምልከት መዓልትን ንህዝቢ ዝምልከት መዓልትን ተባሂሉ ብፍልይ ዝበለ መልክዕ ክዳሎ ምዃኑ እውን ተራእዩ ኣሎ።

ብጕዳይ ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ብዝምልከት፡ ኣብ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ዝርከቡ ገለገለ ስሱዓትን ገበነኛታትን ኤርትራውያን፡ ናብ’ዚ ሃገር’ዚ ከነሰጋግረኩም ገንዘብ ስደዱልና እናበሉ ዝፍጽምዎ ዘለዉ ናይ ምድንጋርን ስርቅን ተግባራት ደው ከብልዎ ሰዲህኤ ይጽውዕ። እቶም፡ መረጋገጺ ከይሓዙ ገንዘቦም ንመጠፋፋእቲ ዝህቡ ግዳያት ድማ፡ ካብ’ዞም ጐሓላሉ ክጥንቀቑ የዘኻኽር።

ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ገማግም ናይ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካዊ ውድድራትን ቅድድማትን እኹል ግዜ ሂቡ ብኣትኵሮ ተዘራሪብሉ። ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ብስእነት ርግኣትን ወጥርታትን ይሳቐ ከምዘሎ ድማ መዚኑ። ብዝሒ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ኣብ ዞናና ድማ ምልክት ናይ ዘይምርግጋእ እምበር ናይ ጥዕና ምልክት ከምዘይኰነ ኣስሚርሉ።

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን

ኣብ መንጐ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዓማምን ትርጕም ዘይብሉን ውግእ ቅድሚ ምጅማሩ ይኹን ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ እዋን እውን ከይተረፈ፡ ኣካል ናይ’ቶም ንመንግስታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሽግራቶም ብልዝብ ክፈትሑ፤ ሰራዊታት ክልቲኡ መንግስታት ናብ ቅድሚ ውግእ ዝነበሮ ቦታታት ክምለሱ ዝጽውዑ ዝነበሩ ሃገራውያንን ኣህጕራውያን ሓይልታት ኢና ኔርና። ክልቲኦም ሸነኻት፡ ማለት መንግስቲ ኤርትራን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ግን፡ ነዚ መጸዋዕታ ዕሽሽ ኢሎም ናብ ናይ 1998-2000 ዓ.ም ውግእ ድሕሪ ምእታዎምን ኣብ ልዕሊ ክልቲኡ ኣህዛብ እዚ ዘይብሃል ህልቂትን ብርሰትን ምውራዶምን፡ ብመሰረት ስምምዕ ኣልጀርስ፡ ነቲ ውግእ ደው ኣቢሎም ናብ ፍርዲ ክኸዱን እቲ ዝውሃብ ፍርዲ ድማ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ክኸውን ተሰማሚዖም ከምዝኣተውዎ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣብ ልዕሊ  ምዝካር፣ ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ፡ ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሰዲህኤን፡ ካብ ብጊሓቱ፡ እቲ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ውሳኔ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ከም ዝግባእ ክጒስጒሱ ምጽናሖም ዘኪሩ። መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነዚ ብይን’ዚ ኣብ ክንዲ ምትግባር ነቲ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ዝገበሮ ብይን ብመትከል ንድግፎ ኢና፡ ኣብ ትግባረኡ ብዝምልከት ግን ልዝብ ክግበር ኣለዎ ብምባል፡ 5 ነጥብታት ዝሓዘለ ናይ ልዝብ ቅድመ-ኵነት ብምቕራብ ናይ ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ ኵነታት ከምዝቕጽል ገይሩ ምጽናሑ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።

ሓድሽ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነቲ ደስኪሉ ዝጸንሐ ናይ ዶብ ሕቶ ኣብ ዝቐልጠፈ ጊዜ ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ክንፈትሖ ይግባእ ኢሉ ጻዕሪ ምክያዱ ዝድገፍን ተስፋ ዝህብን ኢዩ።  ሰዲህኤ፡ ከም ቀደሙ፡ ንሰላማዊ ፍታሕ ዝግበር ጻውዒት ይኹን ጻዕሪ ደጋፊኡን ኣብ ጐድኑ ደው ኢሉ ንምዕዋቱ ኵሉ ዝከኣሎ ክገብርን ኢዩ። ነዚ ንምርግጋጽ ግን፡ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ግብራዊ ተበግሶ ክወስድ ንጽውዕ።

ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ

7 ሰነ 2018

Riots erupt among the Eritrean community in south Tel Aviv over the support of Eritrea's brutal regime, with supporters of the Eritrean dictator attacking their countrymen, who in turn called for them to be deported.
Amir Alon, Itay Blumenthal|Published:  06.07.18 , 11:48
 

After four days of violent protests in south Tel Aviv, which left several people injured and arrested, hundreds of Eritreans gathered Wednesday in the Levinsky Park, to demonstrate against Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki but also call for an end to violence in the Eritrean community in Israel.
 

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Some even called for those Eritrean asylum seekers who support Afwerki to be deported. Towards the end of the event, some Afwerki supporters arrived at the scene equipped with rocks and sticks and began rioting, which resulted in a brawl. The police securing the event did not intervene.
 
  (Photo: Amit Huber)

(Photo: Amit Huber)

The protests are a result of clashes which broke out Saturday, when thousands of Eritreans living in Israel gathered under heavy police presence near the Kanot Junction to celebrate the Eritrean Independence Day. This has angered those in the Eritrean community who oppose the oppressive regime in their country.
 
Every single day ever since has been marked by protests involving hundreds of Eritreans in south Tel Aviv, pelting each other with rocks, smashing windows of cars and nearby stores, and even using cold weapons.
 
This isn’t the first year clashes of this kind have broken out, yet this year has been marked by the increase in violence.
 
 
Violence at the protest   (Video: Amir Alon)

 
The demonstration on Wednesday was led by a group containing dozens of women holding signs that read “Stop the Violence,” “Stop Dictatorship” and “Our Lives is Israel,” among other slogans.
 
The women condemned the riots. “We don’t want the blood of our brothers to be spilled here. We want peace rather than chaos,” one woman said. 
 
She went on to further condemn the Afwerki supporters. “They disturb us. We came to Israel to live rather than just work. We left our home because of the dictatorship, which made our country a dangerous place to live in. We came to seek asylum.”
 
“We have friends who call themselves refugees, but they are actually work migrants who pay two percent of their monthly salary to the Eritrean government in taxes,” raged Etkili Abraham Michael, an asylum seeker who opposes his country’s regime.
 
“They terrorize Neve Sha'anan. Some of our friends have been assaulted, stabbed and are now in hospitals. Over the last few day, we’ve been scared to go to work ... we just stay home,” he lamented.
 
  (Photo: Amit Alon)
(Photo: Amit Alon)
 
 Etkili claims that around 3,000-4,000 supporters of the regime are the ones who initiated the violence. “We ask the Israeli government to deport them back to Eritrea. If they celebrate the Eritrean Independence Day–they might as well just go there ... the chaos in Eritrea is more than enough for us, we don’t need it here in Israel as well.”
 
“After they assaulted me, I can’t stay silent. Rocks are being thrown at us, and we’re defending ourselves. We didn’t start this mess,” he insisted, referring to those protesters who oppose the regime.
 
Snait Zerbrock, another asylum seeker, added, “We’re all Eritreans and I can’t go against my brothers, but if they’re rooting for the dictator, that’s an issue. We didn’t come here to beg for food but to save our lives. I cannot go back to my country, but if they don’t have a problem with it, they’re free to go back.”
 
Sheffi Paz, one of the leaders of the fight against Eritreans being granted asylum, also came to the demonstration on Wednesday. “We’re dealing here with an Intifada of the asylum seekers," she asserted.
 
“We can’t differentiate between those who support the regime and those who oppose it. We’ve been talking about this problem for a while since it didn’t start this week but has been happening for a long time.”
 
Paz claims the situation has worsened over the recent days. “There’s a surge of violence day after day. Dozens of people with rocks in their hands that you’re constantly worried might strike you ... these people have brought their diseases with them, while old local women are dying of fear and can’t leave their homes.”

 
In the meantime, over 20 Eritrean citizens, accused of being involved in the riots in south Tel Aviv, have been arrested by the police. They will be transferred to the Saharonim facility once the police proceedings are finished.
 
Source=https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-5281005,00.html
 
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy has begun sketching out a plan for prosperity in the Horn.
“All that we have achieved from the situation of the last 20 years is tension,” Abiy said.
 
Meanwhile, no response yet from Eritrea

Source: Reuters

Ethiopia’s prime minister said on Wednesday that ending war and expanding economic ties with neighboring Eritrea is critical for stability and development in the impoverished Horn of Africa region.

Abiy Ahmed’s remarks followed the announcement on Tuesday by his ruling coalition that Ethiopia would fully implement a peace deal signed in 2000 and meant to end a two-year war that devolved into a stalemate resulting in huge military build up by both countries.

The pledge would entail ceding a disputed town to Eritrea. There was no sign on Wednesday that Ethiopia had begun withdrawing its troops from the town of Badme.

It is one of many policy shifts announced since the 41-year-old took office in early April, moves that could reshape Ethiopia’s relations with its neighbours and have equally dramatic impacts inside the country of 100 million people.

Whether the new measures, including liberalization of the state-controlled economy, end up addressing critical challenges from high youth unemployment to rising government debt remain to be seen. But they are shaking the country up.

“All that we have achieved from the situation of the last 20 years is tension,” Abiy said.

“Neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea benefit from a stalemate. We need to expend all our efforts toward peace and reconciliation and extricate ourselves from petty conflicts and divisions and focus on eliminating poverty.”

Ethiopia’s move is a “drastic departure” from its longstanding – and failed – policy, said Ahmed Soliman, Ethiopia analyst at Chatham House, a London-based thinktank.

“To see some movement is extremely positive. This is the most important latent conflict within the Horn and its resolution is important for peace and security in the region.”

NO COMMENT FROM ERITREA

Eritrea used to be a part of Ethiopia and waged a 30-year struggle for independence. The war on their shared border between 1998 and 2000 killed tens of thousands of people, caused significant displacement and the splintering of families.

Eritrea’s government has not responded publicly to Addis Ababa’s offer of an olive branch late on Tuesday. The two nations cut ties during the war.

Asmara’s Information Minister told Reuters on Tuesday evening he had not seen the Ethiopian government’s statement so could not immediately comment. He did not respond to phone calls on Wednesday.

Eritrea has long said it wants Ethiopia to pull its troops out from the disputed territory before normalizing ties, citing a decision by a boundary commission at The Hague which awarded the village of Badme to Eritrea in 2002.

Asmara has long felt betrayed by world powers, who they say failed to force Ethiopia to abide by the commission ruling.

Ethiopia says the row over border demarcation can only be resolved through a negotiated settlement.

On Tuesday, an Ethiopian foreign ministry official told Reuters that there were “at least 61 attempts” to mediate between the two nations, but that Asmara had rejected all requests.

Russia, the European Union, and Qatar were among those that proposed to mediate in the last two decades, he said.

Abiy said Ethiopia needed to resolve what he seemed to view as a costly and pointless dispute.

“Putting an end to this situation and finding peace is necessary beyond anything else not just for Ethiopia but for the wider Horn of Africa,” he said in a speech in Addis Ababa.

“Every Ethiopian should realize that it is expected of us to be a responsible government that ensures stability in our region, one that takes the initiative to connect the brotherly peoples of both countries and expands trains, buses and economic ties between Asmara and Addis Ababa.”

Diplomats say punitive measures taken against Eritrea may prevent an immediate conclusion to the dispute.

The U.N. Security Council imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea in 2009 on charges that Asmara provided political, financial and logistical support to militant groups in Somalia. Eritrea has long dismissed the claims, saying they are concocted by Addis Ababa in a bid to isolate the country and divert attention from Ethiopia’s reluctance to hand over the disputed areas.

“The Eritrean government has always proclaimed its innocence and will demand that the sanctions are promptly lifted. This could be a sticking point for now,” said a Western diplomat in Ethiopia.

(Additional reporting and writing by Maggie Fick; Editing by Toby Chopra)

ነቲ ኣብ እስራኤል ኣብ መንጎ` ደገፍትን ተቓወምትን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዘጋጠመ ጐንጺ ብዝምልከት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ፡ ኮሚሽነር ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ፊሊፖ ግራንዲ ንኣብ እስራኤልን ኩሉ ሓደገኛ ኩርነዓት ዓለምን ዘለዉ ሓለዋ ዘድልዮም ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝገብሮ ሓለዉኡ ከዛይድ ጸዊዑ።

ጸብጻባት ከም ዝሓበሮ፡ ደገፍቲ ኤምባሲ ኤርትራ ኣብ እስራኤል ብዘሳወሮ ግጭት፡ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ኣብ ከተማ ተልኣቪቭን ማላኪን ኣብ ልዕሊ መበል 27 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዘኽብሩ ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን ሓተቲ ዑቕባ ጉድኣት ኣጋጢሙ። ኣብቲ ጐንጺ ካራሩን ኣእማንን ከም ዝተዘውተረ እቲ ጸብጻብ ገሊጹ። ብ4 ሰነ 2018 ከኣ ቀጻሊ ናይ ገዛገዛ ምድፋእ ተኻይዱ። ካብ ቢቢሲ ዝተረኽበ ጸብጻብ ከም ዝሕብሮ ብሰንክቲ ግጭት ካብ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ 13 ካብ ተቓወምቲ ከኣ 3 ስደተኛታት ንክሕተቱ ተኣሲሮም ኣለዉ።

ናይቲ ናብ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝተላእከ መዘክር ሰዲህኤ ቅዳሑ ናብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ እስራኤል ናብ ዘለዋ ኤምባሲታት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ከምኡ እውን ኣብ ማእከላይ ቤት ጽሕፈት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ጀነቫ ናብ ዝርከብ ልኡኽ እስራኤል ቅዳሑ ተላኢኹ እዩ። እዚ መዘክር ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ዝርከቡ ኤምባሲታት ኤርትራ ናይ ግጭትን ምፍልላይን ማሕበረሰብ ኤርትራ ጠንቂ ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ፡ ኣተሓሒዙ ከኣ ካብ ገበነኛታት ሓለዋ ምግባር ኣድላዪ ከም ዝኾነ ኣስፊሩ።

ምስዚ ሰዲህኤ ኣብዚ መዘክሩ፡ እስራኤላውያን ሓለፍትን ካለኦት እቲ ጉዳይ ዝምልከቶምን ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቶም “ስደተኛታት” ብዝብል ጉልባብ ንመንግስቲ ኣስመራ ዝድግፉ ናብቲ ዝቖጸሮም መንግስቲ ክመልስዎም መሰረታዊ ስጉምቲ ክወስዱ ከም ዝግበኦም ጠቒሱ።

እቲ መዘክር ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ካልእ ከባብታት’ውን ኣሻቓሊ ምህላዉ ኣመልኪቱ፡ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ንግዳያት ኣብ ሊቢያ ተዓጊቶም ንዘለዉ ብፍላይ ከኣ ነቶም ካብ ቅትለት ኣሰጋገርቲ ሰባት ኣብ ሊቢያ ባኒዋሊድ ዝበሃል ቦታ ዝደሓኑ 140 ኤርትራውያን ዝገብሮ ደገፍ ንከዛይድ ተማሕጺኑ።

ሰላም ምንቲ ራህዋን ቅሳነትን፥ ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ኣደ ስልጣኔን እያ። ሰላም እንተዘየልዩ ኩሉ ነገር ኣሉታ እምበር እወንታ ዝሕሰብ ኣይኮነን። ሰላም ዝደሊ ከኣ ንክብሪ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን ዝሕሉ እምበር ንህዝቡ ዘዋርድን ዘካፍእን ኣይኮነን። ልክዕ እዩ ንሰላም ዝምነ ባእታ ዋጋ ከምዝኸፍል ርዱእ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር ሰላም ዝደሊ ንረብሓ ህዝቡን ሃገሩን ዝሓልን ዝሓስብን ንቕድሚት ክግስግስን ዝሕልን እዩ።

ስርዓት ኣሰመራ፥ ኣብ ስልጣን ተወጢሑ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድከቱ ካብ ዘስትዮን ጅሆ ካብ ዝሕዞን እነሆ 27 ዓመታት ኣሕሊፉ። ኣብዚ 27 ዓመታት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምስ ጐረባብቱ ከጻልኦን፥ መሬት ኤርትራ እውን ብሰንኪ ዘይውሕሉል ኣተሓሕዛ እቲ ጉጅለ ተሸርሚሙ ንጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ከም ዝተዋህበ ንኹልና ብሩህ እዩ።

እወ! ሰላም ኩሉ ዝኽፈል ዋጋ ከፊልካ ከምዝምጻእ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፥ እቲ ዋጋ እቲ ግና ብዋጋ ክብሪ መሰልን ፍትሕን ህዝቢ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። ጨቋንን መላኽን ስርዓት ጉጅለ እሲያስ ነቲ ባዕሉ ዝሓንጸጾን ተመሊሱ ሞይቱ ዝበሎን ቅዋም”ኳ ከተግብር ድልው ኣይነበረን። ምኽንያቱ እታ ስልጣኑ ካብ ኢዱ ንኸይትወጽእ። ነዚ ንክገብር ነቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ምስሕሓብ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ውግእ ዘብጸሐ እሞ ደሓር ዝተፈርደ ዶብ ዘይምሕንጻጽ ከም ዓቢይ መሕብኢ ካርታ ክጥቀመሉ ጸኒሑ እዩ።

እቲ ንሱ ዝህቦ ምስምስ ድማ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ነቲ ዶብ ዘይምሕንጻጹ ክብል እዩ ንህዝቢ ዝገፍዕን ዝጭቁንን ዝነበረ። እቲ ዶብ ዘይምሕንጻጽ ግና ሕጊ ንኸይትግበር ይኹን፥ ህዝቢ ገንዘቡ ንኸይጥቀመሉ፥ ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ዘትከለሉ ዝኽልክል ኣይነበረን። ንግሩሃት ግና ሓቂ ይመስሎም ስለዝነበረ ነታ ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ባዕሉ እቲ ንስርዓት ኢሰይያስ ዝድግፍ እውን ከይተረፈ ከይተረድኦ ይዓብጣ ነይሩ ማለት እዩ።

መንእሰያትና ብሰንክዚ ሃጽ ኢሎም ክጠፍኡሉ ዝመሃዞ ናይ ሳዋ ቤት ትምህርትን፥ ብምኽንያት ናይ ባድመ ኣብ ኢድና ዘይተመልሰት ብማለት ንመንእሰይ ሰሪሑ ከይዕንገል ተመርዕዩ ከይዝምድ ኣብ ጎዳጉዲ ክዳጉነሉ ግርም ምኽንያት ረኺቡ ነይሩ። ሎሚ ሕቑኡ እትሰብር ዕለት 05-06-2018 በቲ ንመንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ኣካል ዝተበጽሐ ውዕል ኣልጀርስ ክትግብር ምስምምዑን ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ድሉው ምዃኑን ብዘውጽኦ ውሳኔ ብማዕከናት ዜና ተዘርጊሑ ኣሎ። እዚ ናይ ዶብ ምሕንጻጽ ንዓሰርተ-ሓሙሽተ ዓመታት ደው ኢሉ ኣይውግእ ኣይሰላም ዝነበረ ኩነታት ንክልቲኡ ኣህዛብ ኢትይጵያን ኤርትራን ሃስይዎ እዩ።

ሎሚ ግን እቲ መጋረጃ “ኣይውግእ ኣይሰላም” ዝተቐንጠጠ እዩ ዝመስል እሞ፥ ጉራን ፈኸራን ዘድሊ ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ሰላም ንኹሉ ዘርብሕ ብምዃኑ ክልቲኦም መራሕቲ ኣብ ድሌት ህዝቢ ክንብርከኹን ባህርያዊ ስለ ዝኾነ። ኢሰይያስ ነታ ባድመ ንጥቕሙ ክብል ብወያነ ክመሓደር ዝፈሓሳ ተንኮል እነሃ ሎሚ ኣብ ክሳዱ ክትጥምጠሞ ትቀራረብ ኣላ።

ይኹን እምበር እቲ ናይ ዶብ ምሕንጻጽ ማለት እንተላይ እቲ ንኤርትራ ይኹን ንኢትጵያ ዝተዋህበ ብግቡእ እንተተግቢሩ መላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ዝሕበኣላ በዓቲ የላን። እታ መሸንቆቓ ድጊም ኣብ ክሳድ ኢሰያስ ዝያዳ እናተሸምቀቐት እያ ክትከይድ። ምኽንያቱ ብድሕሪ ሕጂኸ እንታ ምስምስ ከምጽእ። ደጊም ከም ኣመሉ ካልእ ክተዃቱኽ እንተዘይኮይኑ ኣኺልዎ እዩ። እሱራት ክፈትሕ፥ ኣብዝሓ ሰልፍታት ከፍቅድ፥ ዝህዝቢ ብዘጽደቖ ሕገመንግቲ ክመርሕ፡ ክሕተት እዩ። ነዚ ዘመልስ ባህሪ ከኣ የብሉን። ምርጫኡ በታ ዝነቐጻ ምንቃጽ ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ደጊም ኩሉ መሕብኢ በዓትታቱ ናይ ምፍራስ ዕድሉ ዝለዓለ ስለ ዝኾነ።

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