An abandoned tank by the roadside in Eritrea. Shutterstock

July 19, 2018 2.39pm SAST

The end of hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been met with relief in the region as well as globally. But what does it mean for Eritrea, which has been dubbed the North Korea of Africa. The Conversation Africa’s Julius Maina spoke to Martin Plaut about the implications for the small and reclusive state.

How did Eritrea earn its reputation as a reclusive state?

Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean president, has operated on the presumption that no-one would come to Eritrea’s aid after it launched its armed struggle for independence from Ethiopia in 1961. It was never entirely true, but they certainly didn’t have the support of any major power.

When Eritrea gained its independence in 1993 he saw no reason to alter his view. As a result, major international aid agencies were made unwelcome. Even the United Nations has found it difficult to work in the country.

After 2001, when the president cracked down on all opposition – including from within his own party – all major news organisations, including the BBC, Reuters and AFP – were banned from having offices in the country. International journalists have only been allowed to visit sporadically. This has left Eritrea under-reported.

Isaias is moody and reclusive by nature. Since the regime is a dictatorship which has never allowed elections of any kind, the country reflects the politics of its leader.

The country has been named as a sponsor of regional terrorism. To what extent is this still the case?

Following Eritrea’s bitter border war with Ethiopia between 1998 and 2000, the government in Asmara became a sponsor of the Somali Islamist group, Al-Shabaab, and a number of Ethiopian rebel groups . It did so to undermine the Ethiopian government, which was fighting a war in Somalia against the Islamists. Eritrea’s support for Ethiopian rebel groups had a similar aim in mind.

These activities – as well as a border clash with Djibouti – led to the UN Security Council imposing an arms embargo against Eritrea in 2009. The embargo didn’t include economic sanctions.

UN appointed experts monitored the arms and logistical support Eritrea provided to Al-Shabaab in great detail. In recent years they’ve reported back that they have no evidence of current Eritrean backing for Al-Shabaab.

In the last few weeks the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, has said he thinks the sanctions regime will become obsolete, since Eritrea and Ethiopia have resolved their differences.

How will recent events affect politics and commerce in the Horn?

The prospects for the Horn could be transformed if the Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement holds and their border dispute is truly resolved.

The closure of their mutual frontier for the past two decades has had a terrible effect on people all along the 1,000 km long border. Family ties and trade patterns were severely disrupted.

The people of the two countries have never been at loggerheads: there is little real animosity between them. The divisions have been between the ruling parties of both countries.

With these apparently resolved, life in the Horn can resume as normal. The Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab will hum with life once more, as Ethiopian trade flows through them. And the potash deposits on their border can be developed. Since Ethiopia is currently Africa’s fastest growing economy this could ease bottlenecks such as international investment in Eritrea which will no longer be viewed as a war-risk. And instead of competing to fund and support rebel movements in each other’s countries, Ethiopia and Eritrea can combine to tackle the real enemy: poverty.

What will the impact be on Eritrean society?

This is the most difficult question and predictions are fraught with difficulty. Having been such a closed dictatorship it is impossible to say with any certainty how the country will be transformed.

On the one hand, Isaias could allow democracy to emerge, since he no longer has a foreign enemy on his doorstep. The constitution, which was ratified by the National Assembly, could be implemented. Free and fair elections could be held and a multi-party system allowed to emerge. The president might even decide to retire now that peace has been achieved – he is 72 years old.

This is all possible. But it’s not very likely. The president is extremely cautious and believes he is indispensable to the country: without him it will lose its way. He is more likely to move only gradually towards allowing limited freedoms. This could include ending indefinite conscription, since the rationale for this has ended. Such an approach would be consistent with his past behaviour. But it might result in growing frustration from citizens who have accepted economic hardship and a lack of democracy during a time of war, but might do so no longer. What forces this might unleash and how the citizens will react, only time will tell.

How do these developments affect Eritrea’s refugee outflow?

The end of hostilities should mean that Eritrea’s indefinite National Service is ended. National Service (or conscription) is required of all citizens between 18 and 40 years old. In theory this lasts for no longer than 18 months. Yet many Eritreans have served for 20 years and more. Pay is minimal and conditions harsh: for women there is the threat of rape or sexual abuse. This has been – by a long shot – the main driver of the refugee exodus that has seen up to 5,000 people leaving the country every month.

Freed from conscription, some servicemen and women will return to their farms or seek employment in towns. One possible consequence is that unemployment could become serious, unless inward investment takes up the slack.

If the border with Ethiopia is opened up again thousands of people in refugee camps in Ethiopia might return home. The refugee outflow might even be reversed. This is an optimistic prognosis. More likely, refugees who have risked everything to reach safety will remain in the camps until the outcome of the dramatic changes can be assessed and the transformation is made permanent.

Eritrea’s refugee outflow will only end when both prosperity and freedom become established facts. Until then it is likely that some will continue to seek a better life abroad, even if in smaller numbers.

Source=https://theconversation.com/what-peace-will-mean-for-eritrea-africas-north-korea-100063

 

The Eritrean dictator, Isaias Afeworki, has the other day appointed Semere Russom as his Ambassador in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, where many Eritreans opposed to the repressive regime in Asmara have taken refuge since a long time. This is a sincere warning to them and other Eritreans who intend to visit Addis Ababa in the future.
 
Semere Russom was dictator Isaias Afeworki's envoy in the Sudan for many years since the mid-1970s. Prominent political and military leaders of the ELF were among the many victims inside the Sudan of Semere and his boss, Isaias Afeworki, in the years before and after independence. For example Yemane Teklegiorgis, a veteran EPLF fighter and member of its security outfit (Halewa Sewra) was with Semere Russom the day Haile Gharza was murdered inside Khartoum in 1984. Yemane, now an author of a book on those and similar grisly killings organized by Semere Russom in the Sudan, will hopefully retell the story himself as he already did in writings and his bold interviews with Eritrean opposition mass media.
Semere Russom 1Among Semere's ELF victims were: Haile Gharza, Saeed Saleh; Woldedawit Temesghen; Idris Hangela, and Mahmoud Hasseb
 
But Haile Gharza was not the only victim of Semere Russom and his master, Isaias Afeworki. Earlier on 5 June, 1983, Saeed Saleh was murdered in Kassala. Woldedawit Temesghen fell on 20 July 1985  followed by the murder of Idris Ibrahim Hangala on 20 September 1985; Mahmoud Hasseb on 3 September 1989.
 
Even the former leader of the ELF army, Abdalla Idris, was targeted personally by Semere Russom in Khartoum although the targeted figure could skillfully escape death.
Semere Russom 2   
Other assassination/kidnap victms: Michael Ghaber; W/Mariam Bahlibi; Teklebrhan G/Tsadiq, Mohammed Ali Ibrahim.
 
Semere Russom and those who followed in his footsteps in the Sudan also continued the killings and kidnappings  from the Sudan.  Among the earliest victims were: Michael Ghaber who was targeted for killing by two identified assassins in 1989, and later killed in a mysterious "accident" on 25 May, 1922.  Earlier to Michael Ghaber's death/murder,  two top leadership members of the ELF-RC, Woldemariam Bahlibi and Teklebrhan Ghebdretsadiq (Wedi Bashai) were kidnapped from Kassala on 26 April 1992 and their whereabouts is not known to this day. Tens of other leading freedom fighters were assassinated kidnapped by the likes of Semere Russom, among them the EPDP leadership member Mohammed Ali Ibrahim, who was kidnapped from Kassala on 12 February 2012.
 
"Ambassador" Semere Russom's mission in Addis Ababa as of this week will be organizing work for the security agents of the Asmara regime who reportedly  numbered not less than 230 as of the date of dictator Isaias Afeworki's visit to Addis Ababa between 14-16 July 2018. Semere Russom was not only an enemy of rival freedom fighters but also was anti-Eritrean struggle for freedom until the 1970s.

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked makes promise after new batch of Eritrean army recruits say they expect to serve 18 months

Source: Haaretz

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked speaking to members of Ethiopia’s Jewish community during a visit to a synagogue in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, April 22, 2018.Mulugeta Ayene/AP
 
 

Israel will begin deporting Eritreans back to their homeland the moment it ends mandatory military conscription of indefinite duration, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked said Tuesday.

Reuters had reported earlier Tuesday that the latest batch of recruits drafted into the Eritrean army had informed relatives they were told their service would end in 18 months.

Speaking at a gathering of her Habayit Hayehudi party in Tel Aviv, Shaked said the government was closely monitoring the implementation of the peace agreement signed by Eritrea and Ethiopia earlier this month, which has raised hopes that Eritrea will end mandatory conscription of indefinite duration.

“If, following this agreement, the conscription requirement is canceled, Israel could return the infiltrators to Eritrea – and that’s great news for residents of south Tel Aviv,” Shaked said, referring to the area in Israel with the highest concentration of African asylum seekers.

But sources involved in the issue said that even if the Eritrean army announces an end to indefinite army conscription, this is still just an initial promise – which is a far cry from the actual end of forced conscription in Eritrea.

In 1995, two years after declaring independence from Ethiopia, Eritrea instituted mandatory 18-month military service for everyone between the ages of 18 and 50, with the goal of furthering state-building after its 30-year war for independence. This service was supposed to consist of six months of military training, followed by a year of working on development projects.

A man walking past the ruins of a building in the port city of Massawa, Eritrea, July 22, 2018.A man walking past the ruins of a building in the port city of Massawa, Eritrea, July 22, 2018.\ TIKSA NEGERI/ REUTERS

 

But the Eritrean government has maintained unlimited military service ever since a two-year border war broke out with Ethiopia in 1998. The dispute dragged on despite the signing of a cease-fire agreement in 2000.

 

Tens of thousands have ended up in Europe, making Eritreans one of the main constituencies among refugees and migrants on the Continent.

Relatives of the new recruits said they were informed of the new 18-month limit at a graduation ceremony for conscripts on July 13.

The peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea has led to warming ties, which have included reciprocal visits by the countries’ leaders, the opening of embassies in each other’s capitals and the restoration of telephone service between the countries.

Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel did not deny the reports but said there had been no formal announcement, noting it was “early days” in the rapprochement with Ethiopia. “Policy announcements of this significance are invariably made through our official outlets, and that has not been done so far,” he told Reuters.

Earlier this month, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Eritrean leader signed a historic deal in the Eritrean capital of Asmara, declaring an end to their “state of war,” which was one of the longest military stalemates in Africa.

The neighbors agreed to open embassies, develop ports and resume flights – concrete measures that have swept away two decades of hostility in a matter of weeks.

The Asmara government has long insisted that conscription is vital for national security, saying it fears attack by Ethiopia.

The president said at the ceremony earlier this month it had “special significance” because it was occurring after Eritrea and Ethiopia had made peace.

In Asmara, some people told Reuters they were awaiting official announcements declaring an end to their duty.

“I have been in service for the last 20 years and am proud of the role I played,” one resident said. “But hopefully we will now be friends with our Ethiopian brothers, rather than enemies, and I hope to move on with my life

Source=https://eritreahub.org/israel-threatens-to-deport-eritrean-refugees-as-soon-as-indefinite-conscription-ends

ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ መኽሰብ ኣልቦ ማሕበን ብጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝዳሎ ፈቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራክፎርት ቦከንሃይመር ቫርተ Mertonstr. 26 - 28 Frankfurt am Main ካብ ዕለት 03 ክሳብ 05 ነሓሰ 2018 ኣብ ሓድሽ ኲነታት ሃገርና ክካየድ ምዃኑ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተሓበረ እዩ። ካብኡ ዝነቐለ ንፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብዚ ቅንያት እዚ ኣካቢብዎ ዘሎ ሓድሽን ኣዝዩ ዘደንጹን ተደራቢ ፍሉይ ኲነታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ድማ፡ “ድሕሪ ሕጂ ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ክልተ ኣህዛብ እዩ ዝብል እንተሎ፡ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጥ እዩ” ዝብል መበገሲ ዝገበረ፡ “ካብ ሕጂ ንዳሓር ንስኻ ኢኻ ትመርሓና፡ እዚ ንቐላዓለም ዝብሎ ዘለኩ ዘይኮነስ ብሓቂ እዩ” ክብል ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ፣ ነቲ ዋንነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክነሱ ብኢደ ወነኑ መንዚዑ ሃገርን ህዝቢን ክረግጸሉን ከብርሰሉን ዝጸንሐን ዘሎ፡ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ክናቈተሉን ዝጸንሐ በትረ-ምልኪ ንቀዳማይ ምኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ከረክብ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ምስራኣየ ናይ ዕብዳን ቃል ዝኣተወሉ እዋንዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ሽማግለታት ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ንኢሳያስ ከቕርብሉ እንከለዉ ምናልባሽ ዝፈተዉዎ መሲልዎ ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ፡ ኣብ ባህሊ ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ግን ካብ ዕርቂ/ሽምግልና ሓንጊዱ ንዝኸደ፡ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ኣምሪሖም እዮም ኣብ መንገዲ ዝኽርፍዎ። ብሓጺሩ እስኪ ሕለፋ ዝብል ካልእን ዓብይን ትርጉምን እዩ ዘለዎ።

ህዝብን መንግስትን ኢትዮጵያ፣ ንጠባያትን ፖለቲካዊ ሃምን ኢሳያስ ዘንጊዑ፣ ማዕረ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ደልሃመት ይኣቱ እዩ እኳ እተዘይተባህለ፣ ኩሎም መለኽቲ ግደፍዶ ስልጣን ብፍቶቶም ንካልእ ከረክቡስ፣ ህዝቢ ኣገዲዱ ምስ ሳዓሮም እውን፣ ብኣኣ ክግነዙ ከምዝጽዕሩ ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ድማ፣ ነቲ መራሒ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ዝመጣጠሮ ዘሎ ብሂላት ብሓባራዊ ርድኢትን ተበግሶን ክዓጽፎ ኣብዚ ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ጅማርኡ ከርኢ ትጽቢት ይግበረሉ ኣሎ። ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበር ኣብ ጀርመንን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ድማ፣ ይንኣስ ይዕበ ዘይኮነስ፣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ጥልመት ደው ንምባል፡ እወንታዊ ጅማሮታት ስለዝብህግ እዩ፣ ኣብ ከባቢኡ ንዝርከቡ ተወከልቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃሳትን ንኸሳትፍ ክጽዕር ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን።

ንኣገዳስነት ናይዚ ንነብረሉ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ኲነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ድማ፡ ብዙሓት ካብ ዕዱማት እወንታዊ መልስታት ለጊሶም ኣለዉ።

በዚ መሰረት፡ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ናይዘን ዝስዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ምንቅስቓሳትን ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም ዘመልክት ሕድሽ ሐበሬታ ዝተረኽበ ምህላዉ ተረጋጊጹ ኣሎ።

  1. ሰልፊ ኣልናህዳ ኤርትራ
  2. ፈደራላዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓ ኤርትራ
  3. መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን ንዘተ
  4. ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ
  5. ድሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ሓድነት ኤርትራ
  6. ምንቅስቓሳት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ
  7. ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ

     ኣብዝሓለፈ ዜና ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ከምዝጠቐስናዮ፡

  1. ሰውራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ኤርትራ
  2. ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ
  3. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ
  4. ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሕን ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም እውን ሓቢርና ምንባርና ዝዝከር እዩ። ነቶም ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ክሳብ ሎሚ ዘይመለሱ እንተኮነ እውን፣ እቲ ውራይ ሓባራዊ ስለዝኾነ ፡ ኣብ ዝተመደበ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ግዲኦም ከበርክቱ ዳግማይ ጸዋዒት ዘድሊ ኣይመስለናን።

ብዘይካዚ፡ተወከልቲክልተጀርመናውያንሰልፍታት፣CDU Frankfurt Fraktionvorsitzender Herr Michael zu Löwenstein und Gießen Bundinis 90 die Grünen vertreter Herr. Dr. Klaus Dieter Gothe ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ እዮም።

ድሕሪ ቀዳማይ ፖለቲካዊ ዕማም ፈስቲቫል 2018 ምፍጻሙ፡ ካልኣይ መደብ ፈስቲቫልና ባህልን ልምድን ህዝብና ምዕቃብን ምዝውታርን ስለዝኮነ ወናማት ሙዚቐኛታትን ገጠምትን ብዘቕርብዎ ዜማታትን ሙዚቓን ተሳተፍቲ ፈስቲቫል ክዘናግዑ ምዃንም ተሓቢሩ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ብደሓን የራኽበና!!!

23 ጁላይ 2018

ሰልፍታት

ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ኣብ ጽባሕ ሽመቱ፡ ንመራሕቲ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ናብ ቤተ መንግስቱ ፀዊዑ እንግዶት ድራር ገይሩ ነይሩ።

ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት 'ተነሓናሕቲ እምበር ተቓወምቲ ኣይኮኑን' ዝብል ዘረብኡ፡ እቲ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኣፈላላይ ሓሳብ ዘኽብር እዩ ኢሎም ክንእድዎ ምኽንያት ኮይኑ።

ትማሊ ሰንበት ድማ እቲ ቐዳማይ ሚኒስተር ቁፅሮም ካብ ሓምሳ ምስ ዝዛይዱ መራሕቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታት ዘተ ገይሩ።

ኣብቲ ዘተ ኣድላይነት ምምሕያሽ ሕገ መንግስቲ ሓዊሱ ብርክት ዝበሉ ዛዕባታት'ዮም ተላዒሎም ይብሉ ተሳተፍቲ።

ኣባል መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ዓረና ትግራይ፡ መምህር ጎይተኦም ፀጋይ ክልተ ዘልዓልዎም ሕቶታት በቶም ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ከይተመለሱ ከምዝተረፉ ይዛረብ።

እቲ ቀዳማይ ጉዳይ ምስ ኤርትራ ዝግበር ዘሎ ዕርቂ ክኸዉን ከሎ፡ "እቶም ኣብ ዶባት ዝረከቡ ነበርቲ መጻኢኦም እንታይ ኢዩ ክኸዉን? ክፈናቐሉ ድዮም? ኣብ ዘለዉዎ ድዮም ክቕጽሉ? እቲ ጉዳይ ዶብ ብኸመይ ኢዩ ዝፍታሕ" ዝብል ምዃኑ ገሊጹ።

እቲ ካልኣይ ዘይተመለሰ ሕቶ፡ "ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ኣብ መስቀል ኣደባባይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ተፈፀመ ናይ ቡምባ መጥቃዕቲ ምርመራ ከም ዝካየድን ዉጽኢቱ ንህዝቢ ክግለጽ ምዃኑን እኳ ተተሓበረ፤ ክሳብ ሕጂ ሰለምንታይ ንህዝቢ ዘይተገለጸ?" ዝብል ኮይኑ ናይዚ'ዉን መልሲ ከም ዘይተዋህበ መምህር ጎይትኦም ሓቢሩ።

ንምዃኑ፡ ካብዚ ብተወሳኺ መራሕቲ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት እንታይ ጠለባት ኣልዒሎም?

ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሓደ ካብቶም ተሳተፍቲ እዩ፤ ውሃቢ ቃል እቲ ውድብ ኣይተ ኣበበ ኣካሉ፡ ኣብቲ ዘተ ኣድላይነት ምምሕያሽ ሕገ መንግስቲ ሓዊሱ "ብርክት ዝበሉ ዛዕባታት'ዮም ተላዒሎም" ይብል።

"ቦርድ መረፃ፣ ሓባሲ ንብዓት፣ ኮሚሽን ፀረ ግዕዝይና ዝኣመሰሉ ትካላት ለውጢ ክግበረሎም ኣድላዪ እዩ። እቲ ሕገመንግስቲ ብዙሓት ዝመሓየሹ ዓንቀፃት ኣለውዎ። ሕግታት ፀረ ራዕዲ፣ ንሚድያን ንዘይመንግስታዊ ትካላትን ዝምልከቱ ኣዋጃት ክመሓየሹ ከምዘለዎም እዩ ብዋናነት ተላዒሉ" ይብል ኣበበ።

ካብ ወገን እቶም ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ከ እንታይ ምላሽ ተዋሂቡ ንዝብል ሕቶና እንትምልስ፡ ቅኑዕን ዘሐጉስን ምላሽ እዮም ሂቦምና ይብል።

ኣኼባ ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ምስ ተቓወምቲ

"ኢህወዴግ 27 ዓመት ሙሉእ ካብ ዝነበሮ ፅዕንቶ ተናጊፉ ጠንኪሩ እዩ ዘሎ፤ ከይትዘናግዑ ኢሉና።" ክብል ገሊጹ።

"ድሕሪ ሕዚ'ውን በቲ ንገብሮ ዘለና ለውጢ ኣሐይልና ስለእንቕፅል፤ ህዝቢ ድማ ናባና ይመፅእ ስለዘሎ ተበታቲንኩም ምሳና ክትነሓንሑ ኣይትኽእሉን ኢኹም። ስለዝኾነ ድማ ሕብረትን ናይ ሓባር ግንባርን ፍጠሩ" ኢሉ ከምዝመዓዶም ይዛረብ።

ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኣብይን ንድሕሪ ሓደ ወርሕን ፈረቓን ዳግም ክራኸቡ ቆፀራ ሒዞም ተፈላልዮም።

ኣብቲ እዋን ተቓወምቲ ጠለባቶም ብፅሑፍ ሒዞም ክቐርቡ፤ ብፍላይ ኣብ ኣወዳድባ ፌደራላዊ ስርዓት፣ ዛዕባ ሰንደቕ ዕላማን ምምሕያሽ ዘድልዮም ዓንቀፃት ሕገመንግስትን ኣመልኪቶም ንዘተ ዝቐርብ ፅሑፍ ከዳልዉ ዕዮ ገዛ ከምዝወሰዱ መምህር ጎይተኦም ይገልፅ።

መራሒ ኦነግ ነበርን ሕዚ ድማ ንዴሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር ኦሮሞ ሒዙ ናብ ዓዲ ዝኣተወ ኣይተ ሌንጮ ለታ፡ እቲ ሕዚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝረኣይ ዘሎ ለውጢ ብኸመይ ሓቛፋይ ክኸውን ይግበኦ ዝብል ፅሑፍ ከዳልዉ እዩ።

ፕሮፌሰር በየነ ጴጥሮስ ኣብ ምምሕያሽ ሕገመንግስቲ፣ ውድብ ዓረና ኣብ ዛዕባ ሃገራዊ ምርድዳእን ጉዳይ ሰንደቕ ዕላማን ንዘተ መልዓሊ ዝኸውን ፅሑፍ ከዳልዉ ሓላፍነት ተዋሂብዎም ኣሎ።

ውድባት ሰማያውን ኢዴፓን ድማ ኣብ ኣወዳድባ ስርዓት ፌደራሊዝም ኣድሂቦም፡ ሕፅረታት እቲ ሕዚ ይትግበር ዘሎ ፌደራሊዝምን ኣማራፂ እዩ ዝብልዎ ምኽርን ሒዞም ክቐርቡ'ዮም።

Source=https://www.bbc.com/tigrinya/44931142

 

 

Asmara’s feud with Ethiopia’s had a huge bearing on Eritreans in the country and diaspora. Now there’s peace, we have a lot of questions.

Eritrea peace: What will peace in Eritrea mean for ordinary citizens. Credit Andrea Moroni.

What will peace in Eritrea mean for ordinary citizens? Credit Andrea Moroni.

Like many Eritreans, the sudden warming of relations between the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments has filled me and my loved ones with both hope and fear. The no-war no-peace stalemate that defined the politics and identity of my country for 20 years is apparently over.

This newfound peace is undoubtedly a cause for celebration, and one that will transform politics across the region for years to come. Yet for many of us, the most pressing questions this new situation begs are far more immediate.

We are asking things like: Will my sister in school still be conscripted into compulsory military service next year? Will my cousin, who is looking for ways to be smuggled across the border, be allowed to leave legally instead? Will my aunt, who has criticised the Eritrean government from outside the country, be allowed back in? Will my uncle, languishing in jail for political reasons, finally be released?

[Isaias out of character: Why Eritreans are getting nervous]

[Ethiopia-Eritrea peace: Some unanswered questions]

Lives on hold

For two decades, Eritrea has been one of the world’s most secretive and isolated countries. To begin with, it has been extremely difficult to get in and out. The first time I applied for a visa to enter as a tourist, I was met with puzzled laughter at the consulate. I was only able to get a visa because I had some contacts that could pull strings in the capital Asmara.

Getting out of Eritrea is much harder and much more dangerous. Very few are permitted to exit by the government, and so most who want to leave rely on human-smugglers and risk being arrested or kidnapped for ransom. Everyone knows someone who has embarked on these uncertain and treacherous journeys. Thousands consider the conditions in the Eritrea to be so dire as to do so every single month.

Life in Eritrea is restricted and tough. The country is poor and the economy extremely closed. People are not allowed to access non-state media. There is practically no Internet or access to smart phones. And there has never been a single election. Asmara’s defining features – the crumbling, modernist architecture; wide, palm-lined avenues; Italian-style pastry shops; and classic 60s Volkswagen beetles – are all reminders of a vibrancy that has long ceased to exist.

Worse still, all young people in Eritrea are required to undergo compulsory national service. Their passports, university diplomas and lives are put on hold as they undergo military training, after which they may be sent off to labour in any outpost that the government sees fit.

At the moment, one of my relatives spends his days painting arrows and divider lines on the few one-lane roads of Asmara for virtually zero pay. Another, who was finally released from national service after over a decade, is still required to guard a government building from 10pm to 3am once a week. National service is indefinite. In his words, this serves “as a reminder that the government has power over me”.

Divided families

For 20 years, President Isaias Afwerki, who effectuates total control, has used the pretext of Ethiopian hostility to entrench his totalitarian rule and shut Eritreans off from the outside world. This has incurred huge political and economic costs, but the human costs of this enforced isolation have been just as high. They can be measured in every Eritrean family, each of which has its own stories to tell.

I had an aunt, for example, who lived in Addis Ababa. When she received a diagnosis of terminal cancer, her relatives in the US and Canada could visit her to say goodbye, but her loved ones just over the border in Eritrea were not allowed.

I have another friend nicknamed “Baby”. When the 1998-2000 border war began, he was in Eritrea with his mother. The rest of the family was visiting Ethiopia. With transit no longer permitted, they were suddenly split in two. In an instance, the tight-knit unit was unable to reunite and could only communicate with great difficulty. My friend was called Baby, because that’s what he was the last time the rest of the family saw him.

The separation between Eritrea and Ethiopia has never been of two nations, but of two populations made up of thousands of families. That’s why headlines such as the New York Times’ “After 20 Years of Silence, Strangers in Ethiopia and Eritrea Call to Say Hello” fail to capture an important element of Ethiopian-Eritrean relations. We are not strangers.

What now for us?

With war declared over, the status quo of the past two decades will fundamentally change. Asmara’s apparatus of control will necessarily shift, marking the end of Eritrea as we (don’t) know it. But this brings us back to the question of what will happen to the Eritreans’ lives both in the country and in the diaspora.

Now there is no longer an apparent threat of Ethiopian attack, will military conscription end? Now that flights are open to Eritrea, who will be allowed in? My dad, having written critically of the regime in the past, has not dared enter the country for the past ten years. Will there be a place for him and other dissidents in this new opening?

What about the thousands who have fled? Several of my family members have sacrificed the prime years of lives in refugee camps and transit countries for the chance to begin anew elsewhere. Will they be able to keep these lives that they’ve worked for?

Some Eritreans remain sceptical about Asmara’s genuine capacity to act differently. “Having seen the injustice in my country, I don’t think anything will change without a change in leadership,” a compatriot told me. That’s not the feeling of most Eritreans, but our new hope remains tinged with fear and uncertainty, our long-held fear and uncertainty now tinged with hope.

Source=http://africanarguments.org/2018/07/23/eritrea-peace-history-aside-mean-loved-ones/

ርእስ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ፖለቲካዊ ጉዕዞ ሃገርና ርግኣት ዝሓረሞ ኣብ ሓፍዞቕ ዝተመስረተ ምዃኑን ምንባሩን ተመኩሮና ይምህረና። ካብቶም ከምዚ መልክዕ ክሕዝ ዝድርኽዎ ምኽንያታት ወትሩ ኣቀማምጣ ሃገርና ናይ ዝመስጦም ሓይልታት ግዳም ረብሓ ዘንጸላልዋ ምንባሩን ምዃኑን እዩ። እዚ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ቀንዲ መርኣያ ታሪኽና ኮይኑ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ድሕሪ ምብቃዕ 2ይ ውግእ ዓለም፡ ኤርትራ ከም ኩለን ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ዝጸነሓ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ግቡእ ናጽነታ ከይትረክብ ዝደረኸ ጠንቂ ከኣ እዚ ነዊሕ ኢድ ናይ ግዳም እዩ። ናይ ሽዑ ኮነ ናይ ሎሚ ሰብ ነዊሕ በትሪ ሓይልታት ወጻኢ፡ ንኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ነነብሰን ኣኽኢልካ ዘይኮነ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ግዳይ ብዝገብር ጐባጢ መልክዕ ዓምጺጽካ ምሓዝ ዝብል እምነት ከም ዝነበሮም ሎሚ’ውን ከም ዘለዎም ምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን።

ኣብ ብዙሕ ምዕራፋት ቃልስና ከም ዝይተራእየ፡ እቶም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቀንዲ በዓል ጉዳይ እንዳሃለወ “ንሕና ኣለናልካ” እንዳበሉ ናብቲ ንሳቶም ዝደልይዎ ዝጐትዎ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ጥራይ ኣይነበሩን። ከምቲ “ገረብ ብሓኽላ ወይ መንገዲ ምስ ወዲ ዓዲ” ዝበሃል ህዝቢ ንምትላል ዝዋፈር ኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ እውን ነይሩ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግና ምናልባት ደኣ ድምጹ ዝሰምዓሉ ዓቕሚ ይስእን ነይሩን ኣሎን እምበር፡ ከቶ ረብሓኡን ዕላምኡን ካብ ልኡላዊ ክብሪ ሃገሩ ከምዘይፍለ ዘንጊዑ ኣይፈልጥን። ብሰንኪ ዕድል ምስኣኑ ግና ክሳብ ሕጂ ባህጉ ኣይሰመረሉን።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ ቃልሱ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ካብ ዝጅምር፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሃገሩን ክብራን ከም ብሌን ዓይኑ ክሕሉ ዝጸንሐ ህዝቢ እዩ። እቲ ናይ ታሪኽ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ንኤርትራ ዝመረሓ ናይ ሎሚ ህግደፍ ነዚ ሕኑን ኤርትራዊ ስምዒት ብኸመይ ከም ዝጥቀመሉ ብጉርሒ ክኸይድ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ርእሲ ናጽነቱ መሰረታዊ መሰላቱ ንክሕለወሉ ዘቕርቦ ዝነበረ ጠለባት ምስ ባህሪ እቲ ገዛኢ ጉጅለ ስለ ዘይሳነ፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ካብኡ ንምህዳም ብዙሕ መዳህለሊ ተንኮላት ክምህዝ ጸኒሑ። ካብቲ ተንኮላቱ እቲ ብዝጐልሐ ክትርጎሞ ዝጸንሐ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳዩ ምእንቲ ከይርኢ ብጉዳይ ፍቕሪ ሃገሩ ኣሰናቢድካ ናብ ግዳም ጥራይ ከም ዘመዓዱ ምግባሩ እዩ። ናይቲ ብየመንን ብሱዳንን ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተኻየድ ውግኣት ከኣ መልእኽቱ እዚ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣዞም ምስ ጐረባብቲ ዝተኻየዱ ውግኣት ምስቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተኻየደ ውግእ ኣወዳዲርካ ክካየዱ ዘይግበኦም ከምዝነበሩ ደጋጊምና ክንብሎ ዝጸናሕና እዩ።

መንግስቲ ህግደፍ ድሕሪ’ቲ መሪር፡ ኣዝዩ ዘስካሕካሕ ጉድኣት ዘውረደን ዘይናይዶብ ክንሱ “ናይ ዶብ” ዝብል ስም ዝተዋህቦን ውግእ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ጠጠው ኢሉ፡ ናብ ዓለም ለኻዊ መድረኽ ምስ ተመርሐን ምስ ተወሰነን፡ ቀራን ተሓላቓይ ናይቲ ውሳነ ኮይኑ ጸኒሑ። በቲ ካብ ልቡ ዘይነቐለ “ቅድሚ ኩሉ ጉዳይ ዶብ ተመልኪቱ ልኡላውነት ክዕቀብ ኣለዎ” ዝብል መኸተ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጅሆ ሒዝዎ ጸኒሑ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ እቲ ጉጅለ ከምኡ ኢሉ ስለ ዝጨረሐ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ልዕልቲ መወዳድርቲ ዘይብሉ ዋጋ ዝኸፈለሉ ልኡላውነት ዘለዎ ክቱር ፍቕሪ፡ ንኩሉ ሳዕቤናቱ ክኢሉ ንናይ ሓሶት መርገጽ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክድግፎ ጸኒሑ። እዚ ከኣ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ህዝብና ሕጉግ ምዃኑ ዘርኢ እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ግና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ፡ ብዘይህዝባዊ ወኸሳ፡ ብኣዝዩ ቅልጡፍ ፍጥነት፡ ብፍጹም ህዝብና ዘይተጽበዮ “ጉጅላዊ ረብሓይ ይሕልወለይ” ኣብ ዝበሎ ኩርናዕ ተኾይጡ እነሆ።

ኣቀያይራ መርገጽ ህግደፍ ቅልጡፍ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ጉዳይ ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱ ከይከውን እውን ዓብይ ስኽፍታ ኣሕዲሩ ዘሎ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕልቲ ናይ ቅድም ኣሰካፊ ቀልባዕብዑ፡ ልኡኻቱን መራሒኡን ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ከይዶም፡ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ሓደ እዩ፡ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ዓሊ ምቕሉል መራሒ ረኺብና፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክልተ ህዝቢ እዩ ዝብሉ ነቲ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጡ እዮም፡ ሓድሽ ታሪኽ’ዩ ዝስራሕ ዘሎ፡ ዶር ኣብይ ክመርሓና ኣረኪበዮ ኣለኹ” ዝብሉ ሓረጋት ህግደፍ ብ “ናይ ኤርትራ ናይ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ስረሓት ክሰርሕ ሓላፍነት ተረኪበ ኣለኹን ናይ ወሰን ጉዳይ ብናይ ፍቕሪ ድንድል ሰጊርናዮ ኢናን” ዝብሉ ጥቕስታት መራሒ ኢትዮጵያ ተቓሚሞም ምቕራቦም ከኣ ዓሚቝ ስግኣት ፈጢሮም ኣለዉ። ገለ ብዛዕባ ድሕረ-ባይታ መራሒ ህግደፍ ይፈልጡ ዝበሃሉ ወገናት፡ እዚ ጉዳይ ሓድሽ ዘይኮነስ ተሓቢኡ ግዜ ክጽበ ምስ ጸንሐ፡ ሕጂ ዝወጽእ ዘሎ ስምዒት ከም ዝመስል ምጥቃሶም ከኣ ነቲ ስኽፍታ ናብ ሓደገኛ ሻቕሎት ከምዘዕርጎ ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን።

ኩሉቲ ካልእ ገዲፍካ ነቲ ናይ መራሒ ህግደፍ ንቡር ዘይኮነ ቀልባዕባዕ፡ ካብ ኣካይዳኡ ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ኣሰሓሕቓኡ፡ “እገለ ካባይ ይሓይሽ” እትብል ቃል ወጺኣቶ ዘይትፈልጥ፡ ሕጂ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ይምረሓና ክብል ዝሰምዑ ወገናት፡ ኩሉ እቲ ዲክታቶር ክገብሮ ዝቐነየ ናቱ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይቶም ምስ ኣብይ ጸሚዶም ዝሓርስዎ ዘለዉ፡ ካሮትን በትርን ዝዓተሩ ሓይልታት ድፍኢት እዩ ኢሎም ዝድምድሙ ብዙሓት እዮም።

ክልቲኦም ወገናት ኣብ ኣስመራ 5 ነጥብታት ዝሓዘ ኣቐዲሙ ብካለኦት ወሓላሉ ክኽሸን ዝጸንሐ ስምምዕ ተፈራሪሞም። ቀንዲ ትሕዝቶ ናይቲ ስምምዕ እቲ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣቐዲሙ ከቕረቦ ዝጸንሐ ኣብ ኩነታት ናብ ንቡር ምምላስ ዘድሃበ እማመ ኮይኑ፡ እታ ንውሳነ ኮሚስሽን ዶብ እትምልከት እሞ ኢሳያስ ንዝሓለፈ 17 ዓመታት ከም ሽግ ዓቲሩዋ ዝጸነሓ ሓሳብ ግና ኣብቲ ሓደሓደ ዝተርፉ ንኡሳን ጉዳያት ዝሓዘ ዘንቢል ምስፋራ መመሊሱ የገርመካ።

እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ እምበኣር ኢሳያስ ብዛዕባ ሕንኩ ቀንጢጡ ዝመረጾ ርቡጽ መንገዲ ደጋጊምካ ምዝንታውን ምግራምን ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቀንድስ ንሕና እቶም ክብሪ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ብሓደ ወገን ለውጢ ናይ ምርግጋጽ ሓላፍነት ከኣ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ዝምልከትና ወገናት ክንገብሮ ዝግበኣና ክንገብር ምብቃዕ እዩ። ስለዚ ዓው ኢልና እሞ ከኣ ንህግደፍ ብዝምችእ ፋሕፋሕ ኢልና ዘይኮነ፡ ብስሙርን ሕቡርን ሓላፍነታዊ ድምጺ፡ “ኤርትራ ብቕዋምን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ክትመሓደር፤ ናይ ፖለቲካን ናይ ሕልናን እሱራት ክፍትሑ፤ ደረት ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ክተርፍ ብሕግን ብግዜን ዝተወሰነ ኣገልግሎት ጥራሕ ክኸውን፤ መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ከይተሽራረፉ ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕሉ፤ ተቓወምቲ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ብናጻ ኣብ ሃገሮም ዝንቀሳቐስሉ ባይታ ምፍጣር፤ ናይ ዕርቅን ይቕረ ምብህሃል መድረኽ ምኽፋት።” ናብ ዝብሉ ህልውና ሃገር ዘውሕስን ለውጢ ዘረጋግጽን ቃልሲ ከነሕይል ይግበኣና።

ብሰንበት ዕለት 22 ሓምለ 2018 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.) ናይ ምሉእ ኣባላት ናይ ተለኮንፈረንስ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ኣብዚ ካብ ሰለሰተ ሰዓት ንላዕሊ ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ፣ እኸበኛታት ብዛዕባ ስምምዕ ሰላም ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኣስፊሖም ተመያይጦም። ኣብዘን ዝስዕባ ነጥብታትውን ተሰማሚዖም፤

1. ሰላም ንኩሎም ህዝብታት ጠቃሚ ስለ ዝኾነ ብመትከል ንድግፎ

2. ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ንጥቅሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ኣይኮነን፣ ኣብ ዝኾነ ውዕልውን ክኣቱ ኣይክእልን እዩ።

3. ዝኾነ ስምምዕ ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ዘኽበረ ምስዝኽውን ጥራሕ እዩ ቅቡል ዝኸውን

4. ሃገር ነድሕን ዝብል ኣምር ቀዳማይ ዕማምና ከምዝኾነ ነፍልጥ

5. ምስ ኩሎም ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ፖለቲካውያን ውድባትን፣ ሲቪክ ማሕበራትን፣ ዜጋታትን ሃገር ንምድሓን ክንስርሕ ኢና

 

ታሪኽ ስውኣትና ህያው እዩ

ክንዕወት ኢና

“ባዕላ መምጽኢት ደርፊ ባዕላ መጥፍኢት ደርፊ” ከምዝተባህለ፥ ባህሪ ኢሳያስ እታ ስልጣኑ ጥራሕ ኣይትተንከፍ እምበር ካልእ ዝግድሶ ኣይኮነን። ንስልጣኑ ክብል ግን ዝገላበጥ ባህሪ ኣለዎ። ቅድሚ ሎሚ ንተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ምስ ወያኔ ተሻሪኹ ክሃርም እንከሎ ባድመ ንወያኔ ከም ጸበረኸት ኣሕሊፉ ሂቡዋ። ባዕሉ ብዘምጽኦ ሰበብ ድማ ምስ ወያኔ ኣብ ዝኸፍአ ወተሃደራዊ ጐንጺ ኣትዩ። እታ ዝዘረኣ ክፍኣት ከኣ ተመሊሳ ኣብ ርእሱ ደኣ ተጠምጠመት። ስለዚ “ሓልሓል እንከሎካ ጽሩይ መሬት፥ ሰናድር እንከሎካ ጽሩይ ብረት እንታይ ኣእተወካ ኣብ ሰንሰለት” ደኾን የምስሎ ይኸውን።?

ኢሰያስ ካብ ተሓኤ ክፍንጨል እንከሎ ዘቕርቦ ዝነበረ ምኽንያት ተሓኤ ዲሞክራሲያዊት ውድብ ኣይኮነትን ዝብል እዩ። ተሓኤ ክትጅምር እንከላ ብውሑዳት ምሁራትን ዝበዝሑ ሓረስቶትን ወተሃደራት ነበረን እያ ተመስሪታ። ይኹን እምበር ሳላ ትኩራት ተጋደልቲ ዝነበሩ ንተሓኤ ኣብ ናይ ሃገራውን ዲሞክራሲያውን ሰውራ ዝመጣጠን ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ክሳብ ምሕንጻጽ ኣብጺሖማ እዮም። በዚ ድማ ኣብ ቀዳማይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ፋልማይ ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዲሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ መሪሕነት ዝተመርጸሉን ሃገራዊ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዝተሓንጸጸሉን ባይታ ወይ መድረኽ እዩ ነይሩ። ነቲ ሱር ሰዲዱ ዝነበረ ዲሞክራሲ ነጺጉ እዩ እምበኣር ኢሰያስ እታ ብዓንተብኡ ንተሓኤ እንተኸኣለ ብውሽጢ ኮይኑ ከበዅቡኻ እንተዘይከኣለ ከኣ ተፈንጪሉ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክንጽላ ዝነበረ ተልእኾኡ። ስለዚ እቲ መስመር ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሓይልታት እናዓኾኸ ክመጽእ ዝጸንሐ ሕቒኡ መሲሱ ናብ ጸረ ዲሞክራሲ ተግባራት ተበጊሱ።

ይኹን እምበር በቲ ተንኮሉ ንውሱን ኤርትራዊ ምሁር ኣካል ዲሞክራሲያዊት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ከምዝቃለስን ኣብ ጎኑ ደው ከምዝብልን ገይሩ’ዩ። ኣብቲ እዋን እቲ በዚ ኣብ ዝተጠቕሰ ንኣእምሮ ኤርትራውያን ጸልዩ ኣንጻር ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ እውን ኣሕሊፉ ሂቡ እዩ። ስልጣን ምስ ሓዘ ከኣ ጸረ-ዲሞክራሲ ባህርያቱ ብዘቃልዕ “ንዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ሰማይ ከድኩም ድለይዋ” ኢሉና፡፥ ዲሞክራሲ ንኸይጥጥዕን ንከይትግበርን ህዝቢ ከይሓቶን ብማለት ውግኣት ከፊቱ። ግርም ምኽንያት ረኺቡ ድማ ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ከይተሓንጸጸ ኢትዮጵያ መሬትና ጎቢጣ እንከላ ብማለት ቅዋም ከየተግበረ ብሓይሊ ይጭቊን ኣሎ።

ኣብዚ እዋን እዚ ነቲ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ መጸዋዕታ ሰላም ሕራይ ኢሉ ምቕባሉ ንኣእምሮ ደቂ ሰባት ክዘምት ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ድሮ እኳ እነሆ ካብቶም መዳኽርቱን ደገፍቱን ሰላም ተረኺቡ እንዲዩ ሕጂ ዓድና ኣቲና ንህነጽ እንዳበሉ ንኣእምሮኦም የታልሉን ይጥብሩን ኣለዉ። እዚ ከምታ ፈለማ ናጽነት ዝተረኽበትላ ዕለት ሆሆሆ እናበለ ሳዕቤኑ ከይፈለጠ ኣጣቒዑን ሳዕስዑን እዩ። ኣበይ ኣለዉ ዝተረፉ ደቅና ኢሉ’ኳ ክሓትት ኣይሓሰቦን። ልክዕ እዩ ሰላም ፈጺሙ ኣይጽላእን እዩ፡ እንተወሓደ ህዝብና ቁሩብ ትንፋስ እኳ ይረክብ። ኮይኑ ግን ንመገዲ ሰላም ህድእ ኢልካ ብምኻድ ካብቲ ቅድሚ ሎሚ ኣብ ኩናት ዘእተወና ብኽንድሕነሉ ንኽእል ኣገባብ ክተሓዝ ኣለዎ። ደሓር ድማ ኢሰያስ ንሰላም እንድሕሪ ደጊፉ፥ እታ ሰላም ብውሽጢ ይኹን ብደገ ትጠልቦ ነገራት ብዙሕ ከምዘሎ ክርስዕ የብሉን። ምኽንያቱ ሰላም ክበሃል እንከሎ ኢትዮጵያ ነዚ ሰላም ኣብ ምንታይ ፖለቲካዊ ወይ ቁጠባዊ ረብሓ እያ ክትተሓሓዞ ምፍላጥ ኣድላይነት ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ ተመሊሱ እንጥቀዓሉ ከይከውን ርግእ ኢልና ንነገራት ሓደ ብሓደ ክንመራመረሉን ክንጥቀመሉን ኣድላዪ እዩ።

ብውሽጢ እቲ ንሰላም ክኸልእ ዝጸንሐ ኢሉ ኢሰያስ ዘመኽንዮ ዝነበረ ድሕሪ ሕጂ ኣይክህሉን እዩ። ግን ከኣ እቲ ሰላም ኣብ ረብሓኡ ዘይውዕል እንተኾይኑ፡ ናይ ምብርዓኑ ኣንፈት ክህሉ ይከኣል እዩ። ብዝኾነ ግን እሱራት ክፈትሕ፥ ህዝቢ ከምድሌቱ ክነግድን ክንቀሳቐስን፥ ህዝቢ ሓሳባቱ ክገልጽን፥ ተኣጊደን ዝነበራ ጋዜጠታት ስርሐን ክጅምራን ምስዘይገብር ግን ሃገር ኣብ ዝገደደ ደልሃመት ከእትዋ ስለዝኽእል ካብ ስልጣኑ ክለቅቕ ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ ኢሰያስ ናይ ምምራሕ ብቕዓታቱ ናይ ዲክታቶርያ ብምዃኑ ከብቅዕ ኣለዎ። ግደ ሓቂ እታ “ጌም ኦቨር” ዝበላ ንኣኡ እያ ትግባእ።

ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዚ ናይ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ዝተበጽሐ ሰላም ኢሰያስ ወያኔ ካብ ስልጣን ምስ ኣልገሰ ዝሰማማዓሉ ዘሎ ምዃኑ እቲ ኣብ ሳዋ ዝበሎ፡ ”ናይ ወያኔ ኣሽካዕላል ኣብቂዑ እዩ “ጌም ኦቨር” ዝበሎ እኹል ምስክር እዩ። ነዚ ከም ምኽንያት ዝጥቀመሉ ዘሎ ድማ ስለምንታይ ነቲ ቅድሚ ሎሚ ዝተሓሰምካዮ ሕራይ ኢልካ ተቐቢልካ ከይበሃል ዝመሃዞ ሽጣራ እዩ። ንሕና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምቲ “ዓሳ ነታ ትብላዕ እምበር ነታ እትሓንቆ ኣይርእያን” ዝብሃል ከይንኸውን እሞ ሎሚ’ውን ኣብ ዘይደለናዮ ከይንኣቱ ደጋጊምና ክንሓስብን ክነስተውዕልን የድሊ። ሰላም ጽቡቕ’ኳ እንተኾነ ስዒቡ ከይፈለጥናዮ ብዛዕባ ክመጽእ ዝኽእል ክንግራህ የብልናን። ምኽንያቱ ወዲ ሃገር ፍትሒ ስኢኑ ክስደድ፡ ጓና ድማ ብስም ወፍሪ ንመሬት ኤርትራ ክመልኣ ሳዕቤኑ ኣሉታዊ እዩ ክኸውን። ሎሚ ኢሰያስ ዘዝበለና ሰሚዒዕናን ተቐቢልናን ክንደግሞ ጽባሕ ኣብ ህጉም ክንኣቱ ምዃንና ኣይንረስዕ።