Kate Lyons

Friday 22 January 2016 14.04 GMT

Report says Home Office guidance that it was safe to send Eritreans home is based largely on discredited Danish report

Refugees

Eritrean migrants in the ‘Jungle’ refugee camp in Calais, France. Photograph: Etienne Laurent/EPA

The Home Office is using misleading and biased information to decide the fate of Eritrean asylum seekers, an independent report has found, as its author claims the government distorted evidence to make it easier to reject them.

The report, published on Friday, analysed two Country Information Guidance (CIG) documents issued by the Home Office last year. The advice says that it is now safe to return asylum seekers to the east African country.

But an inquiry by the Independent Advisory Group on Country of Origin Information, has concluded the policy recommendations made in the documents are “completely divorced from relevant objective evidence”. Its report adds that unless the CIG advice is completely rewritten, the Home Office unit responsible for producing them will be “viewed as totally lacking credibility”.

Dr John Campbell, the author of the report, said the findings were damning. He alleges the documents rely heavily on a discredited Danish report, misquote sources, blur policy and “facts”, and fail to acknowledge significant human rights issues in the country.

He said: “The Home Office report does not conform to the professional standards which country information reports are expected to meet. Instead it is based on a highly selective use of information and it deliberately distorts information to support its own conclusions, namely that it is now safe for the UK to return Eritrean asylum seekers to their home country.”

There remain significant international concerns over human rights breaches in Eritrea, including the forced conscription of children and elderly people into military service and the rape of female conscripts.

“An undergraduate would be failed for this sort of thing,” said Campbell, a reader in the anthropology of Africa and law at the University of London, who has been a country expert on asylum claims from Eritrea and Ethiopia since the mid-1990s.

The report concludes that “the only possible way forward for the Home Office is to completely rewrite both CIG reports”, including recommending that approximately 20% of one of the reports should be deleted.

Eritreans account for the largest group of people applying for asylum in the UK, with 3,726 Eritrean nationals applying in the year ending September 2015.

The Home Office advised it was not safe to return most asylum seekers to Eritrea until it controversially updated its country advice in March 2015, claiming that citizens who left Eritrea without permission – many of them to escape its infamous indefinite military service – would not face persecution if they returned. The advice resulted in the number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK plummeting from a 73% approval rate in the first quarter of 2015 to 34% in the second quarter.

The Home Office guidance also stated that Eritrea’s indefinite national service had been shortened to between 18 months and four years. However the independent report released on Friday is scathing of this claim, saying it is based upon assurances from the Eritrean government that have not been supported by any policy announcements or evidence.

Campbell’s report was critical of the Home Office for basing its guidance largely on a 2014 report commissioned for the Danish government, from which the researchers involved and the Danish government have since distanced themselves.

“The CIGs have a total over-reliance on one source [the Danish report] which bucked the trend of all objective evidence on human rights in Eritrea,” said Campbell.

“I’ve looked at each of the arguments [the Home Office] have made and the forms of evidence they used. Not only have they misquoted sources but they’ve disregarded a whole range of material that bears on the question of whether it’s safe to return, such as: are there independent courts in Eritrea?”

The report also says the Home Office guidance ignores well substantiated evidence from various sources that children are forced to participate in the country’s indefinite military service and have been sent to war as child soldiers.

“Making decisions about whether or not to grant refugee protection is often a matter of life or death, yet the government’s own statistics reveal it gets a staggering number of decisions on Eritrean cases wrong,” said Maurice Wren, the chief executive of the Refugee Council.

“The government should not let its obsession with controlling immigration override its legal and moral responsibility to protect refugees.”

Campbell said: “There are roughly 2,000 Eritreans a month who are leaving their country. We’re talking about a lot of human lives. A lot of human suffering is being caused by this policy.”

According to Campbell, unless the Home Office revises its guidance, it will be left with a “dead policy”, which the asylum claims tribunal will not be able to use.

“They will have to revise it, absolutely. Increasingly the evidence I use is going to be used by other immigration lawyers and the sector will have a dead policy because the tribunal will not be upholding the guidance,” he said.

The Home Office has not responded to requests for comment.

Source=http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jan/22/uk-using-misleading-information-return-eritrean-asylum-seekers-home-office-guidance?CMP=share_btn_link

Analysis: This is Africa’s North Korea

Wednesday, 20 January 2016 12:51 Written by

 Oded Bailty

© Oded Balilty African migrants stand inside Holot detention centre. Eritrea is not at war, but its president, Isaias Afwerki, uses the threat of a bloody conflict to justify human rights abuses, among them indefinite national service. Eritrea is losing its youth through mass migration. But what is everyone fleeing, asks Mercedes Sayagues.

There is something odd in the camps hosting Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia and Sudan. Generally, refugee camps in Africa burst with women and children - but mostly young men cram the Eritrean camps.

Equally odd is that tiny Eritrea (population around 4.5 million) ranks, along with Syria, Afghanistan and Somalia, among the world’s five top source countries of asylum-seekers. Some 5 000 young Eritreans flee every month, by UN estimates.

Up to 10 percent of the population has left. The majority of Eritrean migrants take the deadliest route to Europe, across Sudan, Egypt and Libya. Throughout their desperate journey, they may fall prey to vicious human trafficking.

In eastern Sudan, the Rashaida militias kidnap migrants until relatives pay ransom, then pass them along the trafficking chain. Sinai trafficking is especially cruel. Smugglers torture migrants by open cellphones so their relatives hear their screams. Over the years, it is estimated they have killed between 5 000 and 10 000 Eritreans. Closer to Europe, hundreds of Eritreans have drowned in the Mediterranean.

Yet Eritrea is not at war. What are the refugees fleeing?

“A totalitarian state bent on controlling Eritreans through a vast security apparatus to control, silence and isolate individuals, depriving them of their fundamental freedoms,” says a 2015 report by the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea.

In 483 pages of grim reading, it describes a nation living in fear of forced labour, arbitrary imprisonment, disappearances, extrajudicial executions, torture (including sexual torture), inhumane jails, spies, arbitrary land expropriations, and restrictions on freedom of expression, conscience and movement - human rights violations on a scope and scale seldom seem elsewhere.

The 1997 constitution was never implemented and national budgets never tabled. A census is forever delayed. There are no independent NGOs or media. Internet is scarce and slow. Reporters Without Borders ranked Eritrea last among all countries in press freedom last year.

Only four religions are allowed: Eritrean Orthodox, Sunni Islam, Roman Catholic and Lutheran. Pentecostals and Jehovah Witnesses are persecuted and jailed unless they recant their faith.

UN researchers trying to document Eritrea’s success achieving some of the Millennium Development Goals have been denied entry.

So were members of the UN Commission of Enquiry, which had to rely on 550 interviews with Eritreans abroad.

Eritrea’s repression and isolation have earned it the nickname of Africa’s North Korea - a closed country where people need a pass to travel between towns and a hard-to-obtain exit visa to leave.

The worst is open-ended military conscription lasting up to a decade. Conscripts as young as 15 and as old as 50 work as indentured labourers in mining, infrastructure projects and farms, often owned by the military. They are poorly fed, abused, exploited and enslaved, says the report.

Those caught trying to escape or deported back to Eritrea are considered traitors, tortured and jailed.

For these reasons, Eritreans are automatically granted asylum in many European countries. The government argues that this is a pull factor. In any case, Eritrea is suffering “drastic depopulation”, warned the Catholic bishops in a rare letter of protest in 2015.

Migration levels are becoming “unsustainable”, says the International Crisis Group.

“Ending the exodus requires greater engagement with Eritrea - potentially ending a decade of isolation that has been both self-imposed and externally generated.”

Only Eritrea's latest betrayal

Constant betrayals. This phrase sums up Eritrea’s sad history.

Colonised by the Italians at the end of the 19th century, it was freed of Mussolini’s fascist rule by British troops in 1941. The Brits plundered port and factories, then handed the country over to the UN.

Disregarding Eritrea’s wish for independence, in 1950 the UN set up a federation with Ethiopia. The Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, promptly annexed Eritrea. The UN kept shamefully quiet, and in 1961, a 30-year-long liberation struggle began.

As the Cold War gripped the Horn of Africa in the 1980s, Americans and Soviets successively aided and dropped Eritrea, in a deadly game of shifting military alliances. Throughout these vagaries, Eritrea continued to fight pretty much alone.

Holed up since mid-1970 in a vast underground complex in the harsh, northern Sahel Mountains, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) eventually overran Mengistu Haile Miriam's army and achieved independence in 1993.

The EPLF was the Western media’s darling: an egalitarian, progressive, communal, frugal guerrilla force united over tribal, religious and gender fault lines. It was big on gender equality, for women’s education and against child marriage and genital mutilation. A third of its fighters were women.

Underground factories produced munitions as well as sanitary pads.

Twenty-three year later, the UN reports that Eritrean woman prisoners are not given sanitary pads, can't shower for months and are crowded in filthy cells without proper toilets.

This shift from liberation to oppression is the work of guerrilla leader-turned-president-for-life, Isaias Afwerki.

In 1998, Isaias provoked a two-year war with Ethiopia. Afterwards, Eritrea plunged into dictatorship.

Eritrean meddling in Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia, supporting rebels and al-Shabaab, led the US to threaten to declare it a state sponsor of terrorism.

The UN imposed sanctions and began scrutinising its shadow economy. It found an illicit financial system based on money-laundering, arms trafficking and payouts from patrons like Libya, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Generals shared kidnapping ransoms with the Rashaida militia and exploited conscript forced labour.

The government exacts a 2 percent tax from Eritreans working overseas in exchange for consular services. The newest revenue is gold mining. In 2011, the Canadian company Nevsun, 40 percent owned by the state, started exporting gold. Another profitable asset is Eritrea’s location on the Red Sea. Its closeness to Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Egypt brings opportunities for funding and leverage with Saudis, Iranians, Houthis and Russians.

A small coterie of generals and advisers benefits from business and patronage but running the country is tightly controlled by Isaias.

“Eritrea is a personally owned political-business corporation which risks disintegrating when its founder-owner dies or is removed,” writes Alex de Waal in his book, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa.

A heavy drinker, Isaias is in poor health and lacks a succession plan. Yet his absence might bring more turmoil.

Eritrea could become “an oligarchic system run by a cartel of generals and party fund managers, or a deregulated and violent political marketplace”, writes De Waal.

This would amount to yet another betrayal to Eritreans’ hopes for democracy.

Testimonies of brutality

A former prison guard recalled: “They cannot wash or shower. There is no health care. The men get to the point that their testicles are infected. They are screaming with pain. They are not allowed to wear shoes, their feet are swollen from the bruises.”

One detainee reported: “It is called the butchery because there is blood everywhere. I saw one pregnant girl lose her baby from the beating. She was caught trying to go to Sudan. I was in the queue after her to be punished. I could see her getting hit with a thin stick… all over her body by four men. She began bleeding.”

Mother of a toddler detained because her husband left the country: “I was handcuffed, very tight, an iron stick placed between my hands, a stick behind my knees and attached to my hands. Then, hung upside down, placing the stick between two tables, and beaten. I was beaten for 17 days with a stick or a whip, sometimes also slapped. They were bringing my baby in front of me and then they were beating me. When my child became sick, they asked me to bring 50 000 nakfa and I was released.”

A man jailed: “We were beaten every other day. My friend was beaten on the testicles with a stick. When he came back, everything was bloody. He could hardly walk, his testicles swelled to bigger than the size of a fist. He was in a lot of pain… He died shortly after.” - UN Commission of Enquiry

Eritrean refugees

Worldwide:

36 000 registered by UN

Of these:

In Ethiopia: 130 000

In Sudan: 126 000

In Israel: 37 000

UNHCR 2015

Mercedes Sayagues is a Knight International Journalism Fellow

The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of Independent Media.

Posted on January 14, 2016

Personal reflections on the refugee camps at Calais and Dunkirk

The sun shone last Friday. It was warm. For once it was not tipping down with rain. For the refugees it must have been a relief, yet it only underlined just how bleak the situation really is.

calais_visit_1.jpg

Late on Friday evening, I got off the Eurostar at St Pancras, made my way home, looked in on our young children (fast asleep in warm beds) and went to bed.

But I could not sleep.

 I had just returned from Calais and Dunkirk where thousands of migrants have set up temporary homes.

The conditions in both camps, but particularly Dunkirk, are so bad that describing them (even with accompanying photographs) cannot capture the squalor.

 calais_visit_3.jpg

You have to smell conditions like these, and feel the squelch of mud mixed with rain water, urine and much else through your boots to appreciate the true horror.

No one should have to live in such conditions and the fact that I saw children the same age as my own (and younger) settling down for yet another freezing, damp and hopeless night in a tent pitched in the muck kept playing on my mind.

Their lives so different to those of my family for no reason other than their place of birth.

calais_visit_4.jpg 

What makes the conditions in Calais and Dunkirk so troubling is not just that the camps are just one hour by Train from central London; it is also that they don’t need to be so bad.

British volunteers are doing extraordinary work across these sites.

Joe Friday  - who helped set up A Home for Winter – has been constructing hundreds of wooden homes in Calais to provide a minimum level of warmth and comfort.

  calais_visit_5.jpg

If the French authorities allowed volunteers to erect temporary shelters, toilets and water taps in Dunkirk, the situation could be improved within days.

But until very recently they have refused; for fear that to do so will encourage others to arrive.

 calais_visit_6.jpg

 If our government put as much emphasis on humanity as it does on security in its joint working agreements with the French authorities, things would be better. But it doesn’t.

Within both camps are mums, dads and children who are entitled to reunify with their families in the UK if the processing system worked.

But it doesn’t. And in both camps there are unaccompanied minors  - children, without help or guidance.

I sat in Calais and listened as a mother, with her four children, explain why she had to flee from Afghanistan. I won’t name her, for her safety.

 calais_visit_7.jpg

‘I have a brother and a nephew in the UK,’ she told me. She had applied for family re-unification under asylum rules accepted by the Home Office under the EU’s Dublin convention, but had heard nothing.

‘I have skills. I worked at the British Council in Kabul,’ she explained.  Her English is fluent and she would have little trouble in fitting in, if only she could cross the Channel.

‘I came by car, by truck and by walking. We are so tired. We are like a butterfly looking for somewhere to nest.’

 calais_visit_8.jpg

The emphasis of the authorities – French and British – is symbolised by the high security fencing and the CRS riot police, who patrol the area day and night.

I returned to London and the warmth and security of my family and our community. But my thoughts were in Calais.

Any human being making the visit I made last Friday would come away, as I did, uneasy with themselves and clear that, on all fronts, more needs to be done; and fast.

Source=http://www.keirstarmer.com/personal_reflections_on_the_refugee_camps_at_calais_and_dunkirk

Press Statement

 

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

 

12 January 2016

 

The Ad Hoc Contact Organ established at the end of the National Consultative Conference of Eritrean Political organizations in Nairobi, Kenya between 27 and 29 November 2015, held its first meeting on December 22, 2015 that was followed by several successive meetings and has now laid out its plan of work on the basis of the tasks that were entrusted to it by the participating organizations. The tasks as stipulated in the Nairobi Declaration are to:

 

1. Draft a common vision and program of action, in close consultation with political organizations, for a smooth transition to a democratic order.

2. Prepare for the next all-inclusive meeting of opposition organizations to discuss ways and means to accelerate democratic transition.

 

The Ad Hoc Contact Organ has:

 

• Extensively deliberated on its action plan;

• Assigned tasks to its members;

• Decided on mechanisms that would enable it to effectively communicating with the political opposition organisations as well as the general public, implement its plan of action, increase awareness of the outcomes of the National Consultative Conference and publicise the efforts being made to convene the next all inclusive conference.

 

Towards this goal, the Ad hoc Contact Organ shall reach out to all political organizations that did not participate in the Consultative Conference, with the aim of explaining the outcomes of the conference so they can be a part of the upcoming all-inclusive conference and its due preparation.

 

The Ad Hoc Contact Organ

 

National Consultative Conference of Eritrean Opposition Organizations

 

Members of the Ad Hoc Contact Organ:

 

1. Mohamed Ahmed Safar

2. Bashir Eshaq

3. Tesfai Woldemichael (Degiga)

4. Negash Osman

5. Semere T. Habtemariam 6. Suleiman Hussein

 

Contact e-mail: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Eritrea Liberty Magazine Issue No.36

Thursday, 07 January 2016 04:02 Written by

         

            The Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (COI) is a UN commissioned body with a mandate to shed light on the human rights violations being perpetrated by the Eritrean government against its people. It is carrying out its mandate by collecting oral and written testimonies of ordinary Eritrean citizens.  Most Eritrean households, both at home and abroad, can bear witness to the level of brutality and inhumanity of this regime.

 

            The Commission‘s mission is to document the horrific, widespread and systematic human rights violations that are currently taking place in Eritrea. It is an absolutely necessary endeavor because it will help to bring the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) to justice.

 

            The PFDJ’s reign is a tyrannical one and continues to hold the Eritrean people hostage for no other reason except to maintain power. The threat of arbitrary arrest and detention is very real in Eritrea and has been for a very long time. This regime is ruling Eritrea with impunity. It has imprisoned and tortured all those that it deemed to be a threat to its hold on power, among them journalists, former high-ranking government officials and their family members.

           

            There are over 300 prisons in Eritrea and conservative estimates state that there are about 35,000 political prisoners languishing in Eritrea. Never before seen footage smuggled out of Eritrea’s Adi Abeto prison shows images of 500 or so prisoners crammed into dangerously over crowded, unsanitary halls. It is worth mentioning that these prisoners are ordinary Eritrean citizens who have been denied legal due process.

 

            Furthermore, under the guise of military service, tens of thousands of Eritrean men and women have been subjected to forced labor and indefinite military service. In a 2015 Amnesty International report, the following was stated about Eritreans fleeing national service:

           

            “These people, many of them children, are refugees fleeing a  system that amounts to forced labour on a national scale and that robs them of choice over key aspects of their lives”

 

            The situation in Eritrean can be best described as a form of slavery that deprives Eritreans of the basic human right to live their lives free from exploitation and abuse. These inhumane conditions have left Eritreans with no other option but to flee in order to save their lives.

 

            The PFDJ usually responds to the mass exodus out of Eritrea by implementing an inhumane shoot to kill policy on its borders; as a result, Eritrean men, women and children are being met with a barrage of bullets as they seek to escape the open-air prison that is Eritrea today.

 

            Sadly, Eritreans feel that they would have a far greater chance of survival if they risked the wrath of human traffickers, militants or even the sea as opposed to staying at home and continuing to suffer abuse at the hands of their government. 

 

            It is of no surprise that the PFDJ is seeking to level a smear campaign against the COI and the sincere individuals assisting them in their efforts to give a voice to millions of subjugated Eritreans. This same regime would like to have us believe that the tens of thousands of Eritreans escaping the country (an estimated figure of 5,000 a month) are doing so purely for economic gains and not because of the PFDJ’s tyrannical policies.

 

As advocates for human rights in Eritrea, we are extremely concerned about the PFDJ’s mounting efforts to pressure Eritreans living in the diaspora to attend its meetings and fill out forms designed to undermine the COIE’s work. The regime and its agents are doing this with the intention of delaying the inevitable, the prosecution of criminal government officials at the International Criminal Court.

 

            As a moral obligation, we urge all Eritrean refugees in their respective host nations to remain vigilant and steadfast in the wake of such aggressive disinformation campaign. We request that you stand in solidarity with your oppressed people and to extend your hands to the COI. Only with your support can we solve our problem and make the dream of a prosperous and thriving Eritrea a reality.

 

Thank You!

 

Eritrean Solidarity Movement for National Salvation

Eritrean Youth Solidarity for Change – North America

Eritrean Law Society

Freedom Friday Project (Arbi Harnet) 

Stop Slavery in Eritrea Campaign

By Petros Tesgagherghis

There is persistent talk that the Eritrean political parties should hand over leadership to the youth. But it is not possible to hand over leadership in a silver plate. Leaders emerge or evolve in the process of organised  activities.

So my New Year resolution is “Don’t agonize, organize”. This was a slogan of a ground breaking conference of South African Students in Diaspora during Apartheid South Africa.  The concern of the South African youth – is to search an effective tool to carry out their struggle.  That is to identify an effective organisation.

Youth movements are not to grap power. They are not political parties – They are agents of change.  Their ideology, their vision are geared to raise the level of consciousness of the youth. They preach the values of justice, freedom of expression, freedom of worship and association. They empower the people with these values. Once they are empowered they can join or support political parties that stood up for these values.

While South Africa’s Nelson Mandela was into direct politics, Steve Biko belongs to the youth (student) movement. He tried to empower the oppressed black people by preaching “Black Consciousness”. To fight the prevailing white supremacy by first believing in self. Once they realize that they are not inferior to the white man, then they can use their discovered power to transform the South African Society into a democratic society that belongs to all people. In this mind-set to divide the people on the basis of race has no place. 

When it comes to the Eritrean reality the challenge for the youth is to find an effective organisation that the youth can easily relate to and be members or staunch supporters. There is no need to expect some old generation fighters to hand them political power.

But first few committed individuals can draft the constitution or manifesto. Then it can be circulated to all chapters or towns for discussion in the course of which they put down working notes to clarify the character and activity of their organisation and the necessity of its relationship to the Diaspora political parties.  It means they must maintain their independence to any political parties or any organs of a government even if PFDJ is ousted.

The youth manifesto or constitution can bring into focus – what the youth movement is all about: understanding the depth of the gross violations of human rights that is destroying the fabric of the Eritreans society, so they can stand up and fight for justice.  Also understanding the political, economic and social changes reshaping our world – in particular – the interference of PFDJ in the civil war in Yemen that ushered in geo-political change in the Horn. And also the implication of the EU and others to prop up the PFDJ regime and the activities to paint PFDJ a humane face. 

They need to come up with transparent structure that enables the organisation capable of acting in a politically centralized manner, with speed and effectiveness, as they are confronted with the unpredictable challenges created daily as the interest of the West is growing because of huge mineral, gas and oil deposits in Eritrea.

The resolution of the New Year is to live up to the challenges: Get organise and not agonize. 

A New Year's Resolution is a promise to do an act of self-improvement or something better than the past. I will here deal with The properties( both physical and chemical) we have failed in the past and start act to improve.

 

1. Building cooperative relations: ምሕናጽ ሓባራዊ ዝምድና/ To be successful you must build a cooperative network among a diverse set of allies. The Eritrean Opposition forces in Diaspora failed in the past to build a cooperative relationship among different groups both locally, regionally and globally. Let us renew our relations with special attention and devotion that we missed in the past.

 

2. Building Trust:ምሕናጽ እምነት/ The absence of trust in the opposition has been seen many times in their actions. The concept " trust" is difficult to define but one way to understand trust is to see it through character and competence. Character focuses on personal motives ( i.e, does he or she want to do the right thing?), While competence focuses on skills necessary to realize motives ( i. e., does he or she know the right things to do?).  Stephen Covey has clarified in his book ( Seven habits of highly effective people)

 

The traits of character are consistency, openness and purpose.

Consistency/ምእዙዝነት is when people are guided by a core set of principles, they are naturally more predictable because their actions are consistent with these principles.

 

Openness/ ግሉጽነት when people have a clear sense of who they and what they value, when they are more receptive to others. This trait provides us with the capacity to emphasize and the talent to build consensus among divergent people.

 

Purpose/ናይ ሓባር ዕላማታት is when leaders are driven not only by personal ambitions but also for the common good. Their primary concern must what is best for the people not the organization. This willingness to subordinate personal and organizational interests to higher purpose, in our case saving the Eritrean people from the oppression of the dictatorship garners the respect, loyalty, and trust of the people.

 

3. Creating A shared Vision:ምፍጣርናይ ሓባር ራእይ-What is a vision? A vision is a dot on the horizon at which all subsidiary actions and efforts are directed. In the Eritrean opposition forces what is that dot in the horizon? Are all have the same understanding about this dot? Have we  directed our main actions towards this dot? No, not at all. A vision is not simply sloganeering but it must be effective. There are four essential qualities of creating a common vision. A vision must be communicated. A vision must have a strategic sense. A vision must have passion. A vision must  inspire others. The opposition lacks a shared vision that fosters the common good. Let us promise to act build a shared vision by working together instead of negation and defamation of each other.

 

4. Managing conflicts:/ ኣፈታትሓ ግርጭታት/ Disagreements and conflict emerge at any time in the life of any work. The Eritrean opposition have been disagreeing over solving problems internally and externally. The Eritrean opposition has been pursuing an adversarial conflict management in the past years. Let us change this trend and adopt an integrative conflict management that fosters trust and mutual respect.

 

5. Partnering:/ ምሕዝነት Partnering is a state of mind, a philosophy on how to conduct business with others. Partnering represents a commitment from all the participants working on the project  to respect, trust, and collaborate. Let us promise this new year to have a mind and philosophy that can help us build respect, trust and collaboration.

 

6. Learning to separate the people from the problem:- ምምሃር "ጉዳያት ካብ ሰብ" ፈሊኻ ምርኣይ What is learning? Learning is commonly associated with a change in how we understand and interpret the reality that surrounds us. We have been focusing on personalities instead of focusing on issues. Let us promise this new year to focus on issues instead of personalities. Our life is always learning. Those who think they already know will never learn. Some elements in the opposition specially in the social media think that they already know and never learn their real surroundings and the issues that need to be focused. Let us promise to create a learning environment. Positive lessons can be best derived from an environment free of suspicion and mistrust. Let us create an environment that is free of suspicion and mistrust.

"Change won't come from the top; Change will come from mobilized grassroots." Barack Obama

Markeng and promong new concept or idea is very important in order to persuade & get people’s attention and support. Many corporations fail not because they do not possess a good product, but because they fail to market their product. Millions of Dollars is spent every year by big corporations for adversement. To sell an idea or concept such as the “Bottom-Up Grassroots’ Movement”, you need to have a clearly defined concept; you need a promoter, and a medium (media outlets) and audience that can buy the idea. Clearly defined concept needs to be clear and easy to understand by people. You need promoters who are skillful enough to carry the message, convey or sell the idea. You need to have a media outlet that can relay your message to the general public. Of course, you need to have an audience that is interested in your ideas. I think most of us try to sell new ideas without knowing these important components. 

Most of us, we want the Media outlets to run our ideas without even contributing or parcipating in their fund raising campaign. After all, the very existence of these media outlets depends on funds collected from individuals. If your audiences are in Eritrea, you need a media outlet such as Assenna, Medrek, Radio Wegahta and Radio Erena that are proven to have the capability of broadcasng that reach the homeland. In this information age, we also need to be technologically savvy enough to use the social media to reach to a larger audience and demographics. 

My article will mainly concentrate on the concept and the need of Media or media outlets in relaying and selling the concept and what need to be done to advance our cause. 

The Last Two Years Effort in Promoting the Concept

In the last two years, the Eritrean association for Jusce (EAJ), an Indianapolis local chapter of the Eritrean grassroots movement has written many articles and published multiple magazines in Tigrinya in an attempt to promote the idea or concept of bottom-up strategy, as well as to nurture the Grassroots movement as an alternative means for tackling the Eritrean problem. In addition, in order to lay a common groundwork for the grassroots movement, a “Working Together on a Local Level” principle was adopted on March of 2012 in Indianapolis. Later on in September of 2013, a drafting committee was formed and prepared a document (platform), which supports the need for establishing a bottom-up strategy for grassroots movement. The Eritrean Association for Jusce circulated to the general public its initial draft and ratified goals and by-laws in November and December of 2013 during the formation  of the Eritrean Associaon for Justice (EAJ) in Indianapolis. During the year of 2014 alone, EAJ had held about 6 public meetings in Indianapolis and also were published in the major websites

About 16-18 cities/localities formed a Temporary Representative Regional Council (2 individual representatives from each city). The Temporary Representative Regional Council then elected a temporary coordinating committee in an attempt to work together on a Regional level. Currently as broadcasted on Assenna, a regional draft is finalized which entails common goals, strategy, roadmap etc. for people to discuss and improve the draft on a local level (cities). Many other local chapters, individuals such as Amanuel Iyasu, Dr. Araia Debesai, Memhir Ibrahim Mohammed, Mr. Ashiel and groups such as “Our Voice” also have written and advocated about the need of Grassroots Movement on different occasions. Wedi Vacaro also played a positive role in advancing the cause during his tour in North America and Europe.  Amanuel of Assenna is playing a pivotal role in articulating why we need a People’s Grassroots Movement. 

On my part, as the 2014 year EAJ chairperson, I did a presentaon in the Smerr Paltak room and explained about the concept and our ratified document, as well as answered questions posed by participants.  I, as a former member of the North-America Temporary Coordinating Committee, and two of my colleagues were interviewed, and the content of the interview was broadcasted over the air to the public by Radio Assenna. Further, on March 24, 2014, I participated in the DC Conference panel discussion for which I advocated for working together through a grassroots movement in order to save the nation and its people from further devastation. In addion, at the end of August of 2015, in my status as a spokesperson of EAJ, I attempted to promote the idea of bottom-up strategy, as well as explained all the challenges that the Grassroots movement is facing during my interview with Samuel Ghebrehiwet of Medrek.  

Yet, despite all the efforts we made, it seems either the majority of the Eritrean People were not paying attention or we were failing to explain about the concept of Grassroots Movement, which is the bottom-up strategy.  Honestly though, it is not for lack of effort on our part as some might think. On the contrary, and based on the questions posed to Amanuel during his presentation in Smerr room, it appears many people haven’t read the Tigrinya articles, including magazines such as Fithi that the EAJ so far published. Some of the problems might be attirbuted to language barrier while others are simply to lack of interest in reading materials in print. It stands to reason then majority of people prefer to listen to radio rather than reading magazines or articles in print. I don’t know whether this is political, social and demographic in nature or not, but reading books, magazines, newspapers or articles in print is declining in our Diaspora society. The danger is if all magazines and articles are not read over the air on radio Assenna, Medrek, Dimzi Delina, Radio Erena or other independent Media, it becomes very unlikely to sell/market the concept. The point is it is imperative that mass participation in the struggle is decisive both through listening to radio and reading materials in print. 

I appreciate Assenna and Medrek for hosting and helping us promote the concept without us asking them to do so. At the same time, I appeal to them and the other media outlets to conntiue to help in promoting the idea so that our people can work together for the same objective. We also call upon the public to be supportive in raising funds to the independent media. 

Understanding the Bottom-Up Concept/Strategy and its Hierarchies

We need to recognize the bottom-up strategy is a deep-rooted concept in the cultural and political fabric of Eritrean society. It gives power to the localities where the people reside. Decision is made democratically based a workable agreement of the local people. Every citizen has the opportunity to participate or involve in the political power decision-making process regardless of the citizen’s political Party affiliation. And this is the beauty of democracy in which the society is put on an equal level or footing to secure their liberty and equality. After all, those are the reasons why the Eritrean people fought for thirty years against foreign occupiers.

In order to have a Global People’s Congress whose main task will be to represent the people in Diaspora, we need to start from the local level where the power of the people resides. We cannot short cut the process for polictial expediency purposes. As we all know, individuals (members and/or leaders) who are affiliated with political organizaons live within the local people and they do have the right to participate in the local process unless they opted-out voluntarily as some did in Indianapolis area. The localities will then democratically elect representatives who will represent the city/locality based on proportional representation in relation to the size of the region. The sub-regions/regions will also have the same procedure and elect their Regional Representatives to be members of the Global People’s Congress.

For simplicity and for illustration purposes, let’s assume there are only 5 cities in Germany so that we all can understand the bottom-up Grassroots movement structure and relationship between the 4 stages or hierarchies reflected below: 

GoitomImam 1

To avoid the confusion whether there is a need of a Region vs. a Sub-Region, my view is it will depend on the composion of the region. We can use a sub-region also for horizontal networking among localities for mutual cooperation and to facilitate common project (such as seminars, demonstration, festivals etc…). I do believe continents such as Europe, a hierarchy of a sub-region is necessary as depicted in the hierarchy above. This might not be necessary in North America unless you split Canada and US as two sub-regions. Either decision, it is up to the localities to decide and agree. I am just explaining the available options not to dictate the right of the people or take away the right of the locality. 

Grassroots Movement vs. Medrek Initiative

On the surface, there seem to be two competing ideas emerging in the Eritrean opposition as a means to overthrow the Eritrean dictatorial regime and to establish a smooth  transition process towards constutional democratic governance.  On one hand, the ongoing initiative by The Forum or “Medrek N’Zete” is an attempt to bring all political organizations, civil associations…etc together for the achievement of common goals & objectives in the struggle against PFDJ. On the other hand, the ongoing bottom-up approach of the Eritrean People’s Grassroots Movement which is already adopted by about 16 cities in North America and some cities in Europe such as in England, Germany, Swiss and the Netherlands etc.…. 

Unlike some who prematurely criticize the “Medrek N’zete’s initiative, I, for one, would like to encourage them to continue to facilitate dialogue especially among the Eritrean political organizations on how to work together towards a common agreeable objectives by adopting a common strategy, roadmap and work plan. To me, I do not care who takes the initiative. What is important is the end result agreeable to all stakholders and the general public. If we are naysayers all the time and become suspicious of every initiative taken, we cannot move forward and accomplish anything. According to Medrek, the Kenya initiative is the beginning not the end. They also stated, their initiative will not stop with the political leaders or organizations, but will expand to include all stakeholders for democratic change, including Media outlets. The objective of the Eritrean People’s Grassroots Movement is to overthrow the dictatorial regime by working and coming together based on a bottom-up strategy, a strategy that involves people at the local level. Coming and working together of political organizations is a positive addition or complement to the Grassroots movement rather than a hindrance. Since both approaches are saying let’s work together, I do not understand why there is a need of negative reaction. I understand the devil is in the details and the question becomes how to get out of the current entanglement.  

We need to give Medrek the benefit of the doubt that they will do the right thing for the sake of the country and people they fought. If all the dialogues are managed correctly and if all parties are open to new ideas, at the end I believe all will endorse the People’s Grassroots Movement, the bottom-up strategy. It must be pointed out here that our ideas are not in conflict or competion with each other but are rather complementary when it comes to the role of the people and the political organizations. 

I think, political organizations should and ought to recognize that they will not exist and succeed without the will and parcipation of the people they claim to represent. Also, it is no secret that there are some Eritrean political organizaons who are working hard to weaken the Grassroots movement for their own selfish political interest rather than for the interest of the general public. I wouldn’t name them here (since it wouldn’t be helpful), but I know and they also know who they are. If we play a positive role in helping the Forum/”Medrek N’zete” initiative to succeed based on what they have stated, I do believe eventually the political organizations will endorse the “bottom-up” strategy of the Grassroots movement. Important, the Grassroots Movement is not an alternative to the political organizations since its aim is not to hold power, but rather it is a means of expediting the downfall of the dictatorial regime, as well as it is a means to restore and protect cizens’ rights and to make sure that the Eritrean people have the last say in their future desny by establishing a government for the people by the people. It is to the benefit of the political organizations to ‘work with the people rather than against the people. It is also to the interest of the public to have sound and credible political parties with competing ideas from which the public chooses and votes during elections after a constuonal government is established in Eritrea. 

The Opposion’s Treatment to Former PFDJ Members and Scholars:

In general, I do think our treatment, hospitality and scrutiny to former EPLF/PFDJ members and Eritrean Scholars when they join the opposition seem unfair and unwise strategically. It doesn’t encourage for others to abandon the regime and join the opposition. I think we need to give credit to those who joined the opposition and focus on bringing those who are still on the sideline and still with the regime. We are pushing people away instead of enticing people to join. No one has the monopoly of becoming an opposition or adhering to standard what they wanted. I think we all failed in our human management skills and we need to check our own democratic behaviors before demanding justice from the PFDJ regime. 

The Need of Assenna and Medrek in Working Together

I am a great admirer of Amanuel Iyassu and his relentless effort in working for the sake of the Eritrean People. I had the opportunity to spend few days with him during his tour in 2014 to North America in support of the Grassroots movement that was already established in many cities in North America. I could testify that he is a man of principle with great compassion who sleeps no more than 3 hours every night. Sometimes, he calls you or emails you around 3AM of London time. He is a human machine who accomplishes multiple tasks on a daily basis for the sake of his country and the people he loves.  

I thank him for supporting the Grassroots movement, but I disagree with the spirit and tone he used on his first article regarding “Medrek N’Zete’s” initiative. I wish he didn’t use certain adjectives/words that are not helpful in promoting and advancing a civilized dialogue and constructive engagement. The opposition media outlets need to cooperate instead of competing and arguing among themselves. As a representative of friends of Assenna in Indianapolis area, I received many calls from friends of Assenna who are unhappy about the reaction of Amanuel. I think, it also shows that Amanuel is human, and that we all have our good and bad days. I think he appears to correct his tone and approach during the Smerr room discussion and his analysis was respectful even to Medrek. I agree with 90% of his analysis at the Smerr room in advocating about the need of transparency and grassroots movement. I think, it is paramount for the interest of the Grassroots movement that Assenna and Medrek resolve the appearance of feud through a civilized dialogue. 

On the posive note, Amanuel has brought the discussion to the table for us to explore whether the Medrek’s initiative is in contradiction to the Grassroots movement bottom-up strategy or not. According to Amanuel’s argument, the Kenya initiative is a top-down strategy, meaning it is an attempt to seek a solution without the involvement and participation of the people, which could potentially render us a regime change in name only. It was also argued by Dr. Tekeste that if the leaders of the polictial organizations agreed to work together, the general public does not have a problem to work together with the political organizations. In other words, one could assume that the political organizations’ leadership is one major obstacle (or one of the major obstacles) in the opposition that should be blamed for the lack of coming or working together among the people in the struggle for democratic change, thereby failing to remove the dictatorial regime. Who is right or who is wrong? Could both arguments be right or wrong or is it premature to tell which one is which? 

A Way Forward

I think we have a golden opportunity to reconcile any difference of approach or ideas on how to create a Global People’s Congress without shortcuttng the process. I also have presented a draft which is at the bottom of the page what a Global People’s Congress organizaonal structure should look like for discussion purposes . We all can agree that there is an imminent need of a Global body and the discussion is how do you formulate that body that is supported by all stakeholders (general public). This can be done through a process of constructive dialogue without accusing each other. The country and our people are in great danger and the stakes are high. We need to take the issue seriously and come to a resoluon within a short period of me. Every minute we spare, a life of an Eritrean is at stake in the hands of the dictatorial regime. The solution is in the people’s hand. If we use all our resources wisely, efficiently, and collaborate our efforts through endorsing, campaigning, participating in the bottom-up approach of the Grassroots movement, as well as through a clear objective, winnable strategy and roadmap in which all stakeholders can participate and involve, I believe it can be done. If any one has an alternative better solution, I encourage you to present it to the general public so that we can select the best solution among the available opons. 

On the Grassroots Movement Side 

1. Create local movements in all regions 

2. Elect local representatives that represent a sub-regional or regional level

3. Hold a Regional Congress and Elect Global Representatives proportionally based on the number of people who participate in the region.

4. Hold a Global People’s Congress and elects an Executive Branch whose responsibility shall be to run the different departments etc.…

For more detailed approach, please read similar articles in Fithi magazine in Tigrinya.  

On Medrek N’Zete and Political Organizations’ Side 

1. Continue the ongoing consultative process based on the stated laid out plan to bring all political organizations to work together based on an agreeable goals and strategies.

2. Discuss whether or not Medrek (the agreed political organizations) should support and endorse the bottom-up approach. If not, explain to the Eritrean people in writing your alternative solution and why you have a better solution that the Eritrean people can support in lieu of the Grassroots movement. 

3. If the political organizations support the Grassroots movement, discuss and come-up with a document that defines the role of political organizations within the grassroots movement.  

On resolving the misunderstanding between Assenna and Medrek 

As the Americans say, “we have bigger fish to fry” instead of squabbling among each other. Our main target should focus on removing the dictatorial regime and create a foundation for smooth democratic transition. I do believe there is a sense of misunderstanding that potentially could be resolved through civilized dialogue.

1. I encourage and appeal to Amanuel and Medrek to stand for your principled convictions without using words that are not helpful towards working together and the Grassroots Movement objectives.  

2. Medrek N’zete, I encourage you to keep clarifying what your end goals are about the  Kenya initiative and where your stand on the Grassroots movement (bottomup strategy). 

3. I encourage Medrek N’Zete to invite Amanuel for a meeting and resolve any misunderstanding so as to create an atmosphere of mutual respect that could lead to cooperation and mutual benefit for the sake of Eritrean people. 

4. I appeal to all Eritreans to play a positive reconcilitary role instead of adding fuel to the fire as some appears to do. Only the PFDJ regime can benefit out such kind of disagreements. 

5. I encourage Assenna, Medrek, Dimzi Delina, Radio Erena and Radio Arkobkobay and others involved in media (Radio and TV) to have a workshop to create a joint committee for the purpose of cooperating and running an effective media campaign against the dictatorial regime, as well as to help us advance the Grassroots movement, the bottom-up strategy.  

Global People’s Congress – Draft Organizational Structure for Discussion Purposes 

I appeal to readers to think the benefit for our struggle having a one body and voice with the legitmacy that can speak on behalf of the Eritrean People. Think treang our problem as a one big project with common goals, strategy, road map and work plan so that we all can contribute towards the agreed objectives. As I have stated, this is a draft that is intended to advance a discussion and to think through in how to get there and and come-up with better alternative structure.  

መደብ ስራሕ ናይ ክፍልታትን ቤ/ጽሕፈታትን

GoitomImam 2

Note -  Due to my time constratints, I wasn’t able to translate the article in Tigrinya.  I encourage anyone to help me translate in Tigrinia and Arabic. The same article will also be included in Fithi, Tigrinia Jan-March2016 edition.  

May Year 2016 be the year of Mutual Cooperation, Glory and Happiness! 

Happy New-Year!

Report

The European Union today has announced €200 million of new long term support to promote poverty reduction and socio-economic development in Eritrea through the 11th European Development Fund (EDF).

Until 2020, under the National Indicative Programme (NIP), the European Union will support two main areas - energy and governance. The programme has the full agreement of the EU's 28 Member States.

Announcing the new programme on behalf of the European Union, European Commissioner for International Cooperation and Development, Neven Mimica, said: "The EU provides development aid where it is most needed to reduce poverty and support people. In Eritrea, we have agreed to promote activities with concrete results for the population, such as the creation of job opportunities and the improvement of living conditions. At the same time, we are insisting on the full respect of human rights as part of our ongoing political dialogue with Eritrea. As in other countries, the EU engages with governments around the world to promote human rights, democracy, and people-centred development everywhere. " 

Support to the energy sector

In a country with one of the lowest access rates to electricity, supporting the energy sector is crucial for the Eritrean people as it will allow better access to social services, including schools, hospitals and health centres. The support will also facilitate irrigated agriculture and the development of the country's considerable fishing potential. A more efficient energy network will have a broad positive effect on the social and economic development of Eritrea. 

Support to governance

The EU's support for governance is designed with two goals: to strengthen Eritrean capacity to better manage public finances, and to help Eritrea implement the recommendations of the Universal Periodic Review (the United Nations mechanism examining human rights performance of all 193 UN Member States). With regards to economic governance, support will be given to the production of reliable statistics, and to help build a conducive environment for the private sector. 

Background:

The National Indicative Programmes represent an important step in the programming of EU development aid. In 2013, EU Member States agreed on the overall amount for development cooperation that will be channelled to 78 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries through the 11th EDF during the financing period 2014-2020.  The total amount is €30.5 billion.

On Eritrea's National Indicative Programme, the European Union and the Government of the State of Eritrea agreed to converge efforts on the most critical issues for the local socio-economic development in the years up to 2020 - notably energy efficiency and sustainability, and improved governance. 

source=http://reliefweb.int/report/eritrea/eu-announces-support-poverty-eradication-eritrea