The Chairman of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) issued a statement dated 8 January 2018 expressing deep concern about the dangerous "clouds of war gathering on both sides of the Red Sea"  and urged the governments of the region to "immediately close the military bases of external forces and withdraw from the alliances that do not serve the best interests of the peoples of the region".

EPDP Chairman Menghesteab Asmerom's statement, which provided abundant background to the conflicts and security tensions in the entire region, also asked all parties concerned to resolve their differences only peacefully.

EPDP Expresses Deep Concern about Regional Conflicts 1

 The EPDP statement referred to the bad governance, wars and natural calamities that victimized the peoples of the region for too long and in particular mentioned the suffering of Eritreans, not only because of a chain of wars since Italy colonized the territory over a century ago, but also of the three wars imposed on them in the past 26 years of their independent existence.

It also reminded Eritreans the be "fully aware of the fact that regional and international factors also influence and affect the future of Eritrea" and that it is time for them to see "bigger picture" and start to jointly face the challenges ahead of them. Printed below is the full text of the Statement.

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EPDP Statement on Tensions, Alliances

in the  Horn of Africa and Red Sea Basin:                                                                       The peoples of the Horn of Africa have been victims of bad governance, drought and armed hostilities for a long time. This fact is made clear and apparent by the number of Eritreans, Ethiopians, Somalis and Sudanese refugees scattered all over the globe.

 

The Eritrean people have, in particular, been subjected to the adverse effects of incessant wars and armed campaigns ever since the advent of  Italian colonialism [precisely 127 years ago].  Even in the past 26 years of its independent existence, Eritrea extended the list of wars by adding up  armed conflicts with Yemen, Ethiopia and Djibouti.

Yet, what is prevailing in the Horn of Africa and the Middle Easter region at this very moment is not peace, stability or prosperity but wanton destruction and suffering.

Unfortunately, peoples of the region are witnessing a proxy war in Yemen conducted by  a Saudi Arabia-led coalition in support of Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu  Mansour Hadi and the Houthi clansmen supported by Iran. Eritrea has become part of the ongoing hostilities by providing military base to the Saudi-led coalition in the Eritrean Red Sea province of Denkalia, and, according to some reports, it sent armed units to Yemen. In return, the Eritrean regime is receiving millions of dollars in cash and in the form of petroleum thus enabling itself to linger its dictatorial grip of power in the country. 

Egypt, with its unresolved misunderstanding with Ethiopia over the construction of a dam on the Nile River, has become part of the Gulf Coalition. The Sudan, which currently has its own problems with Egypt related to their unresolved border claims over the Halayeb Triangle and Sudan's intention to make full use of its share of Nile waters, opted to be in good terms with Ethiopia. On top of this, the ruling party in the Sudan (National Salvation Front) has not been happy with the action taken by the Egyptian President Abdulfatah al-Sissi against Sudan's friendly regime (Muslim Brotherhood) of deposed President Mursi. It is to be recalled that Turkey and Qatar provided political asylum to senior leaders of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, while Turkey's President Erdogan suspected Egypt for having supported the attempted coup in his country. All these events fueled mutual mistrusts within the wider region.  

It is clear that Egypt and Eritrea are on the opposite alignment of the joint Sudan and Ethiopia front. Eritrea's Isaias Afeworki visited the United Arab Emirates, and the Ethiopian President Hailemariam Desalegn toured Qatar. The recent visit of senior Egyptian military officials to Eritrea, the rumoured supply of arms, and the initiation of training centers in Eritrea's Sawa for forces opposed to governments in the region seem to have provoked Sudan's declaration of a state of emergency in the Kassala region. It also closed its border with Eritrea by sending thousands from its special rapid deployment units to the area. These developments did indeed heighten security tension between the two.  

It is observed that Sudan, which formally remains part of the Gulf Coalition, it nevertheless continues to strengthen relations with Turkey, probably on the basis of religious and ideological grounds (Muslim Brotherhood) that both share with Qatar as opposed to the Wahabist Sunni line of Saudi Arabia. In the midst of this contest for political influence in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea Basin, Turkey is establishing military bases at Sewakin in the Sudan and in Somalia thus igniting Egyptian and Arab fears of  old Ottoman-Turkish like expansionist move to the Red Sea which Arabs wish to call their own backyard.

The clouds of war gathering on both sides of the Red Sea are big threats to this important commercial route and hazardous to the peoples of the region. The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) thus expresses its deep concern about the ongoing formation of military alignments recounted above in addition to the Russo-Turkish-Iranian front opposed to the US-Israeli alliance, and President Donald Trump's recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, a fact opposed by many parties in addition to the Muslim-Arab world. The intensification of the simmering conflicts and crises appears to be adding fuel to existing problems in the Horn of Africa countries and thus plunge the peoples of the region to the worst situation imaginable.

We therefore strongly call upon governments of the Horn of Africa region to resolve their problems peacefully and immediately close the military bases of external forces and withdraw from the alliances that do not serve the best interests of the peoples of region.

Also at this critical juncture, the EPDP wishes to again ring the bell to the Eritrean people and our organizations opposed to the ruling regime to be fully aware of the fact that regional and international factors also influence and affect the future of Eritrea. Therefore, it is high time that they thus stop petty squabbles within the family and instead look at the bigger picture and start to jointly face the challenges before them and their state.

In conclusion, we appeal to all concerned parties for restraint and cessation of hostilities in Yemen and also ensure the most immediate provision of humanitarian assistance to the suffering people in Yemen.

Happy New Year!

Menghesteab Asmerom,

Chairman, the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)

8 January, 2018

ኣህዛብ  ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ንነዊሕ እዋን ግዳይ ሕማቕ ምሕደራ፡ ግዳይ ድርቅን ውግእን ኰይኖም ጸኒሖምን ኣለዉን ኢዮም። ኣብ ዓለም ተሰዲዶም ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን፡ ኢትዮጵያውያን፡ ሱዳናውያንን ሶማልያውያን ድማ ነዚ ሓቂ’ዚ ዘረጋግጹ ህያው ምስክርነት ኢዮም።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ፡ ካብ ወራር ጣልያን ጀሚሩ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብውግእን ሳዕቤናቱን እናተሳቐየ ኢዩ ዝነብር ዘሎ። ኤርትራ ኣብ’ዘን ዝሓለፋ 26 ናይ ናጽነት ዓመታት ጥራሕ እኳ ምስ የመን፡ ኢትዮጵያን ጅቡትን ኣብ ውግእ ምእታዋ ኣብ መዛግብ ታሪኽ ሰፊሩ ዝርከብ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ደቡብ ሱዳን እውን ካብ ናጽነት እተጓናጸፈትሉ ዕለት ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ናይ ሕድሕድ ውግእ ኢያ ተሸሚማ ትርከብ።

ሕጂ እውን ኣብ ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ዝዝንቢ ዘሎ ሓደጋታት ብርሰትን ዕነወትን እምበር ምልክታት ናይ ሰላምን ርግኣትን ብልጽግናን ኣይኰነን።

ኣብ የመን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ናይ ስዑዲን ኢራንን ውግእ ብውክልና ኢዩ። ኢራን ንሓይልታት ሖትይን ክትድግፍ ከላ፡ ብስዑዲ ዓረብ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ ሃገራት ወሽመጥ ዓረብ ድማ ንፕረሲደንት የመን፡ ዓብዱሮቦ መንሱርን ይድግፉ ኣለዉ።

ኤርትራ ድማ፡ ነቲ ብስዑዲ ዓረብ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ፡ ኣብ ገማግም ደንካልያ፡ ኣንጻር ሖትይን ዝግልገለሉ ወተሃደራዊ መደበር ኣፍቂዳትሉ ኣላ። ካብኡ ሓሊፉ እውን ኤርትራ ገለ ወተሃደራዊ ኣሃዱታት ናብ የመን ልኢኻ ኣብ ውግእ ትሳተፍ ምህላዋ ዝዛረቡ ምንጪታት ኣለዉ። በዚ ድማ፡ ኣካል ናይ’ቲ ኣብ ምብራቓዊ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ኰይና ኣላ። ኣምሳያ ናይ’ዚ ኣበርክቶ’ዚ ከኣ፡ ኤርትራ ብሚልዮናት ዝቝጸር ዶላራትን ነዳድን ትረክብን ዕድመ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ከተናውሕን ክኢላ ኣላ።

ግብጺ ከኣ፡ ኣካል ናይ’ቲ ብስዑዲ ዓረብ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ ሃገራት ወሽመጥ ኢያ። ግብጺ ብምኽንያት ምህናጽ ግድብ ትንሳኤ ኣብ ፈለግ ኒል፡ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ከቢድ ወጥሪ ኣትያ ትርከብ። ሱዳን እውን፡ ካብ ኣብ ፈለግ ኒል ዘለዋ ረብሓን ካብ’ቲ ምስ ግብጺ ዘስሓሕባ ናይ ዶብ ሕቶ (ሓላይብ)፡ ተበጊሳ ኣብ ጐድኒ ኢትዮጵያ ኢያ ደው ኢላ ዘላ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ኣብ  ሱዳን ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ናይ እኽዋን ኣልሙስልሚን (እስላምዊ ሕውነት) ስነሓሳብ ዝኽተል መንግስቲ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ሱዳን (ኢንቃዝ) በቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ናይ ስነ-ሓሳብ መሓዛኡ ዝዀነ ፕረሲደንት ሙርሲ ብፕረሲደንት ዓብዱልፈታሕ ኣልሲሲ እተኻየደ ዕልዋ ሕጉስ ኣይኰነን። ግብጺ እውን፡ ቱርክን ቀጠርን ንኣባላት ኣኽዋን ሙስልሚን ናይ ግብጺ ዑቝባ ምሃበን ሕጕስቲ ኣይኰነትን። ኣንጻር ፕረሲደንት ኣርዱኻን ናይ ቱርኪ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ናይ ዕልዋ ፈተነ እውን፡ ቱርኪ ንግብጺ ኢድ ኣለዋ ኢላ ትኽሳ ኢያ። ስለዚ፡ ወተሃደራዊ መደበር ቱርኪ ኣብ ሰዋኪን ምህላው ንግብጺ ዘቕስን ኣይክኸውንን ኢዩ።

ስለ’ዚ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ናይ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዘሎ ኣሰላልፋ ናይ ሓይልታት፡ ኤርትራን ግብጽን ኣብ ሓደ ሸነኽ፤ ኢትዮጵያን ሱዳንን ድማ ኣብ’ቲ ካልእ ሸነኽ ኣለዋ። ፕረሲደንት ኢሳያስ ኣብ ዓራብ ዓማራት ብጽሖት ክገበር እንከሎ፡ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ኣብ ቀጠር ኢዩ በጺሑ። ላዕለዎት ወተሃደራት ግብጺ ናብ ኤርትራ ይመላለሱ ምህላዎም፡ ኣብ መደበር ሳዋ ንተቓወምቲ ውድባት ናይ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዘጠቓለለ ናይ ስልጠና መደባት ንሰራዊት ኤርትራ ክህቡ ምጅማሮምን ካልእ ወተሃደራዊ ሓገዛት ምሃቦምን ምስ ተሰምዐ፡ ሱዳን ብኡ ንብኡ ኣብ ኣውራጃ ከሰላ ናይ ህጹጽ ኵነት ኣዋጅ ምእዋጃን ምስ ኤርትራ ዘዳውብ ከባቢታታ በሽሓት ዝቝጸር ተወርዋሪ ሰራዊታ ብምልኣኽ ምዕጻዋን እቲ ሓደጋታት ኣብ ኣፍደገ ገዛና በጺሑ ምህላዉ ዝሕብር ምልክት ኢዩ።

ሱዳን ዋላ እኳ ብወግዒ ኣካል ናይ’ቲ ብስዑዲ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ እንተዀነት፡ ብግብሪ ግን ምስ ቱርኪ ዘለዋ ዝምድናታት ከተደልድል ኢያ ትርአ ዘላ። እቲ ዝግሃድ ዘሎ ምትእኽኻባትን ምፍልላያትን ሃይማኖታውን ስነ-ሓሳባውን ትሕዝቶ ዘለዎ ውን ኢዩ። ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ሱኒ ዝዀነ እስላማዊ ዓለም፡ ስዑዲ ዓረብ፡ ናይ ውሃብይን ሃይማኖት ተኸታሊት ክትከውን እንከላ፣ ቱርኪ፡ ሱዳንን ቀጠርን ድማ ናይ እኽዋን ኣልሙስልሚን ተኸተልቲ ኢየን። ካብ’ዚ ብምብጋስ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ቀይሕ ባሕርን ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ቅድድም ናይ ጽልዋታትካ ምስፋሕ፡ ቱርኪ ኣብ ወደብ ሰዋኪን ናይ ሱዳንን ኣብ ሶማልያን ወተሃደራዊ መደበር ክትምስርት ትርአ ኣላ። እዚ ድማ፡ ንሃገራት ዓረብ፡ ናይ ቀደም ዑስማናዊ ንግስነት ናይ ቱርኪ ናብ ባሕሪ ዓረብ ዝዀነ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ዝብል ስግኣታት ይፈጥረለን ኣሎ።

ስለ’ዚ፡ ሓደጋታት ናይ ውግእ ኣብ ልዕሊ ክልቲኡ ክፋላት ማለት ምብራቓውን ምዕራባውን ወይ ኣፍሪቃውን እስያውን ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ኢዩ ዝዝንቢ ዘሎ። ክልቲኡ’ዚ ዞባ’ዚ ሰላም እንተደኣ ስኢኑ፡ ብቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝሓለፍ ንግዲ እውን ኣብ ሓደጋ ክኣቱ ኢዩ።

ነዚ ኣብ ዞናና ንርእዮ ዘሎና ምቛም ናይ ምሕዝነታት፡ ምስ’ቲ ሩስያ፡ ቱርክን ኢራን ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡ ኣመሪካን እስራኤልን ድማ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ፡ ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ዘካይድኦ ዘለዋ ውድድራት እንተደኣ ኣጣሚርናዮ፡ ኣብ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝፍጠር ውሽጣዊ ቅልውላው፡ ናብ ዓቢ ዞናዊ ባርዕ ክሰጋገር ዝኽእለሉ ዕድላት ሰፊሕ ምዃኑ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ይመዝን። ፕረሲደንት ዶናልድ ትራምፕ፡ ንየሩሳሌም ከም ርእሰ-ከተማ ናይ እስራኤል ምፍላጡ፡ ካብ ኵሉ ኵርንዓት ናይ ዓለም ብሓፈሻ፡ ካብ እስላማውን ዓረባውን ዓለምን ድማ ብፍላይ ብርቱዕ ናይ ተቓውሞ ድምጺ ምስዓቡ፡ እቲ ተደጕሉ ዘሎ ሓዊ ንኽባራዕ ክርቢት ጥራሕ ዝጽበ ዘሎ ምዃኑ ኢዩ ዝሕብር።   

ካብ’ዚ ገምጋምን ሚዛንን ብምብጋስ ከኣ፡ ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ መንጐአን ዘሎ ግርጭታት ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ክፈትሓ፡ ኣብ ሃሃገረን ዝርከብ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ብቕልጡፍ ከውጽኣን ካብ’ዚ ኣብ ረብሓ ናይ ኣህዛብ ዘይተመርኰሰ ምሕዝነታት ክወጻን ንጽውዕ።

ህዝብን ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ኤርትራ ድማ፡ ካብ ሓጺርን ጸቢብን ኣጠማምታ ወጺኦም፡ ናይ ኤርትራ መጻኢ ብኤርትራውያን ጥራሕ ዘይኰነስ፡ ብዞባውያንን ኣህጕራውያንን ሓይልታት እውን ዝጽሎ ምዃኑ ክግንዘቡን ካብ ኣብ መንጐኦም ዘሎ ዘይመሰረታውን ንኣሽቱ ፍልልያትን ንዝዓበዩ ብድሆታት ክጥምቱን ኣርሒቖም ክሓስቡን ከነዘኻኽር ንፈቱ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ድማ፡ ኣብ የመን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ብዙሕ ዕንወትን ህልቂትን የስዕብ ስለዘሎ ብቕልጡፍ ደው ክብልን ሰብኣዊ ረዲኤት ናብ ህዝቢ ዝበጽሓሉ መገዲታት ክፉት ክኸውንን ንጽውዕ።

ርሑስ ሓድሽ ዓመት ይግበረልና

መንግስተኣብኣስመሮም

ኣቦመንበርሰዲህኤ

8 ጥሪ 2018

ኣብ ዶባት ኤርትራን ሱዳንን እቲ ሓጐጽጐጽ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ ኮይኑ ካብ 3 ጥሪ 2018 ጀሚሩ ግና ኣብ ደረጃ ምዕጻው ዘብጸሓ ቅልጡፍ ምቅይያራት የርኢ ከምዘሎ ነቲ ኩነታት ብቐረባ ይዕዘብዎ ብዘለዉ ምኝጭታትናን  ብዝተፈላለዩ ማዕከናት ዜናን  ተረጋጊጹ ኣሎ። ነቲ ናይ ምዕጻው ስጉምቲ ብወግዒ  ዝወሰደን ዝገለጸን መንግስቲ ሱዳን ኮይኑ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ግና ብሰንክቲ ትዕቢተኛን ዘይግሉጽነትን ባህሪኡ ብዛዕባዚ ጉዳይዚ ንህዝቢ ዝገለጾ ወግዓዊ ነገር የለን። እቶም ምንጭታትን ማዕከናት ዜናን ከም ዝገለጽዎ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ነቲ ዶብ ክልቲአን ሃገራት “ሓይልታት ህጹጽ ሓገዝ (ቅዋት ኣልድዓም ኣልሰሪዕ)” ብዝበሃል ኣካል ሰራዊቱ ዓጽይዎ ኣሎ። ዝተፈላለዩ ተዓዘብቲ ነዚ ስጉምቲ ምስቲ ፕረሲደንት ሱዳን ዑመር ኣልበሽር ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ዘውጽእዎ ን6 ኣዋርሕ ዝጸንሕ ናይ ህጹጽ ግዜ ኣዋጅ ኣብ ግዝኣታት ኩርዶፋንን ከሰላን የዛምድዎ ኣለዉ።

ናይቲ ምዕጻው ጭብጥን ትሕዝቶን ብዝምልከት ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ነናቶም ትርጉም ዝህብዎ ኮይኑ፡ ከምቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ፍንው ናይ ተሽከርከርቲ ምንቅስቓስን ዘይሕጋዊ ናይ ሰባት ምስግጋርን ዝኽልክል ኮይኑ፡ ካብ ናብን ዝሰጋገር ንብረት እውን ዝኽልክል እዩ። ብሕጋዊ ኣገባብን ዝተመርጹ ውሱናት ኣፍደገታትን ብጥንቃቐ ብዝተሓዝ ሕጋዊ ኣገባብን ናይ ሰባት ምንቅስቓስ ግና ዝኽልክል ኣይኮነን ዝብሉ ወገናት እውን ኣለዉ። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ሓይልታት ጸጥታ ሱዳን ናይቲ መንገስቲ ሰለይትን ንጸጥተኦም ዘስግኡን ከምኡ እውን ብህግደፍ ኣብ ዘይሕጋዊ ንግዲ ዝተዋፈሩ ዝበልዎም ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ምብራቕ ሱዳን ክኣስሩ ጀሚሮም ምህላዎም ይንገር ኣሎ።

ናብዚ ደረጃዚ ዘብጽሑ ምኽንያታ ብዝምልከት እቲ ዝበሃል ብዙሕ ኮይኑ፡ ካብቲ ጠንቅታት መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዘካይዶ ዘይሕጋዊ ዕዳጋ (ኮንትሮባንድ) ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቱ ዘዘውትርዎ ዘይሕጋዊ ናይ ሰባት ምስግጋር ንግድን ሓደ ምዃኑ ይገልጹ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘለዉን በቲ መንግስቲ ዝሕገዙን ተቓወምቲ መንግስቲ ሱዳን እውን ካልእ ጠንቂ እዮም። ብዘይካዚ ነዚ ጉዳይ ምስቲ ኣብዚ ከባቢና ዝረአ ዘሎ ናይ ሓይልታት ኣሰላልፋ ዘተኣሳስርዎ ኣለዉ። ከምቲ ኣብ ምብራቓዊ ቆላ ኤርትራ ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ብበዓልል ዓረብ ኢማራት ዝረአ ዘሎ ወተሃደራዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ቆላታት ኤርትራ’ውን ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ከባቢ መደበር ታዕሊም ሳዋ፡ ማዕጢርን ሞልቤርን ናይ ግብጺ ወተሃደራዊ ክኢላታት ጽዑቕ ምንቅስቓሳት የካይዱ ምህላዎም ካብቲ ጠንቅታት ሓደ እዩ። እዞም ምንጭታት ከም ዝጠቕስዎ ወተሃደራዊ ክኢላታት ግብጺ፡ ንናይ ዳርፎር ተቓወምቲ ሓዊስካ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዝሕግዞም ናይ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት መንግስታት ተቓወምቲ ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም ይህቡ ምህላዎም እውን ካልእ ምኽንያት እዩ።

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ግብጺ ንኤርትራ ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናይ ዘመናዊ ኣጽዋር ሓገዛት ትገብር ከምዘላን እዚ ናብ ዶብ ሱዳን ቀረባ ኣብ ዝኾነ ቦታታት ኤርትራ ይረአ ከም ዘሎን ዝተዕዘቡ ወገናት ይሕብሩ ኣለዉ። ሱዳንን ግብጽን ብሰንኪ ኣብ መንጎአን ዘሎ ናይ ሓላይብ ናይ ዶብ ጉዳይን ኣጠቓቕማ ሩባ ኒልን ክዓቢ ዝጸንሐ ጸገም ከም ዘለወን ፍሉጥ እዩ። ኣብዚ ምስሕሓብ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ናብ ግብጺ ምውጋኑን ሱዳን ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ምስላፋን ከኣ ንሱዳንን ኤርትራን ካብ ዘሰሓሕብ ምኽንያታ ጌርካ ዝውሰድ እዩ። እዚ ኩሉ ተደሚሩ እምበኣር እቲ ዶባት ምስ ሱዳን ምዕጻዉ ኣብ ልዕሊ መሰረታዊ ቀረባት ኤርትራ ከስዕቦ ዝኽል ተጽዕኖን ናይ ዜጋታት ምምዝባልን ሓደ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤን ኮይኑ ንኤርትራ ዓውዲ ውግእ ናይ ምግባራ ሓደጋ ስለ ዝህልዎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከሎ ጌና ክነቕሓሉ ዝግበኦ እዩ።

Sunday, 07 January 2018 12:04

Sudan shuts border with Eritrea

Written by
Sat Jan 6, 2018 01:11PM
Members of the Sudanese border security patrol the Sudan-Eritrea border for smugglers and illegal migrants near the eastern Sudanese border town of Kassala on May 2, 2017. (Photo by AFP)
Members of the Sudanese border security patrol the Sudan-Eritrea border for smugglers and illegal migrants near the eastern Sudanese border town of Kassala on May 2, 2017. (Photo by AFP)

Sudan has shut its eastern border with Eritrea, state media reported Saturday, days after Khartoum declared an emergency in the neighboring state of Kassala.

"The governor of Kassala issued a decree to close all border crossings with Eritrea from the night of January 5," the official SUNA news agency reported.

It did not explain why the border was closed but said the decision comes after President Omar al-Bashir declared on December 30 a state of emergency in Kasala and in North Kordofan state for six months.

Officials have said that decision was part of a government campaign to collect illegal arms in those two states.

A resident of Kassala told AFP that hundreds of Sudanese soldiers, several military vehicles and tanks had crossed through the town towards the border with Eritrea over the past two days.

Thousands of Eritreans, fleeing a repressive regime at home, cross into Sudan illegally through the border with Kassala every year and later make perilous voyages across the Mediterranean to Europe.

Apart from Kassala and North Kordofan, a state of emergency is in place in Sudan's war-torn regions of Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan.

(Source: AFP)

Sunday, 07 January 2018 00:20

Eritrea Liberty Magazine Issue 48

Written by
Sunday, 07 January 2018 00:16

Eritrea Liberty Magazine Issue 48

Written by
Saturday, 06 January 2018 11:16

Behind the mounting tension between Egypt and Sudan

Written by

Fact: Sudan has withdrawn its ambassador to Egypt ‘for consultations’. No explanation offered. So what is going on?

Here’s a stab at an analysis – without guarantees.

Sudan Tribune offers this as background, which centres on the disputed Halayeb triangle along their border, plus disputes over the Nile.

Others add a wider dimension: backing for the Muslim Brotherhood. More below.


Halayeb Triangle (Sudan-Egypt) Borders, on 22 October 2012 (NASA-Google)

Source: Sudan Tribune

January 3, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – The head of Sudan’s Technical Committee for Border Demarcation (TCBD) Abdalla al-Sadiq said Egypt’s actions in the disputed Halayeb triangle aim to provoke Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

The border triangle area of Halayeb, Abu Ramad and Shalateen, which is a 20,580 km area on the Red Sea, has been a contentious issue between Egypt and Sudan since 1958, shortly after Sudan gained its independence from the British-Egyptian rule in January 1956.

The area has been under Cairo’s full military control since the mid-1990’s following a Sudanese-backed attempt to kill the former Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak.

Last month, Egypt’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation announced that it would build a dam in Wadi Hodein, Shalateen area, to benefit from rainwater and floods.

The semi-official Sudan Media Center (SMC) Wednesday quoted al-Sadiq as saying the Egyptian authorities’ aggression in Halayeb triangle would be “counterproductive to Egypt”.

He described Egypt’s actions in Halayeb as “continued infringement on Sudanese territory”, saying the Egyptian aggression aims to drag Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

Al-Sadiq called for the need to resolve the issue through the peaceful means, underscoring Halayeb is a Sudanese territory and “we will restore it”.

Egypt continued to reject Sudan’s repeated calls for referring the dispute to international arbitration.

In April 2016, Cairo refused a demand by the Sudanese government to hold direct talks on Halayeb and Shalateen or to accept the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Arbitration.

The international law provides that the agreement of the two parties is needed to arbitrate a dispute with the tribunal.

In July last year, Sudan filed a notice with the UN, claiming that Egypt is occupying the triangle, and refusing to claim any rights for a third party.

In the same month, Cairo announced it would start oil and gas exploration in the Red Sea province, including the Halayeb triangle.

Tensions between Sudan and Egypt have escalated lately, due to several issues, including contention over their border, and Sudan’s support for Ethiopia in negotiations over the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Cairo says will hurt its water needs.

The deterioration of bilateral relations between the two countries goes back to the attempt to assassinate President Hosni Mubarak in June 1995 followed by the deployment of Egyptian troops in Halayeb.

Since then, Khartoum has been moving to improve its ties with the eastern and western neighbours, instead of its strategic ties with Egypt.

Also, the Sudanese government recently signed investment agreements with Gulf countries. Accordingly, they will establish huge agricultural projects that require the full use of Sudan share of the Nile water, a move which is seen in Cairo as another threat to Egypt.


That’s Sudan Tribune’s take. But others see this as a dispute over the Muslim Brotherhood, which is banned in Egypt.

On the one side are states that support the Muslim Brotherhood: Turkey, Sudan, Qatar and the Palestinian group, Hamas. On the other side is Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt.

This thesis is supported by an AP report stating that: “Pro-government media in Egypt have also decried a recent visit to Sudan by Turkey’s president, who is a harsh critic of Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah El-Sissi.”

Al-Jazeera – based in Qatar – provided this background to what was going on.

Why do Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates dislike the Muslim Brotherhood?

In 2013, Saudi rulers threw their weight behind Egypt’s brutal crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood supporters. In March 2014, the kingdom designated the Muslim Brotherhood a “terrorist” group.

Analysts have concluded that a brand of Sunni Islamism that called for political participation and electoral legitimacy, of which the Muslim Brotherhood is perhaps the best example, was seen as almost an existential threat, because it offered a different model of Islamist politics to that of the Saudi state.

Certainly the Saudis consider the Muslim Brotherhood “terrorists” and designated them as such in 2014.

These divisions go back at least as far as the Arab Spring of December 2010 which was followed by Egypt’s suppression of the Muslim Brotherhood in July 2013.

Following the Egyptian coup, Qatar granted refuge to some Brotherhood leaders who escaped from Egypt, and Al Jazeera housed them in a five-star Doha hotel and granted them regular airtime for promoting their cause.

Which brings us back to Sudan. Why should the Sudanese be opposing the Egyptians? Because the Sudanese government is dominated by the National Islamic Front (NIF), which is an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Hence the tension between Egypt and Sudan, with ramifications across the region.

Fact: Sudan has withdrawn its ambassador to Egypt ‘for consultations’. No explanation offered. So what is going on?

Here’s a stab at an analysis – without guarantees.

Sudan Tribune offers this as background, which centres on the disputed Halayeb triangle along their border, plus disputes over the Nile.

Others add a wider dimension: backing for the Muslim Brotherhood. More below.


Halayeb Triangle (Sudan-Egypt) Borders, on 22 October 2012 (NASA-Google)

Source: Sudan Tribune

January 3, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – The head of Sudan’s Technical Committee for Border Demarcation (TCBD) Abdalla al-Sadiq said Egypt’s actions in the disputed Halayeb triangle aim to provoke Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

The border triangle area of Halayeb, Abu Ramad and Shalateen, which is a 20,580 km area on the Red Sea, has been a contentious issue between Egypt and Sudan since 1958, shortly after Sudan gained its independence from the British-Egyptian rule in January 1956.

The area has been under Cairo’s full military control since the mid-1990’s following a Sudanese-backed attempt to kill the former Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak.

Last month, Egypt’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation announced that it would build a dam in Wadi Hodein, Shalateen area, to benefit from rainwater and floods.

The semi-official Sudan Media Center (SMC) Wednesday quoted al-Sadiq as saying the Egyptian authorities’ aggression in Halayeb triangle would be “counterproductive to Egypt”.

He described Egypt’s actions in Halayeb as “continued infringement on Sudanese territory”, saying the Egyptian aggression aims to drag Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

Al-Sadiq called for the need to resolve the issue through the peaceful means, underscoring Halayeb is a Sudanese territory and “we will restore it”.

Egypt continued to reject Sudan’s repeated calls for referring the dispute to international arbitration.

In April 2016, Cairo refused a demand by the Sudanese government to hold direct talks on Halayeb and Shalateen or to accept the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Arbitration.

The international law provides that the agreement of the two parties is needed to arbitrate a dispute with the tribunal.

In July last year, Sudan filed a notice with the UN, claiming that Egypt is occupying the triangle, and refusing to claim any rights for a third party.

In the same month, Cairo announced it would start oil and gas exploration in the Red Sea province, including the Halayeb triangle.

Tensions between Sudan and Egypt have escalated lately, due to several issues, including contention over their border, and Sudan’s support for Ethiopia in negotiations over the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Cairo says will hurt its water needs.

The deterioration of bilateral relations between the two countries goes back to the attempt to assassinate President Hosni Mubarak in June 1995 followed by the deployment of Egyptian troops in Halayeb.

Since then, Khartoum has been moving to improve its ties with the eastern and western neighbours, instead of its strategic ties with Egypt.

Also, the Sudanese government recently signed investment agreements with Gulf countries. Accordingly, they will establish huge agricultural projects that require the full use of Sudan share of the Nile water, a move which is seen in Cairo as another threat to Egypt.


That’s Sudan Tribune’s take. But others see this as a dispute over the Muslim Brotherhood, which is banned in Egypt.

On the one side are states that support the Muslim Brotherhood: Turkey, Sudan, Qatar and the Palestinian group, Hamas. On the other side is Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt.

This thesis is supported by an AP report stating that: “Pro-government media in Egypt have also decried a recent visit to Sudan by Turkey’s president, who is a harsh critic of Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah El-Sissi.”

Al-Jazeera – based in Qatar – provided this background to what was going on.

Why do Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates dislike the Muslim Brotherhood?

In 2013, Saudi rulers threw their weight behind Egypt’s brutal crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood supporters. In March 2014, the kingdom designated the Muslim Brotherhood a “terrorist” group.

Analysts have concluded that a brand of Sunni Islamism that called for political participation and electoral legitimacy, of which the Muslim Brotherhood is perhaps the best example, was seen as almost an existential threat, because it offered a different model of Islamist politics to that of the Saudi state.

Certainly the Saudis consider the Muslim Brotherhood “terrorists” and designated them as such in 2014.

These divisions go back at least as far as the Arab Spring of December 2010 which was followed by Egypt’s suppression of the Muslim Brotherhood in July 2013.

Following the Egyptian coup, Qatar granted refuge to some Brotherhood leaders who escaped from Egypt, and Al Jazeera housed them in a five-star Doha hotel and granted them regular airtime for promoting their cause.

Which brings us back to Sudan. Why should the Sudanese be opposing the Egyptians? Because the Sudanese government is dominated by the National Islamic Front (NIF), which is an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Hence the tension between Egypt and Sudan, with ramifications across the region

Fact: Sudan has withdrawn its ambassador to Egypt ‘for consultations’. No explanation offered. So what is going on?

Here’s a stab at an analysis – without guarantees.

Sudan Tribune offers this as background, which centres on the disputed Halayeb triangle along their border, plus disputes over the Nile.

Others add a wider dimension: backing for the Muslim Brotherhood. More below.


Halayeb Triangle (Sudan-Egypt) Borders, on 22 October 2012 (NASA-Google)

Source: Sudan Tribune

January 3, 2018 (KHARTOUM) – The head of Sudan’s Technical Committee for Border Demarcation (TCBD) Abdalla al-Sadiq said Egypt’s actions in the disputed Halayeb triangle aim to provoke Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

The border triangle area of Halayeb, Abu Ramad and Shalateen, which is a 20,580 km area on the Red Sea, has been a contentious issue between Egypt and Sudan since 1958, shortly after Sudan gained its independence from the British-Egyptian rule in January 1956.

The area has been under Cairo’s full military control since the mid-1990’s following a Sudanese-backed attempt to kill the former Egyptian President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak.

Last month, Egypt’s Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation announced that it would build a dam in Wadi Hodein, Shalateen area, to benefit from rainwater and floods.

The semi-official Sudan Media Center (SMC) Wednesday quoted al-Sadiq as saying the Egyptian authorities’ aggression in Halayeb triangle would be “counterproductive to Egypt”.

He described Egypt’s actions in Halayeb as “continued infringement on Sudanese territory”, saying the Egyptian aggression aims to drag Sudan to engage in direct clashes.

Al-Sadiq called for the need to resolve the issue through the peaceful means, underscoring Halayeb is a Sudanese territory and “we will restore it”.

Egypt continued to reject Sudan’s repeated calls for referring the dispute to international arbitration.

In April 2016, Cairo refused a demand by the Sudanese government to hold direct talks on Halayeb and Shalateen or to accept the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Arbitration.

The international law provides that the agreement of the two parties is needed to arbitrate a dispute with the tribunal.

In July last year, Sudan filed a notice with the UN, claiming that Egypt is occupying the triangle, and refusing to claim any rights for a third party.

In the same month, Cairo announced it would start oil and gas exploration in the Red Sea province, including the Halayeb triangle.

Tensions between Sudan and Egypt have escalated lately, due to several issues, including contention over their border, and Sudan’s support for Ethiopia in negotiations over the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Cairo says will hurt its water needs.

The deterioration of bilateral relations between the two countries goes back to the attempt to assassinate President Hosni Mubarak in June 1995 followed by the deployment of Egyptian troops in Halayeb.

Since then, Khartoum has been moving to improve its ties with the eastern and western neighbours, instead of its strategic ties with Egypt.

Also, the Sudanese government recently signed investment agreements with Gulf countries. Accordingly, they will establish huge agricultural projects that require the full use of Sudan share of the Nile water, a move which is seen in Cairo as another threat to Egypt.


That’s Sudan Tribune’s take. But others see this as a dispute over the Muslim Brotherhood, which is banned in Egypt.

On the one side are states that support the Muslim Brotherhood: Turkey, Sudan, Qatar and the Palestinian group, Hamas. On the other side is Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt.

This thesis is supported by an AP report stating that: “Pro-government media in Egypt have also decried a recent visit to Sudan by Turkey’s president, who is a harsh critic of Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah El-Sissi.”

Al-Jazeera – based in Qatar – provided this background to what was going on.

Why do Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates dislike the Muslim Brotherhood?

In 2013, Saudi rulers threw their weight behind Egypt’s brutal crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood supporters. In March 2014, the kingdom designated the Muslim Brotherhood a “terrorist” group.

Analysts have concluded that a brand of Sunni Islamism that called for political participation and electoral legitimacy, of which the Muslim Brotherhood is perhaps the best example, was seen as almost an existential threat, because it offered a different model of Islamist politics to that of the Saudi state.

Certainly the Saudis consider the Muslim Brotherhood “terrorists” and designated them as such in 2014.

These divisions go back at least as far as the Arab Spring of December 2010 which was followed by Egypt’s suppression of the Muslim Brotherhood in July 2013.

Following the Egyptian coup, Qatar granted refuge to some Brotherhood leaders who escaped from Egypt, and Al Jazeera housed them in a five-star Doha hotel and granted them regular airtime for promoting their cause.

Which brings us back to Sudan. Why should the Sudanese be opposing the Egyptians? Because the Sudanese government is dominated by the National Islamic Front (NIF), which is an affiliate of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Hence the tension between Egypt and Sudan, with ramifications across the region.

Source=https://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2018/01/05/behind-the-mounting-tension-between-egypt-and-sudan/

ኤርትራን ሱዳንን ካብ ኣፍሪቃ ብሑቡራት መንግስታት ብመንጽር ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊ ነጻነት ሃይማኖት፡ ብዘዘውትረኦ ጥሕሰት ሃይማኖታዊ ነጻነት እንደጋና  ኣብ ፍሉይ ዘሻቕል ዝርዝር ዝሰፈራ ሃገራት ኮይነን።

ብጠቕላላ ብናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ ኣብዚ ናይ ሃይማኖታዊ ነጻነት ጥሕሰት ዝርዝር ዝኣተወ ሃገራት 10 እየን። ብዘይካዘን ክልተ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ (ኤርትራን ሱዳንን) ካብተን  ካለኦት ኣብቲ ዝርዝር ዝሰፈራ ቻይና፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኢራን፡ ሚያማርን ሰሜን ኮርያን ይርከበአን።

ምሉእ ትሕዝቶ ናይቲ ዝርዝር ንምጥቃስ፡ ታጃኪስታን፡ ቱርክመኒስታን፡ ኡዝበኪስታንን ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ ዓባይ ናይ ንግዲ መሻርኽቲ ሳዑዲ ዓረብን  ኣብቲ ዝርዝር ኣለዋ። እዘን 10 ሃገራት እንደጋና ኣብቲ ዝርዝር ዝሰፈራ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 22 ታሕሳስ ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ ፓኪስታ’ውን ብፍሉ ኣብ ናይ ምክትታል ዝርዝር ተታሒዛ ከምዘላ እቲ ሓጺር ጸብጻብ ኣረዲኡ።

ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ ነዚ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ “ ምዕቃብ ሃይማኖታዊ ነጻነት፡ ንሰላም፡ ምርግጋእን ብልጽግናን መሰረታዊ ተደላዪ እዩ” ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣስፊሩ። ኣስዒቡ ድማ ናይዚ ዝርዝር ምውጻእ፡ እተን ኣብቲ ዝርዝር ሰፊረን ዘለዋ ሃገራት ሃይማኖታዊ ነጻነት ንከኽብራ ንምትብባዕ ዝዓለመ ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ።

ኤርትራ ሃይማኖት ብሰፊሕ ዝዝውተረላ ሃገር’ኳ እንተኾነ፡ እቲ መንግስቲ ግና ብዙሓት መራሕቲ ሃይማኖት ብዘይፍርዲ ኣሲሩ ኣሎ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ወርሒ ሕዳር፡ መንግስቲ ኣብ ጉዳይ መስርሕ ትምህርቶም ምስ ኣተወን ሓለፍቶም ምስ ኣሰረን ተመሃሮ እስላማዊ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ጐደናታት ኣስመራ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሰልፊ ኣካይዶም እዮም። ነዚ ናይ መንግስቲ ኢድ ኣእታውነትን ተቓውሞ ተመሃሮን ስዒቡ ብዛዕባ ሃይማኖት ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዙሓት ዛዕባታት ይለዓሉ ኣለዉ።.

ሱዳን ብወገና ብሓፈሻ ኣንጻር ሃይማኖት ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሰዓብቲ ምስልምና ዘይኮኑ ሃይማኖታዊ ጸቕጢ ከም እትገብር ከም ሕሱም ክትከሰ ዝጸንሐት ሃገር እያ። ንነጻነት ደቡብ ሱዳን ምኽንያት ካብ ዝኾኑ ጠንቅታት ሃይማኖታዊ ነጻነት ዝምልከት ጉዳያት ሓደ እዩ። ሰሜናዊ ክፋል ናይ ሱዳን ብዓብላልነት ሃይማኖት ምስልምና ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ ደቡብ ከኣ ክርስትና ኣሎ።

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