Tv Demtsi Hezbi 10 May Free Press Day Stockholm
A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
Written by By: Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
 |
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis.http://goo.gl/UtXjhh&via=alaraby_en" class="TweetIcon"> |
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
Eritrea fought Ethiopia during the 1990s [AFP]
- See more at: http://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/politics/2015/5/8/a-saudi-war-fought-with-eritrean-troops-#sthash.MFra3qKI.dpufAnalysis: Saudi Arabia has been cosying up to Eritrea, leading to reports the African nation will join Senegal in offering troops for the war in Yemen, says Mohammad Abu Fares.
Eritrea fought Ethiopia during the 1990s [AFP]
Analysis: Saudi Arabia has been cosying up to Eritrea, leading to reports the African nation will join Senegal in offering troops for the war in Yemen, says Mohammad Abu Fares.
Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
source=http://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/politics/2015/5/8/a-saudi-war-fought-with-eritrean-troops-
A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
By: Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
|
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis. |
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
By: Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
|
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis. |
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
By: Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
|
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis. |
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?
Mohammad Abu Fares Date of publication: 8 May, 2015Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Eritrea's president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal's lead - the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.
Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.
Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.
It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.
Strategically important
Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.
It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world - where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.
Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.
Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen - Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.
Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.
"Afwerki's controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea," said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.
|
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis.http://goo.gl/UtXjhh&via=alaraby_en" class="TweetIcon"> |
"Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to... the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level."
Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.
However, observers believe that Afwerki's visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.
Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.
Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.
Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.
The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.
This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.
With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea's war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.
The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament's refusal to engage in Saudi's war in Yemen.
This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.
ካብ ነሓሰ 7- 9፡ ንራባዓይ ዓመት ክጋባእ ዝነበሮ፡ ዳግመ-ርኽክብ ገዳይም ተጋደልቲ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ኣብ ከተማ ኣትላንታ -ጆርጂያ ፡ ኣብ`ዚ ዓመት`ዚ ንዘይምግባሩ ተወሲኑ። ኣብ`ዚ ውሳኔ`ዚ ክንበጽሕ ሕማቕ እናተሰማዓና`ዩ። እንተኾነ ክስገሩ ዘይክእሉ ዝተፋላለዩ ምኽኒያታት፡ ናብ`ዚ ውሳነ`ዚ ክንበጽሕ ኣገዲዶም።
እቶም ምኽኒያታት፡ ዓበይትን ናኣሽቱን እዮም። ብሓፈሽኡ ግና እቲ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዘድሊ ምቅርራባትን ምድላዋትን
ክንገበር ስለዘይሰለጠ`ዩ። ንኹሎም፡ ኣብ`ዚ ዓመት`ዚ ክሳተፉ ወዲአምዎ ንዝነበሩ ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን፡ ናይ 2015 ዳግመ-ርክብ
ብዘይምዕዋቱ እቕረታ ንሓትት። ናብ ዝመጽእ ዓመት ብዝጸፈፈን ዝደመቐን ክዳሎ እናተመነና ድማ ንዓመታ ነቲ ንኽሳተፍዎ መደብ
ክገብሩ ብትሕትና ንዕድምን ነተባብዕን።
ኣብዞም ዝስዕቡ ኣዋርሕ ኣብ ምምዕባል ንዘሎ ወብ ሳይት ጌርና፡ ንዝህሉ ሓበሬታ ከነካፍለኩም ኢና።
ኣኽባሪኹም፡
ጸጋይ ነጋሽ
ብስም ዳግመ-ርኽክብ ገዳይም ተ.ሓ.ኤ
05/05/2015
ንኡስ ዞባ ጀርመን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (EPDP) ጨንፈር ኮለንን ከባቢኡን ዕዉት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ብዕለት 02-05-2015 ሓሙሻይ ወርሓዊ ኣኼባኡ ኣብቲ ልሙድ መኤከቢኡ ቦታ ( ALLE WELTSHAUS 77-79-D 50823 Köln ካብ ሰዓት 14.00 ክሳዕ ሰዓት 18.00 ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ ብዓወት ከም ተዛዘመ ካብኡ ዝመጸና ሓበሬታ እንሆ።
መኽፈቲ ናይቲ ኣኼባ ብሓው ዓንደብርሃን ዮውሃንስ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ክኸውን እንከሎ ብናይ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ህልቂትን ኣብ ሃገር ሊብያ ብግብረ ሽበራውያን ዝተፈጸመ ዘስካሕክሕ ማሕረድትን ምርሻንን ከምኡውን ኣብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ዝግበር ዘሎ ናይ ዕንወት ፍጻሜታትን ንውሱን ደቓይቕ ናይ ዝኽሪ ሰማእታት ናይ ሕልና ጸሎት ተገይሩ።
ብድሕሪዚ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኵነታት ዓለምን መግለጺ ድሕሪ ምሃብ፤ ብጉዳይ ኣባልነት ኣብ ሰልፊ እንታይ ምዃኑን ኣባል ከብሎ ዝኽእል ረቛሒታትን ተግባራዊ ክኸውን ከም ዘለዎ ብስፍሓት ገሊጹ።
ኣስዒቡ ብዛዕባ ምድላዋት ካልኣይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ብዛዕባ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2015 ኣብ ፍራንክፈርትን ዝምልከት ብስፍሕ ዝበለ መግለጺ ንኣኸበኛ ገሊጹ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ሕጽያ ንኻልኣይ ጉብኤ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሳተፉ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ምርጫ ብደምክራስያዊ ኣገባብ ተፈጺሙ ።
ብድሕሪዚ ኣገድሲ ሕቶታትን ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን ብምሃብን ምቕባልን ኣኼባ ብዓወት ተዛዚሙ።
ጨንፈር ማእከል (ፍራንክፈርትን ከባቢኡን) ንኡስ ዞባ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ(EPDP) ዕዉት ጉባኤ ኣካይዱ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ኣብቲ ብዕለት 03-05-2015 ዓ.ም. ኣብቲ ልሙድ ወርሓዊ ኣኼባኡ ዘካይደሉ Kirch Platz Bockenheim ካብ ሰዓት 14.00 ክሳዕ 17.30 ዝተኻየደ ጉባኤ ብዓወት ከም ዝዛዘመ ካብኡ ዝመጸና ሓበሬታ እንሆ።
ኣብ መኽፈቲ ናይዚ ጉብኤ እዚ ሓው ሕጂ ሳልሕ ስዒድ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ኣገዳሲ ሓበሬታ ውድብን ዓለምን ብምግላጽ ብዝያዳ ድማ ነቲ ኣብ ሃገር ሊብያን ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ዝርከብ ዘሎ መቕዘፍቲ ጨንፈር ማእከል መሪር ሓዘን ከም ተሰመዖ ገሊጹ። ብድሕሪኡ ብጉዳይ ምቕርራብ ካልኣይ ጉብኤ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን በቲ ኣብ መጀመሪያ ወርሒ ነሓሰ 2015-05-05 መጻእኩ መጻእኩ ዝብል ዘሎ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ፍራንክፈርት ጠቒሱ ዕቱብ ምቅርራብ ንኽግበር መግለጺ ሂቡ።
ብድሕሪዚ ሰለስቲኦም መራሕቲ ጨንፈር ብቐደም ተኸተል ማለት ሓው ሓጂ ሳልሕ ስዒድ ኣቦ መንበርን ሓፍቲ ፈቨን ጊደዎን ዋና ጸሓፊትን ሓው ክብሮም ዓንዶም ተሓዝ ገንዘብን በበቲ ዝምልከቶም ምምሕዳራዊ ሸነኻቶም ብጽፉፍን ምዕቡልን ኣገባብ ጸብጻቦም ኣቕሪቦም።
ድሕሪዚ ጉባኤኛ በቲ ዘቕረብዎ ጸብጻብ መሰረት ምሉእ ዕግበት ስለ ዝረኸበ ብምድግጋም ኣመስገኖምን ኣመጎሶምን። ኣብዚ ጉብኤዚ ሓው ተስፋማርያም ክብርኣብ ኣቦ መንበር ንኡስ ዞባ ጀርመን ተኻፊሉ ስለ ዝነበረ ነቲ ዝተሰርሔ ጽፉፍ ስራሕ ብምምጓስ ንመጻኢ እዋን ካብዚ ንላዕሊ ክሰርሑ ሃናጺ ምኽሩ ለገሰሎም።
ብድሕሪዚ ጉብኤኛ ብሓደ ድምጺ በዚ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሰ ጽፉፍ ስራሕ ብምግንዛብ እዚ ጨንፈር እዞም ዝነበሩ ሰለስተ ሽማግለ እንደገና ብዲሞክራስያዊ ኣገባብ ክምረጹ ናይ ጉብኤኛ ድልየትን ዕግበትን ስለ ዝኾነ እንደገና መረጾም።
ብዘይካ እዞም ሰለስተ ዝተመርጹ ሽማግለ ጨንፈር እዚ ጨንፈር እዚ ሰፊሕ ብምዃኑ ብዙሕ ዕማማት ስለ ዘለዎን በዞም ሰለስተ ሽማግለ ዝመሓደሩ ተወሳኺ ኣርባዕተ ሽማገለ ብዲሞክራስያዊ ኣገባብ ጉብኤ ወሲኹ መሪጹ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ብጉዳይ ኣብ ስዊዘርላንድ ዝግበር ሰላማዊ ሰልፊን ብጉዳይ ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝግበር ናይ ሰማእታት ማእከላይ ባሕሪን ቅዝፈትን ናይቶም ብግብረ ሽበራ ዝተገብረ ኣስካሕካሒ ቅትለትን ንዕለት 09-05-2015 ሰዓት 14.00 ሓብረኤታ ብምሃብን፡ ከምኡውን ሃናጺ ርእይቶታትን ለበዋን ብምሃብ ዝኽሪ ስዉኣት ጉባኤ ብዓወት ተዛዘመ።
تقرير عن الندوة السياسية الرابعة في روتردام
Written by اللجنة المنظمة للندوة السياسية في روتردامعقدت الندوة السياسية الشهرية التي يقيمها الإرتريون في روتردام بهولندا، بتاريخ 11 أبريل 2015، بمقر جبهة الإنقاذ الوطني الإرترية بروتردام. وشارك في الندوة لفيف من أعضاء وكوادر وقيادات مختلف التنظيمات السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني، وإعلاميين وناشطين مستقلين مهتمين بقضايا وهموم الوطن. كما لوحظ حضور ومشاركة ملفتة من فئة الشباب.
تحت عنوان (أزمتنا .. هل تكمن في مفاهيمنا السياسية، أم في تعدد القوى السياسية.. !!) قدم العضو البارز في حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الإرتري، الأستاذ ضرار منتاي، ورقة شاملة للأزمة الإرترية .. تعريفها، مسبباتها، والحلول العلمية لها. فيما يلي نصها:
أزمتنا.. هل تكمن في مفاهيمنا السياسية..
أم في تعدد القوى السياسية..؟
من الثقافات الموروثة في مجتمعنا الإرتري ، اتباع النظام سواء في حلقة تناول الطعام أو القهوة، والتعاون في الأفراح والأتراح والوقوف مع المحتاجين في شكل نفير. إلا أننا لم نرتق بهذه الثقافة، إلى مستوى اتفاقيات عليا مشتركة. وهذه الثقافة العريقة والتقاليد المتأصلة في مجتمعنا الإرتري، والتي خلقت الترابط الاجتماعي ووفرت الثقة، لم تجد نصيبها في حياتنا اليومية السياسية من العيش المشترك وتبادل الاحترام وتحمل بعضنا البعض. بالتأكيد في أوساطنا من يفكر إيجابا ومن يفكر سلبا. وبما أنهما يدافعان عن هدف واحد، يصعب علينا تصديق هذا او ذاك! وهناك تأثيرات لطبيعة الأفراد في الجهود المبذولة لحل الأزمات السياسية الاجتماعية والثقافية.. ما هي انعكاساتها الإيجابية والسلبية؟ وما دام لنا ثقافات وتقاليد مشتركة، ما الذي يمنعنا من الارتقاء بها إلى هدف وطني مشترك؟
ما هي الأزمة؟
تنبع الأزمة عندما يصل الخلاف ذروته في حال تعذر وصول فرد مع الآخرين إلى حل وسط أساسه تبادل الاحترام وللرغبات والمصالح. وإذا لم نتحمل بعضنا البعض عند حدوث خلاف ما بسبب انتماءاتنا الدينية والسياسية وغيرها، لاشك أنها ستصل بنا إلى مرحلة الأزمة. تؤدي الأزمة إلى الحذر والخوف وأحيانا إلى التعصب والعنف. ولا تنحصر الأزمة بين الأفراد والجماعات بل تتعداها إلى ازمات بين دول وأحزاب سياسية وحكومات.
وإذا لم تحل الأزمة بالأسلوب الصحيح، ستؤثر بلا شك على عملية السلام والإتفاقات المبرمة، وتتدرج نحو عدم التفاهم وانعدام الثقة وتبدل العلاقات المتينة إلى عداء ومشاحنات. ذلك أن كل طرف ينظر للقضية من زاويته الخاصة . لهذا تطفو الأزمة على السطح عندما لم يتمكن الطرفان من الوصول إلى حل يرضي كليهما. ويمكن تقسيم الأزمة إلى قسمين .. إيجابية وسلبية، بمعنى آخر أزمة بناءة وأخرى هدامة.
الأزمة البناءة: من إيجابياتها، توجيه النظر نحو المصالح المشتركة.. تمتين العلاقات .. خلق الثقة.. إشاعة روح التواصل المستمر،..تطوير أسلوب التعبير عن الرغبات المشتركة.. تحفز كل طرف على أنه منتصر.. تتجه نحو الأمر الصواب.. تخلق روح الاستعداد للمشاركة والتنازل.. تهتم بطرح الأفكار وبحث البدائل المختلفة.
متى تكون الأزمة هدامة؟ عندما تنطلق من التفكير الضيق.. وتركز على المصلحة الشخصية والهموم الذاتية، عندما تسيطر على الفرد روح الانتقام من خصمه وضرورة التغلب عليه.. عندما يكون التهديد والترهيب سيد الموقف.. عندما تبدر مؤشرات الكراهية وروح التعالي.. عندما تقل روح المرونة.. عندما تسود روح اللامبالاة بجادة الصواب.. عندما لا توضع أي تحوطات لاحتمال حدوث مخاطر سوى الاهتمام بالأمر الذي يريده كل طرف.. تبيت مخاوف من إحداث التغير .. تهدم أواصر العلاقات وتقطع التواصل.. تدمر المعنويات. ولأن لكل منا مصالحه ويمتلك طريقة تفكير مختلفة في قضايا بعينها، فإن الأزمة لا حدود لها. إلا أنه يجب عدم الاستسلام وينبغي البحث عن إمكانية حصر وتحديد نقاط الخلاف وجلب الحلول الإيجابية لها.
طبيعة الأفراد، لها تأثيرها وانعكاساتها في حل الأزمة او الخلافات:
- الاهتمام بالتفكير بقضيتك أو بما يعنيك فقط
- العمل فقط
- المواجهة العلمية
- تصل الأزمة إلى درجة عدم الاكتراث بالهدف المشترك:
- الهدف المشترك يساعد للمضي قدما معا، لتحقيق قيم الهوية والحقوق والحرية والوحدة. ما هي الأهداف المشتركة ؟
- الهدف المشترك يرتكز على الثوابت الوطنية وهي:
- سيادة الشعب تعني أعلى سلطة يقيمها الشعب بالطريقة التي يحكم بها نفسه بنفسه، وإقامة النظام الذي يريده، عبر قانون متفق عليه. ذلك حتى يكون الشعب صاحب السلطة السياسية ، يقرر فيه مستقبله السياسي؛
- السيادة الوطنية، معترف بها دوليا، وضمان استقلالية تلك الدولة من التدخلات الأجنبية، وتكف هي الأخرى عن التدخل في الشئون الداخلية للدول الأخرى، وأن تحترم العهود والمواثيق الدولية الخاصة بالحدود والقضايا الداخلية؛
- وحدة الشعب؛
- سيادة القانون: أن يكون القانون سيدا للحكومة والحكومة خادمة للقانون؛
- أن تحكم إرتريا بالدستور وبنظام ديمقراطي.. وغيرها.
إذا كنا نؤمن بهذه الثوابت، فنحن مطالبون للعمل لمعرفة أساس أزمتنا.. إن السر الذي يحول دون الوصول إلى حقيقة اختلافاتنا وأزمتنا، هو عدم الرغبة والاستعداد لمعرفته بشكل دقيق. الثاني هو معرفتنا للسبب ولكننا نتظاهر بعدم معرفته وبالتالي نقفز على الحقائق. والسببان يؤديان إلى ترك السبب الحقيقي وتجاوزه إلى النتائج والانعكاسات. وهذا يجعلنا، عرضة للاتهامات والتشويهات المتبادلة، ونباعد المسافات بيننا ونقلل من شأن بعضنا البعض، بدلا من بحث الحلول، ثم ننطلق لتحقيق انتصارات فردية، مما يغرقنا في سياسة عقيمة عديمة الجدوى وغير علمية.
لهذا إذا اتفقنا على أن يشارك كل حزب أو أي قوى سياسية بمحض إرادته، ما لم يخالف الثوابت الوطنية، ودون الاعتبار لحجمه السياسي، ذلك يساعد على معرفة مسببات الأزمة وبالتالي يسهل الوصول لإيجاد الحلول السياسية للخلافات. وعندما نقول بمحض رغبته لا يجب أن تكون مفتوحة، بل يجب وضع قيود عليها. ونعني بالقيود ألا يكون على حساب وحدة الأرض والشعب وألا يكون عنصر إضعاف القوى الوطنية.
حل الأزمة:
التفكير والاهتمام الخاص بالعملية التي تقرب البون الشاسع بين القوى السياسية وتقريب الهوة بين الأوضاع السياسية الراهنة والهدف المنشود. وهذا يتم بمعرفة العنصر الذي يقف حجر عثرة إن سرا أو علنا، امام الهدف. وعندما نقف على هذه الحقيقة، يجب أن ننظر للأمر الذي يفيدنا جميعا. لهذا من الواجب ان ننطلق في التفكير للخروج من هذا المأزق السياسي الراهن. وهذا يتم بروح مسئولة عبر نقاشات منطقية صريحة ومتواصلة لمختلف القضايا السياسية. بمعنى أن التغيير المنشود وإيجاد الحلول للخلافات نصل إليها عندما نحدث تغييرا في ذواتنا. إذا لم نتفق اليوم على معرفة اختلافاتنا وأزماتنا ولم نستطع تشخيصها ونضع لها الحلول المناسبة ونعالجها، لا ندري فإلى أي مأزق سيقودنا عملية تأجيلها إلى ما بعد الدخول إلى إرتريا.؟؟
للازمة خمس مراحل:
- مقدمة الأزمة: وتظهر في إطار اختلافات فهمنا السياسي للمصالح والثقافة والدين.
- لحظة الضغط على الزناد أو لحظة الصفر.
- المبادرات
- مرحلة التمييز
- مرحلة الحل: الإعتراف بأن الأزمة في حد ذاتها ليست حلا، والاعتراف بمخاطرها والاستعداد لجلب الحلول . هذه المرحلة هي إدراك لمختلف الخيارات المطروحة لحل الأزمة. وكما يقول "واتزالاوك.. وبيفن.. وجاكسون" (حتى نفهم الأزمة.. لابد لنا أن نفهم التفاوض)، فإن الخصام والاختلاف لا يؤدي إلى نهاية.. لهذا فإن التشاور والتفاهم أنجع وسيلة للتفاوض.
التفاوض: لاشك فإن كل ازمة لا يمكن أن تتضح وتحل إلا عبر اللقاء. فاللقاء نعني به، تحديد مكان للالتقاء وطرح نقاط الخلاف، قد ينجح أو بفشل. لهذا فثمة
- عنصران يطفوان على السطح في أي لقاء لبني البشر وهما:
- عنصر موضوعي
- عنصر رابط
وهذان العنصران متلازمان في اي لقاء.
- العنصر الموضوعي، وهو العنصر المنطقي الظاهر.
- العنصر الرابط، وهو رأي المشارك.. مثلا (التحرك الإقليمي) لا يساعد على تحقيق الهدف (فهو غير إيجابي). ولكن ثمة من يرى في هذا التحرك إيجابيًّا. فعندما تكون علاقة أصحاب الرأيين متوترة، يفتقد عنصر الثقة بين الطرفين وتسود الشكوك بينهما. وبالتالي يلجأ الطرفان إلى التفكير في السيطرة والتحكم على الأمور وتسود روح التعالي والتعصب. لهذا فإن اللقاء والمفاوضات تكون ضرورية.. وهنا لابد من الانتباه إلى الآتي:
- أن يكون هناك دواعي
- مراعاة أسلوب الحديث
- الابتعاد عن أسلوب التهديد والترهيب بأي شكل كان
- اتباع أسلوب متحضر وانتقاء الألفاظ.
- البشاشة وسعة الصدر
- صيانة اللسان من ألفاظ تنكأ مشاعر الطرف الآخر
- عدم التخاطب بالأساليب السوقية
لاشك أننا في هذه الندوة نفكر كلنا في وسائل وحلول لمختلف أزماتنا واختلافاتنا، حتى لا تستمر بهذا الوضع. ذلك لأننا وبجانب شعبنا نعتقد بضرورة المشاركة في معالجة وضعنا السياسي المتأزم. لذلك يجب أن نؤمن بأننا لا نستطيع منفردين جلب حلول لمعضلاتنا إلا بالتكاتف والتفاكر. وللوصول إلى حلول مشتركة لابد لنا أن نضع في الاعتبار النقاط التالية:
- تطوير القناعة المشتركة
- 2.امتلاك المعلومة الحقيقية
- 3.ما يجب أن نعرفه
- 4.ما علينا ترجمته
- تطوير القناعة المشتركة؛
كلنا أبناء وطن واحد. ولاشك أننا لا نختلف في ذلك. وبما أننا أبناء وطن واحد، إذا لم نطور قناعاتنا الوطنية، في وحدة الأرض والشعب،لاشك أن نظرتنا تتجه نحو البحث عن مصالح ما دون الوطنية. وبخطوة من الكل، كل في اتجاهه، لاشك فإننا بذلك سنشارك في إلحاق الضرر بالوحدة الوطنية. إذن نحن مرغمين على اتباع سيكلوجية تساعد على تمييز الصواب من الخطأ، والحقيقة من الكذب. وتثار الأزمة عندما ننطلق متجاهلين لهذه الحقائق التي هي أساس الأزمة. ولهذا فإنه يغيب عن أذهاننا مفهوم (احتضن غيرك لكي تُحتضَنْ..) وبذلك نندفع لتقييم الأمور من زاوية ضيقة وبنظرة ريب. وذلك :
- حتى لا يعالج الخطأ
- حتى لا نضع حدا لمكامن الخطر في حينه
- حتى لا تقبل الفكرة البناءة
- حتى لا تتلاقح الأفكار وتختمر
- ·امتلاك المعلومة الحقيقية:
عندما تأخذ المعلومة شكل استفزازي، تغطي على السبب، وهذا يحول دون امتلاك المعلومة الجيدة. وبسبب تمليك المعلومة الخاطئة، تتغلب النوايا السيئة على النوايا الحسنة. وبسبب سيطرة المعلومة الخطأ على الأجواء، يصعب علينا استيعاب الأفكار الجيدة. وهذا يسدُّ الباب أمام تلاقح الأفكار المتماثلة، وتحول دون تقارب العلاقات بين المتقاربين. وعندما لا نمتلك المعلومة الحقيقية والمفيدة، يصل بنا الأمر إلى درجة مساندة ما يتعارض ومصالحنا المشتركة. وكذلك نكون عُرضة لتصديق تلك المعلومة المغلوطة والتي توضع في قالب منمق. ونكون بالتالي ضحية دون ان ندري بمساندتنا للمنافق الذي أخفى عنا الحقيقة، بعد أن سلب عقولنا بكلام منمق.
- ·ما يجب علينا معرفته:
علينا معرفة مبادئ الحرية وهي واضحة، وعدم إلحاق أي ضرر بإنسان ، مراعاة واحترام حقوق الآخرين، وحرية التعبير بصراحة عن الرأي .. وإلخ.
معرفة نتائج البرنامج المطروح كحل، وتقييمه هل يحتاج الى تعديلات أوعدمها.
- لوضع القرار النهائي لابد من الوضع في الاعتبار معرفة هل هو تقييم مؤسس على علمية ومن منطلقات حسن نوايا.
- الانتباه إلى أن الحل الصحيح للخلافات والازمات يتم باسلوب هادئ، وليس بالعنف والمشاحنات.
- التفكير للاستفادة من الاسلوب الديمقراطي وتحمل البعض حتى يتحقق الهدف والنتائج.
- معرفة أن اختلاف الرأي، يجب أن نبحث له عن أفضل خيار للحل ، وألا ننظر إليه باعتباره هدّامًا.
كما يجب أن نضع في الاعتبار أن كل الجهود المبذولة، ستؤدي إلى طريق مسدود (فشل) ما لم يكن هناك اتفاق حول اتباع نهج قانوني وطني عام حول القضايا الوطنية المشتركة، خارج إطار الحزبية الضيقة.
- ·ما يجب ترجمته عمليًّا:
من المهم الإلمام بأسباب الازمة. بعد ذلك يمكننا المشاركة في طرحها وعلاجها. واولى المتطلبات قبل الشروع للمشاركة في حل الأزمة التي نعتقد بوجودها، الاستعداد لإجراء الدراسة لها وبحث حلول شاملة. واذا لم نستطع معرفة اسباب الخلاف بالضبط، أو لم يكن لنا الاستعداد لمعرفتها، بالتأكيد سنجد إشكالية في حل الازمة او وضع نهاية لها. لهذا يجب علينا التحلي بالمسئولية والضمير، حتى لا نكون اعداء الحرية والسلام والاستقرار. ونحقق ذلك بإحداث تغيير في ذواتنا. واذا لم نفعل هكذا لا نستطيع وضع دراسة لأسباب الأزمة ووضع نهاية ايجابية للقضية محل الخلاف. لهذا يتطلب منا عمل شيئين:
- أن نتعظ من اخطاء الماضي ونتفادى الاخطار السلبية.
- معالجة المرض لإنقاذ المريض.
وللوصول الى هذا :
- معرفة الازمة والاختلافات وطرحها بوضوح؛
- تحديد وتقييم نقاط الخلاف؛
- تمييز الحل والبدائل؛
- تقييم البدائل؛
- اختيار حلول الازمات؛
- ترجمة الحل على الارض.
وفي هذا الإطار يمكننا الاسترشاد بالنقاط التالية:
- خلق ارضية تهيئ فكرًا سياسيًّا مرنًا؛
- العمل على تطوير الثقافة الديمقراطية؛
- التأمين على أن أية قضية وطنية عامة تحتاج الى مشاركة وتعاون الجميع؛
- الاتفاق والتخطيط لكيفية الوصول إلى دستور دائم للنظام السياسي؛
- البحث عن قانون يشرك الشعب وقواه السياسية؛
- السعي للاعتماد على السياسة العملية والعلمية.
في الختام.. عندما نقول في فهمنا السياسي، إنقاذ الوطن، فإن ذلك لا يتحقق إلا عندما نكون قادرين على التنسيق مع القوى الأخرى، لتهيئة نظم دستورية حيوية ذات استمرارية، لا تضر بالهوية الوطنية والسلام الوطني والشعور الوطني.
شكرًا لكم على حسن الاصغاء !
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بعد الاستماع إلى الورقة السياسية الهامة التي قدمها الأستاذ ضرار منتاي، أتيحت الفرصة لمداخلات الحضور، الذي أشاد بمقدم الورقة في اتباعه الأسلوب العلمي في معالجة الأزمة السياسية في الساحة الإرترية، وتوفيره المادة محل النقاش مكتوبة باللغتين العربية والتجرينية. وتباينت الآراء في نقاشها للكلمة. بين من يرى الفهم السياسي هو سبب الأزمة .. وبين من يرى عكس ذلك إنما في التعدد السياسي. وفريق ثالث يرى في أنها لا تكمن في الفهم أو في التعدد، إنما في وسائل تفعيلها أو عدمها..!
وركزت الآراء على ضرورة وجود معيار قانوني، في اللوائح التي تنظم عمل المظلات السياسية الجامعة، لاستيفاء شروط قبول وتسجيل عضوية التنظيمات، تجنبا لتسجيل أسماء لتنظيمات لا وجود لها في الساحة، ولتفادي البحث عن مصالح شخصية وذاتية ضيقة.
كما ركزت بعض الآراء على ضرورة سيادة الحوار الديمقراطي، في أوساط القوى السياسية، وتبنيها كنهج لإثراء الساحة الإرترية التي تكاد تفتقدها، والخروج من التقوقع والانعزالية.
وأكد الحاضرون على ضرورة ضمان استقلالية القرار السياسي لأي تنظيم سياسي يطمح إلى تحقيق أهداف مستقلة في إرتريا المستقبل، مشيرين إلى أنه "ليس من أحد يستطيع امتطاءك مالم تحن ظهرك"..!
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እቲ ኣብ ነፍስ ወከፍ ወርሒ ዝካየድ ፖለቲካዊ ሰሚናር ሮተርዳም፡ ሕጂ’ውን ብዕለት 11 ሚያዝያ 2015 ኣብ ቦታ ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ከተማ ሮተርዳም፡ ዕዉት ፖለቲካዊ ሰሚናር ኣካይዱ። ኣብ ሰሚናር’ዚ መራሕትን ኣባላት ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን በርጌሳዊ ማሕበራትን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኣብ ሜድያ ዝነጥፉን ካልኦት ሃገራውያን ባእታታትን ብሓፈሻ፡ ብርከት ዝበሉ መንእሰያት ድማ ብፍላይ ተሳቲፎሞ። ኣብ ትሕቲ “ፖለቲካዊ ተረድኦና ዲዩ ወይ ምብዛሕ ውድባት ጠንቂ ግርጭታትና” ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ኣገዳሲ ናይ ምይይጥ ወረቐት በቲ ልሉይ ኣባል ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተጋዳላይ ድራር ማንታይ ቀሪቡ። ትሕዝቱ ናይ’ቲ ዝቐረበ ናይ ምይይጥ ወረቐት ካእ እነሆ ነቕርብ፦
ፖለቲካዊ ተረድኦና ዲዩ ወይ ምብዛሕ ውድባት ጠንቂ ግርጭታትና
መኣዲ ሰሪዕና ክንበልዕ ይኹን፡ ቡን ሓቢርና ንምስታይ ይኹን፣ ኣብ ሓዘን ኣብ ሓጎስ ንኹሉ ብሓባር ምክፋልን፡ ከምኡ እውን ንተሸገረ ብወፈራ ምትሕብባርን ምትሕግጋዝን ልሙድ ባህልና ኢዩ። እዚ ባህሊ እዚ፣ ኪኖ ብልዕን ሓዘንን ሓጎስን ሓሊፉ ናብ ሓባራዊ ስምምዕ ገጹ ንኽብርኽ ግን ኣይሰራሕናሉን። እዚ ክቡር ባህሊ እዚ፣ ዝፈጥሮ መሰረት ናይ ማሕበራዊ ምትእስሳርን ምትእምማንን ብምዝንጋዕና፡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዓልታዊ ህይወትና ከም ፖለቲካ፡ ሓቢርካን ተኸባቢርካን ተጸዋዊርካን ናይ ምንባር፡ ዝኣመሰሉ ኣየማዕበልናን። ይኹን እምበር ኣብ መንጎና ጽቡቕ ዝሓስቡን ክፉእ ዝሓስቡን ኣለዉና። ክልቲኦም ድማ ሓደ ዝዓይነቱ ዕላማ ኢዮም ዝጣበቑ። ነየናዮም ኢና ንኣምን? ባህሪ ውልቀሰባትከ ኣብ ባህሊ፡ ማሕበራዊ፡ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ስነኣእምሮኣዊን ከምኡ እውን ንግርጭታት ኣብ ምፍታሕ ዝግበር ጻዕርታት እንታይ እወንታ ወይ ኣሉታ ጽልዋ ኣለዎ።? ሓባራዊ ባህሊ ካብ ሃለወና ናብ ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ ዕላማ ዘየብጽሕ እንታይ ይዕንቅጸና?
እንታይ ኢዩ ግርጭት?
ግርጭት ምስ ካልኦት ክመሳሰል ዘይክእል ናይ ክብርታትን፡ ተግባራትን፡ ድሌታትን፡ ረብሓታትን ተመርኵሱ ብዝለዓል ፍልልያትን ኣብ ማእከላይ ፍታሕ ክብጻሕ ዘይከኣለሉ ግዜ ዝምንጩ ኣብ ህይወት ወዲ ሰብ መዓልታዊ ዘጓንፍ ኢዩ። ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ ሃይማኖት፡ ፖለቲካ፡ ወይ እውን ካልእ ዘሎካ እምነታት ዘሎ ፍልልያት ተጻዋርነት እንተዘየሎ ኣብ ግርጭት ክእቶ ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። ግርጭት -ስግኣት -ቁጠዐ፣ ሓንሳብ’ውን ኣብ ጎነጽ ወይ ዓመጽ የድህብ። ግርጭት ኣብ መንጎ ውልቀሰባትን ጉጅለታትን ጥራሕ ዝርአ ዘይኮነስ እንታይ ደኣ ኣብ መንጎ ሃገራትን፡ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን፡ መንግስታትን’ውን ከይተረፈ ይረአ።
ግርጭት ብግቡእ እንተዘይተፈቲሑ ንሰላምን፡ ስምምዕን ውህደትን የፍኩሶ ወይ የላሕልሖ እሞ፡ ናብ ዘይምርድዳእ የበጽሕ፣ ምትእምማን ድማ የጥፍእ፣ ንዝነበሩ ጥዑይ ዝምድናታት ናብ ጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ይልውጦም። ምኽንያቱ ነፍሲ ወከፍና ንጉዳያት ይኹን ንነገራት ከመይ ንጥምቶምን ንመዝኖምን፣ ንዝተፈላለየ ተረኽቦታት ንምልላዮም ይኹን ክንኣልዮም ክንዋሳእ ከሎና፣ ነናትና ዝተፈላለዩ ኣገባባት ስለንጥቀም ኢዩ። ስለዚ ግርጭት ካብ ንኹሉ ሸነኽ ዘዕግብ ስምምዕ ክብጻሕ ኣብ ዘይከኣለሉ ደረጃ ምስ በጽሐ ኢዩ ዝረአ።
ግርጭት እወንታውን ኣሉታውን ወይ ከኣ ኣዕናውን ሃናጽን ተባሂሉ ኣብ ክልተ ይኸፈል።
ግርጭት ሃናጺ ዝኾነሉ፦ ንሓባራዊ ረብሓ ምስዝጥምት፡ ምሕዝነት የደልድል፡ ምትእምማን ይፈጥር ፡ ቀጻሊ ርክባት የዘውትር፡ ሓባራዊ ድሌታት ንለውጢ የማዕብል፡ ኩሉ ሸነኽ ክዕወት ዝብል ሓሳብ ምስዘድህብ፡ ናብቲ ሓቅኛ ዛዕባ ምስዘዘንብል፡ ኣሳታፍነትን፡ ሕድገታትን ምስዝቕበል ከምኡ እውን ደቂ ሰባት ንዝተፈላለየ ሓሳባትን መተካእታታትን ኣብ ግምት ንምእታው ይገብር፡
ግርጭት ኣዕናዊ ዝኾነሉ፡- ካብ ጸቢብ ኣተሓሳስባ ምስዝንቅል፡ ናብ ውልቂ ረብሓ ምስዘድህብ፡ ዝወሓደ ምትዕጽጻፍ ምስዝገብር፡ እቲ ዝጻረሮ ሸነኽ ክሰዓር ወይ ክዓኑ ዝብል ሓሳብ ዝውንን፡ ኣብ ውልቀ መጥቃዕቲ ምስዘድህብ፡ ምፍራራሕ፡ ኮታ ሓፈሻዊ ተግባራት ናይ ጽልኢ ምስዘዘውትር። ነቲ ሓቀኛ ዛዕባ ሸለል ምስዝብሎ፡ በቲ ንሱ ዝደልዮ ጥራሕ እምበር ኣብ ሕድገታት ምስዘይኣምንን፡ ናይ ለውጢ ስግኣታት ምስዝህልዎ፡ ዝምድናታት የበላሹ፡ ርክባት የቋርጽ፡ ሞራል ደቂ ሰባት ይዕኑ።
ነፍሲ ወከፍና እምበኣር ኣብ ውሱን ጉዳያት ናይ ጠቕምናን ሓሳብናን ፍልልያት ስለዘሎና ግርጭት መወዳእታ የብሉን። ይኹን እምበር ንፍልልያት ከመይ ኣማእኪልና እወንታዊ ለውጢ ነምጽእ ክንሓስብ ግን ብምንም ዓይነት ክገትኣና የብሉን።
ባህሪ ውልቀሰባት ኣብ ግርጭት ይኹን ፍልልያት ኣብ ምፍታሕ ጽልዋ ኣለዎ
1. ብናትካ ወይ ብጉዳይካ ምሕሳብ ጥራሕ ምግዳስ (ኣግላሊ መንፈስ)፣
2. ተግባር ጥራሕ፣
3. ብስነፍልጠት ምግጣም፣
ግርጭት ናብ ንሓባራዊ ዕላማ ዘይምግዳስ የብጽሕ። ሓባራዊ ዕላማ ንወግዕታትና፡ ንመንነትና፡ ንመሰላትና፡ ንሓርነትና፡ ንሓድነትና ክንብል ብሓባር ክንምርሽ ኢዩ ዝሕግዘና። ነዚ ጎሲናዮ እንተኸድና ድማ ሳዕቤናቱ ከቢድ ይኸውን። እንታይ ኢዮም እቶም ናይ ሓባር ዕላማ?
ናይ ሓባር ዕላማ ካብቲ ናይ ሃገራዊ መቖሚታት ዝምንጩ ኢዩ። ንሱ ድማ፡-
1. ልኡላውነት (ስልጣን) ህዝቢ፣ ህዝቢ ዝመሓደረሉ ዓይነትን ኣገባብን፣ ዝደልዮ መንግስቲ ምትካልን ንሱ ብዝሰማማዓሉ ሕጊ ንክምስርት ዝለዓለ ስልጣን ማለት ኢዩ። ኮታ ህዝቢ ወናኒ ፖለቲካዊ ስልጣን ክኸውንን፡ መጻኢ ዕድሉ ባዕሉ ክውስን።
2. ልኡላውነት ሃገር (ብዓለም ለኻዊ) ናጽነት ኮይኑ ብኻልእ ደጋዊ ሓይሊ ኢድ ኣታውነት ዘይብሉ ኣብ ውሽጢ ካልኦት’ውን ጣልቃ ዘይኣቱ -እታ ሃገር ነቲ ዶባትን ጉዳያት ውሽጣውን ዓለም ለኻውን ቅርጽታት ዘካተተ ኮይኑ ንዜጋታት እታ ሃገር ረብሓ ክህልዎም ዘውሕስ ኢዩ።
3. ሓድነት ህዝቢ፣
4. ልኡላውነት ሕጊ፣ ሕጊ ጎይታ መንግስቲ፣ መንግስቲ ድማ ባርያ ሕጊ ክኸውን፣
5. ኤርትራ ብቅዋምን ብዲሞክራስያዊ ሕጊን ክትመሓደር ..ወዘተ
ነዚ ሃገራዊ መቖሚታት እዚ ንኣምነሉ እንተዀና፣ መንቀሊ ግርጭታትና ክንፈልጥ እንታይ ክንገብር የድሊ? እቲ ቀንዲ ምስጢር ንፍልልያትናን ግርጭታትናን ክንድህስስ ዝዕንቅጸና፡ ሓደ ነቲ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ግርጭት ኣዕሚቝና ክንፈልጦ ድሌት ወይ ቅሩብነት ዘይምህላው ኢዩ። እቲ ካልኣይ ድማ ነቲ ጠንቂ እናፈልጥናዮ ጎሲና ክንሓልፎ ምድላይና ኢዩ። ክልቲኡ ድማ ነቲ ጠንቂ ገዲፍና ናብቲ ሳዕቤን ወይ ውጽኢት ከም ነድህብ ኢዩ ዝገብረና። እዚ ከኣ ፍታሕ ኣብ ክንዲ ነናዲ፣ ጸለመ፡ ምክፋእ፡ ምርሕሓቕ፡ ምቁንጻብ፡ ኣብ ሕሉፍ ምንባር ብምዝውታር ንሓባራዊ ዓወት ገዲፍና፡ ናብ ንጽላዊ ዓወት ገጽና ንጎዓዝ። ከይዱ ከይዱ ድማ ስነ-ፍልጠታውን ሰናይ ስነ ምግባርን ኣብ ዘይብሉ ፖለቲካ የጥሕለና።
ስለዚ፡ ነፍሲ ወከፍና ማለት፡ ንዝኾነ ይኹን ሰልፊ ወይ ውድብ ሓይሊ ወይ ኣስገዳድ ከይተጠቕመ፡ ወይ ነቲ ሃገራዊ መቖሚታት ከይጠሓሰ፣ ወይ ኣነ ይበዝሕ ብዝብል ከየደናገረ፡ ምዝልላፍ ከይተጠቕመ፡ ከም ድሌቱ ክዋሳእ እንተንሰማማዕ፣ ነቲ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ግርጭት ይኹን ፍልልያት ንምፍላጡ ምሓገዘ እሞ ቅኑዕ ፖለቲካዊ ፍታሕ ክርከብ ምተኻእለ። እዚ ግን ከም ድሌቱ ከብሃል ከሎ ፍኑው ክኸውን ማለት ኣይኮነን፣ ገደብ ክህልዎ ይግባእ። ገደብ ክህልዎ ኣለዎ ክበሃል ከሎ ነቲ ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን ዝትንክፍን፡ ንሃገራዊ ሓይሊ ዘዳኽምን ኮታ ኣንጻር ሃገራዊ መቖሚታት ክኸውን የብሉን ማለት ኢዩ።
ግርጭት ምፍታሕ፡- ርእሱ ዝኸኣለ ኣቓልቦን ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ህልዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታትን ኣብ መንጎ እቲ ዘድለ ዕላማን ዘሎ ጋግ ንምእላይ ዘብጽሕ መስርሕ ኢዩ። እዚ ከኣ፣ በቲ ነቲ ዕላማ ብግሁድ ዲዩ ወይ ዘይግሁድ ዓንቃጺ ተራ ዘለዎ ባእታ ኣለሊኻ ዝፍጸም ኢዩ። ብኡ መጠን ድማ ኣብ ሓቂ ደው ብምምባል ነቲ ንኩልና ዘርብሕ ጉዳይ ክንጥምት ይግባእ። ስለዚ ካብዚ ኣቲናዮ ዘሎና ፖለቲካዊ ዓዘቕቲ ከመይ ክንውጽእ ከምዘለና ክንሓስብ ናይ ግድን ይኸውን። ንሱ ድማ ካብ ስሚዒታውን ጦብላሕታውን ዝዓብለሎ ሕልና ናጸ ብምኻን ንፖለቲካውን ስነሓሳባውን ፍልልያት ብቐጻልን ርትዓውን ዝኾነ ክትዕን ብግልጺ ምግላጽን ኢዩ ዝፍታሕ። ብተውሳኺ ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ንሕና ኣብ ነፍስና ለውጢ ምስ ንገብር ኢዩ ለውጢ ክመጽእን ፍታሕ ክርከብን ዝከኣል። ሎሚ ንፍልልያትናን ግርጭታትናን ኣብ ምልላይ እንተዘይተሰማሚዕናን፡ ክንኣልዮም እንተዘይበቒዕናን ኣብ ኤርትራ ጥራሕ ንእቶ ምባል ኣብ ምንታይ ዓዘቕቲ ክሸመና ኢዩ ፉሉጥ ኣይኮነን።
ግርጭት ሓሙሽተ መድረኻት ኣለዎ፦
1. መቕድም ናይቲ ግርጭት፡- ኣብ ክሊ ፖለቲካዊ ተረድኦ፣ ረብሓታት፣ ባህሊ፣ ሃይማኖት፣ ፍልልይ ዝረአ ኢዩ።
2. ቃታ ዝሰሓበሉ ኩነት፣
3. ተበግሶታት፣
4. ናይ ምፍላይ መድረኽ፣
5. ናይ ፍታሕ መድረኽ፡- ግርጭት ናብ ዘብጸሓካ የብሉን። ስለዚ ደቂ ሰባት ሕድገታት ክኣምኑን ነቲ ግርጭት ድማ ክፈትሕዎ ድሌታት ምውናን። እዚ መድረኽ እዚ ነቲ ግርጭት ንምፍታሕ ዝተፈላለየ ምርጫታት ዝግንዘበሉ ወይ ዝርከበሉ ወይ ዝድህሰሰሉ ኢዩ።
ከምቲ (ዋትዛላዊክን ቢቨኒን ጃክሶንን) ዝበልዎ፡ “ብዛዕባ ግርጭት ክንርዳእ እቲ ርኽክብ ክንርዳእ ይድሊ”። ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ሕኒን ምባል ናብ መደምደምታ ፈጺሙ ኣየብጽሕን ኢዩ። ስለዚ ምይይጥን፡ ዝርርብን ዝሓሸ ኣገባብ ኢዩ።
ርኽክብ ፡- ግርጭት ምስ ዝህሉ ብመገዲ ርኽክብ ኣቢሉ ኢዩ ክረጋገጽን ክገለጽን ዝከኣል። ርኽክብ ማለት ደቂ ሰባት ንዘለዎም ዘይምስምማዕን ወይ ፍልልያትን ዝገልጽሉ መስርሕ ኢዩ። ርኽክብ ንግርጭት ብዓወት ዝእለየሉ ወይ ከኣ ዝብእሰሉን ናብ ኣሉታዊ ውጽኢት ዘድህብ መኣዲ ይሰርዕ። ስለዚ ደቂ ሰባት ኣብ ዝራኽብሉ ክልተ ነገራት ይረኣዩ። ንሱ ድማ -
1. ኣዕጋቢ ባእታ
2. ምትእስሳራዊ ባእታ
እዘን ክልተ ባእታታት እዚኤን ኣብ ናይ ሕድሕድ ርክብ ዝተጣመራ ኢየን።
ኣዕጋቢ ባእታ ፡- ወድዓዊ ፡ ብሩህ ወይ ክረአ ዝኽእል ጭቡጥ ማለት ኢዩ-
ምትእስሳራዊ ባእታ፡- ናይ ተሳታፋይ ርእይቶ። ንኣብነት፡ ኣውራጃዊ ምንቅስቓስ ዘዕዉት ኣይኮነን - ርኡይን ኣዕጋቢ ባእታ እውን ኢዩ። ኣውራጃዊ ምንቅስቓስ ኣዓዋቲ ኢዩ ኢሉ ዝኣምን ከኣ ነዚ ክመይ ይገልጾ ብዙሕ ትርጉም ክህቦ ይከኣል። ኣብዚ ናይ ክልቲኦም ዝምድና ሓርፋፍ ምስ ዝኸውን፡ ምትእምማን ጠፊኡ ምጥርጣራት ይሰፍን። (ጉዳይ ቁጽጽር ኮንትሮል-ጉዳይ ጸጊዒነት፣ ጉዳይ ክብሪ ወይ ዝና ) ዝሓወሰ ይኸውን።
ስለዚ ርክብ ወሳኒ ኢዩ። ግን ርክብ ኣብ ዝካየደሉ ድማ ነዘን ዝስዕባ ክነስተብህል ይግባእ፡-
1. መሳጥን ዓዳምን ክኸውን ኣለዎ።
2. ምስ ካልኦት ኣብትዛተየሉ ንዘረባኻ ይኹን ኣገባብ ኣዘራርባኻ ፍሉይ ሓልዮት ክህልወካ ኣለዎ።
3. ዋላ እውን ምስቲ መላዝብትኻ እንተዘይተሰማማዕካ ብዝኾነ ይኹን ምኽንያት ምድፍፋር ወይ ምጉብዕባዕ ምውጋድ።
4. ኩሉ ግዜ እሩም ቃላት ግን ከኣ ብዘዕግብ ኣገባብ ምዝራብ።
5. ብፍሕሽው ገጽ ሰላምታ ሃብ (ንነብሪ ሕቐፍ)
6. ንመልሓስካ ተቖጻጸር፡ ንናይ ካልኦት ስሚዒታት ይኹን ክብሪ ዝትንክፍ ቃላት ዘይምውታር።
7. ካብ ብዕሉግ ኣጠቓቕማ ቋንቋ ተቖጠብ።
ኩልና ኣብዚ ገዛ ዘሎና ነዚ ሎሚ ወሪዱና ዘሎ ፍልልያት ይኹን ግርጭታት ከምዚ ኢልካ ክቕጸል ኣይከኣልን ኢዩ፡ ነዚ ሽግር እዚ ክንፈትሖ ኣሎና ኢልና ንሓስብ ኢና። ምኽንያቱ ነዚ ግርጭታት ይኹን ፍልልያት ንምእላይ፣ ንሕና ምስ ጭቁን ህዝብና ኰና ንጉዳይ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሃላልዋና ክንኣሊ ዝለዓለ ልኡላውነት ስለዘሎና። ነዚ ከኣ ብሓባር ኰና እምበር ብተናጸል ፍታሕ ክነመጽእ ወይ ናብ ፍታሕ ክንበጽሕ ክምዘይከኣል ክንኣምን ይግባእ። ናብ ሓባራዊ ፍታሕ ንምብጻሕ ነዘን ዝስዕባ ነጥብታት ምግንዛብ ከድሊየና ኢዩ፡-
1. ናይ ሓባር እምነት ምምዕባል
2. ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ምውናን፡-
3. ክንፈልጦ ዘሎና ጉዳይ
4. ክነተግብሮ ዘሎና ጉዳይ
ናይ ሓባር እምነት ምምዕባል፡-
ኩልና ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ኢና፡ ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ምዃና ብዙሕ ኣይንፈላለን ዘጠራጥረና ውን የለን። ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ምዃና ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ እምነት እንተዘየማዕቢልና ግን፡ ንረብሓ እታ ሃገር ብኹሉ መቖሚታታን ክውነታታን ዝተወህሃደትን ዝሰመረትን ክትከውን ኣብ ክንዲ ምስራሕ ኣብ ትሕተ ሃገራዊ ረብሓታት ኢና ክነድህብ። በብናትና ምስጓም ድማ ሓንቲ ዝሰመረት ሃገር ኣብ ምምስራት ሃሳዪ ግደ ክጻወት ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ከምዘይዕድምን፡ ህዝቢ ዝደልዮን ዝመርጾን ውጽኢት ክህብ ከምዝይክእል ድማ ርዱእ ኢዩ። ከም ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ኰና ኣብ እንዋሳእሉን፣ ከም ደቂ ሓንቲ ሃገር ዝጥርንፈናን ዝተሓቛቝፈናን ጽንሰ ሓሳብ ሒዝና ንዝተፈላለየ ፖለቲካ እንተሰዓብናን፣ ዝተፈላለየ ሃይማኖት እንተኣመንናን፣ ናይ ዝተፈላለየ ብሄራት ወይ ኣውራጃታት ኣባላት እንተኾናን፣ንሓንቲ ሃገር ክንሓስብ ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነ ናይ ሓባር እምነትን ዓላማን ክህልወና ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። ንሱ ድማ እቲ ጌጋን ቅኑዕን፡ ሓሶትን ሓቅን፡ ጽቡቕን ሕማቕን ንምልላይ ዝሕግዘና ሞራላዊ ስነ-ምግባር ክንክተል ግዱዳት ኢና። እቲ ግርጭት ዝለዓል ድማ ነዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ስሒትና ክንጎዓዝ ምስ እንጅምር ኢዩ ሓደ ካብቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቂ። እዚ ከኣ ካብቲ ‘’ንዓኻ ክሕብሕቡኻ እትደሊ ንኻልኦት እውን ሓብሕብ’’ ዝብል ተረድኦ የስትሕተና እሞ፡-
- ነቲ ጌጋ ዝኾነ ንኸይእረም፣
- ነቲ ኣስጋኢ ዝኾነ ብግዚኡ ንኸይዕገት፣
- ነቲ ዓዳሚ ዝኾነ ሓሳብ ንኽንጸግ (ቅቡል ንኸይከውን፣
- ነቲ ዝተሳሕተ ጉዳያት ንኸይስተኻኸል ወይ ክይልቀብ፣
- ነቲ ዝጎደለ ሓሳባት ንኸይምላእ ገይሩ ንኹሉ ብጸቢብን ብጥርጠራን ንምርኣይ ይደፋፍኣና።
ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ምውናን፡-ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ብመናፍሕ ክብረዝ ከሎ ነቲ ጠንቂ ንኽይፍለጥ ከም ዝሽፈን ይገብሮ እሞ ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ንኸይንውንን ይዓግት። ሓደ ካብኡ ግጉይ ሓበረታ ምስናቕ ኢዩ። ግጉይ ሓበረታ ድማ እቲ ጽቡቕ ድሌታት ብሕማቕ ድሌታት ይዕብለል። ነቶም ጽብቕ ዝሓስቡ ሰባት ነቲ ሓሳባቶም ኣብ ክንዲ ምማይ ብቐጥታ ሓሳባቶም ዝለምሰሉ ወይ ዝመኽነሉ ዘይቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ይዝርጋሕ። እዚ ከኣ እቶም ተመሳሳሊ ጽቡቕ ሓሳባት ዘለዎም ከይዛመዱ ይዓግቶም። ቅኑዕን ሓቀኛን ሓበረታ ምስ ዘይንውንን ድማ ንወግዕታትናን ንሓባራዊ ጠቕምታትናን ረብሓታትናን ዝጻረር ክሳብ ኣብ ምድጋፍ ይበጽሓና። ከምኡ እውን ነቲ ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ብዝሽፍን ኣገባብ ኣጸባቢቕካ ዝፍኖ ሓበረታ ብቐሊሉ ከም ንኣምን ወይ ከም ንደናገር ይገብረና። በዚ ድማ በቶም ነቲ ቅኑዕ ሓበረታ ሸፊኖም ጽቡቕ ዝዛረቡ ንስለብ እሞ ንጨቋኒናን ሃሳይናን ዝኾነ ሓሳባት ከይተረደኣና ንድግፍ።
ክንፈልጦ ዘሎና ጉዳይ፣ መትከላት ናጽነት ክንፈልጦም ኣሎና። መትከላት ናጽነት ድማ ብሩህ ኢዩ። ንሰብ ኣይትጉዳእ፡ መሰል ካልኦት ሓሉ፡ ክብሪ ደቂ ሰባት ኣይትተንክፍ። ሓሳብካ ብናጻ ምግላጽ ግሉጽነትን…ወዘተ
ውጽኢት ናይቲ ፍታሕ ኢልካ ዝቕረብካዮ መደብ ከመይ ከምዝመስልን ምምሕያሽ የድለዮን ኣየድልዮን ምግምጋም ከም ዘድሊ ምፍላጥ።
ነቲ ግርጭት መዕለቢ ንኽግበረሉ ኣብ ፍልጠትን ሰናይ ስነ-ምግባርን ዝተመርኮሰ ትግባሬን ግምገማን ንኹሉ ብማዕረ ዘደቓቕስ ነቲ ግርጭት ዝፈትሕ ጽንሰ-ሓሳብ ዲዩ ኣይኮነን ምግንዛብ።
ፍልልያት ወይ ግርጭት ብጥበብን ብልሓትን እምበር ብጽልእን ባእስን ቅርሕንትን ቅኑዕ ፍታሕ ክምዘይርከብ ምስትብሃል።
ዕላማን ውጽኢትን ክሳብ ዝወሃሃድ ምክእኣልን ስልጡን ዲሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ ክንጥቀም ምሕሳብ
ናይ ሓሳብ ፍልልይ ንዝሓሸ ኣማራጺ ፍታሕ ወይ መዕለቢ ዘመንጩ እምበር ከም ኣዕናዊ ወይ ኣፍራሲ ክረአ ከምዘይብሉ ምፍላጥ
ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ስነ-ሓሳብን፣ እምነትን፡ ከምዘለዎ ኮይኑ ናይ ሓባር ሃገራዊ ጉዳያት ግና ካብ ሰልፋዊ ውድባዊ ኣመለኻኽታ ናጻ ኰና ብሓባር እንምርሓሉ ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ ፖሊሲን ሕግን ምቕራጽ ክሳብ ዘይተሰማማዕና ኩሉ ዝግበር ፈተነታት ኣግላሊ መርሆ ምዃኑ ዘይምዝንጋዕ።
ክነተግብሮ ዘሎና ጉዳይ፡-ነቲ ጠንቂ ናብ ግርጭት ወይ ፍልልያት ዘብጸሓና መሚና ምፍላጥ ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ። ንኡኡ ምስ ፈለጥና ኢና ነቲ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ፍልልያት ንምፍታሕን ንምንጻርን ክንዋሳእ ዘሎና። ይኹን እምበር ቅድሚ ናብ ፍልልያት ምፍታሕ ምውሳእና ንቑሕን ርትዓዊ ዝኾነን ብመጽናዕቲ ዝተሰነየ ምድላዋት ምግባርን ንረብሓ ኩሉ ዝእምት ፍታሕ ምንዳይ ቅድመ ተደላይነት ኣለዎ። ነቲ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ግርጭት ኣነጺርና መሚና ክንፈልጦ እንተዘይክኢልና ወይ ክንፈልጦ ድሌት እንተዘይብልና ነቲ ግርጭት ክንኣልዮ ወይ መዕለቢ ክንገብርሉ ክንጻገም ኢና። ስለዚ ከይተረደኣና ኣንጻር ናጽነትን፡ ሰላምን፡ ስኒትን ካብ ምዃን፣ ልቦናን ብልህነትን ዝመልኦ ኣተሓሳስባ ክንውንን ይግባእ። ነዚ ከኣ ነፍስና ብምልዋጥ ኢና ክንበጽሖ እንኽእል። ከምዚ እንተዘይገርና መሰረት ናይቲ ዘገራጭወናን ዝፈላልየናን ዘሎ ጉዳይ ክነጽንዖን እወንታዊ መዕለቢ ክንገብረሉ ኣይክንክእልን ኢና። ስለዚ
ክልተ ነገር ክንገብር የድልየና፡-
- ካብ ሕሉፍ ጌጋታትና ተማሂርና ንዝመጽእ ኣሉታን ሓደጋታትን ክንከላኸል፡
- ነቲ ሕማም ምፍዋስ እቲ ሕሙም ክድሕን።
ናብዚ ንምብጻሕ ከኣ፡-
1. እቲ ግርጭት ወይ ፍልልያት ኣነጺርካ ምግላጽን ምፍላጡን።
2. ነቲ ፍልልያት ናይ ምግምጋሙ ቅጥዕታት ምውሳን።
3. ነቲ ፍልልያት ፈሊጥካ ዝርከብ ፍታሕን መተካእታታትን ምፍላይ።
4. ነቶም መተካእታታት ክኾኑ ዝበልካዮም ምግምጋም።
5. ካብቲ ኩሉ ዝተኻየደ መጽናዕትታት ድማ ነቲ ፍልልያት ወይ ግርጭታት ዝፈትሕ ምምራጽ።
6. ነቲ ዝተመርጸ ፍታሕ ኣብ ግብሪ ምውዓል።
ኣብ መድምደምታ ከም መሳርሒ ዘገልግለና፡-
1. ሓደ ምቕሉልን ተጽዋርን ፖለቲካዊ ስነ-ሓሳብ ዘእንግድ ባይታ ምፍጣር።
2. ዲሞክራሲያዊን ኣሳታፍን ዝኾነ ቅርጻ ክምዕብል ምግባር
3. ንዝኾነ ይኹን ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ሓባራዊ ምስንዳኣትን ኣስታፍነትን ተሓባብርነትን ከምዘድሊ ምእማን።
4. ኣብ ቀዋሚ ዝኾነ ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓተ ሕጊ ዘብጻሕና መንገዲ ምትላምን ምስምማዕን
5. ንህዝብን ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ዝጠምር ሕጊ ምንዳይ
6. ኣብ ስነ-ፍልጠታውን ስነምግባርን ዝመልኦ ፖለቲካ ክንምርኮስ ምጽዓር።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ናይ ፖለቲካ ስነሓሳብ ንድሕነት ሃገር ክንብል ከሎና ምስ ካልኦት ሓይልታት ለውጢ ምውህሃድን፣ ንሃገራዊ መንነትን ሃገራዊ ፍቕርን ሃገራዊ ስምዒትን ዘይጎድእ ውድባዊ ስነስርዓት ኣመቻቺእና ህይወት ወይ ቀጻልነት ዘለዎ ቅርጻ ክነትሕዞ ምስ እንበቅዕ ኢዩ።
ጽን ኢልኩም ዝሰማዕኩሙን የመስግን
ኣቶ ድራር ማንታይ፡ እዛ ኣገዳሲት ናይ ምይይጥ ፖለቲካዊት ወረቐት፡ ምቕራብ፡ ተሳተፍቲ ሰሚናር ሓሳባቶምን ርእይቶኦምን ኣቕሪቦም። ኣቶ ድራር፡ ነቲ ዘቕረቦ ኣገዳሲ መጽናዕቲ ስነ ፍልጠታዊ ኣገባብ ዝሓዘለ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡ብጹሑፍ መልክዕ ብክልቲኡ ቋንቋታት (ትግርኛን ዓረብኛን) ምቕረቡ ኣመጊሶም። ብዛዕባ እታ ወረቐት ሓዚላቶ ዘላ ሓሳባት ብዝምልከት፡ ዝተፈላለየ ሃናጺ ርእይቶታት ቀሪቦም። ገለ እቲ ጸገም ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ርድኢታትና ኢዩ ክብሉ ከለዉ፣ ገለ ድማ፡ እቲ ጸገም ኣብ’ቲ ፖለቲካዊ ብዙሑነት ኢዩ ዝብሉ ነበሩ። ብሳልሳይ ሸንኽ’ውን እቲ ጸገም ኣብ’ቲ ክልትኡ ምኽንያታት ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ግብሪ ኣወዓዕልኡ ዘስዕቦ ጸገም ኢዩ ክብል ሓሳብ ቀረበ።
ኣብ’ቲ ዝተኻየደ ክትዕ፡ ካብ’ቲ ብቱኽረት ዝተራእየ ጉዳይ፡ ዕዮ ሓባራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ጽላላት ዝሰርዕ ሕጋዊ መለክዒታትን ቅርጻ ሕግን ክህሉ ናይ ግድን ኢዩ ዝብል ጉዳይ ነበረ። እዚ ምስ ዝህሉ፡ ኣባልነት ናይ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ውድብ ክትቀበልን ክትነጽግን ይከኣል፣ ከምኡ’ውን ኣብ ባይታ ንዘየለዉ ሓይልታት ካብ ምቕባልን፣ ውልቃዊ ጸቢብ ጠቕምታት ንከረጋግጹ ንዝህቅኑን ካብ ምቕባል’ውን ንድሕን። ብተወሳኺ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ዝተፈላለዩ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት፡ ዲሞክራስያዊ ዘተን ልዝብን ክንገስ ከም ዝግበኦን፡ ኩሎም ሓይልታት ነዚ ከም መርሆ ተኸቲሎም ካብ በበይንኻ ተነጺልካ ምስራሕ ክናገፉ ዕዙዝ ተዳልይነት ከም ዘለዎ ኣኼብኛታት ኣስሚረሙሉ። ኣብ መጻኢት ኤርትራ ዕላማታቱ ከዐውት ዝደሊ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ፡ “እንተ ዘይደኒንካ፣ ክሓኽረካ ዝኽእለ ፈጺሙ የለን” ከም ዝበሃል ፡ ነጻ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔኡ ካብ ሕጂ ኣትሒዙ ክሕሉ ከም ዘለዎ’ውን ተገሊጹ።
ምስ ሃገራዊ ሰላምታና !!
ኣዳላውቲ ኣኼባ
Italy says 10 migrants die, 5,800 rescued in ongoing mission
Written by AFP
Rome: Another 5,800 migrants desperate to reach Europe were rescued this weekend as they tried to cross the Mediterranean on rickety boats, more than 2,150 of them on Sunday, the Italian coastguard said.
The number rescued this weekend was one of the highest recorded in recent years, raising fears that the tide of people risking their lives to reach Europe from Africa and the Middle East has not been slowed by recent disasters.
On April 12 and 13 alone, more than 6,000 people were rescued.
Not all those trying to reach Europe made it, as the bodies of eight migrants were found on board two of the vessels on Sunday, the coastguard said.
It was unclear how they died, but migrants face many dangers and extreme conditions on board overcrowded, flimsy vessels that set sail from Libya to Italy.
Two other people drowned after they jumped into the sea to rush towards the rescue teams, the coastguard said.
Sunday`s rescues came as the Libyan coastguard intercepted five boats carrying 500 people and ordered them to return.
Another 50 migrants reached the Italian island of Lampedusa, the closest to north Africa`s shores, on Sunday.
The Italian navy said its patrol ship Bettica picked up more than 570 migrants from four vessels on Sunday, among them some 60 women and around 15 children.
The MV Phoenix, a ship operated by the NGO Migrant Offshore Aid Station and Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders), also rescued 369 on Sunday, a day after setting sail from Malta for a six-month aid mission, MSF said.
Meanwhile the Libyan coastguard intercepted five boats with some 500 people on board, some eight nautical miles off the coast, and ordered them to head back for the city of Misrata east of the capital Tripoli.
Colonel Reda Issa of the Libyan coastguard told AFP that most of the migrants were Africans. He did not say what would happen to those intercepted, but Libya has a detention centre for migrants in Misrata.People smugglers have taken advantage of the chaos gripping Libya since the 2011 uprising that toppled dictator Moamer Kadhafi.
On April 19, some 750 migrants were killed when their trawler sank between Libya and southern Italy, sparking global outrage and demands for action.
Four days later EU leaders tripled the bloc`s budget for patrols off Libya.
EU leaders are now seeking UN Security Council approval for military action against smugglers in chaos-ridden Libya. But rights groups have blasted the Europe for focusing on patrols rather than humanitarian efforts.
UN chief Ban Ki-moon has also urged the European Union to refrain from resorting to force.
Video released by the Italian coastguard on Sunday showed people crammed onto a small boat. The migrants are later seen clambering aboard a rescue vessel.
Saturday`s operations in the Mediterranean involved four Italian coastguard vessels, two Italian navy ships and two customs boats, as well as four cargo ships and tugs.
French patrol boat Commandant Birot, which was sent last week to boost the EU`s Operation Triton patrols dealing with the influx of migrant boats, also picked up 219 people off the coast of Libya Saturday.
Most of the migrants rescued Saturday were being taken to Sicily or southern Italy, while some had already landed on the Italian island of Lampedusa.
However two suspected people traffickers were to be handed over to police at the port of Crotone in Calabria in southern Italy.
Several hundred migrants, mostly Africans but also including many fleeing the civil war in Syria, set out from Libya every day, hoping to make it to Europe to start a new life.
The number of migrants entering the EU illegally in 2014 almost tripled to 276,000, according to Frontex, nearly 220,000 of them arriving via the Mediterranean.
Some 1,750 migrants have died crossing the Mediterranean to Europe this year, 30 times more than during the same period in 2014, according to the International Organization for Migration.
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
ኣብ 2014 ዓ.ም 4000 ዝኸውን ሬሳታት ካብ ባሕሪ ተዘቝቑ ወጺኡ። ልዕሊ 170,000 ዝዀኑ ስደተኛታት ድማ፡ ከቢድ ብድሆታት ሰጊሮም ናብ ሃገራት ኣውሮጳ ኣትዮም። ካብ'ዚኦም እቶም 150,810 ስደተኛታት ብማረ ኖስትሩም ዝተባህለ ናይ ነብሲ ኣድሕን ፕሮግራም ክድሕኑ ዝኸኣሉ ኢዮም። ሃገራት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፡ ፕሮግራም ማረ ኖስትሩም፡ ናህሪ ዋሕዚ ስደተኛታት ናብ ኣውሮጳ ዘተባብዕን ዘዛይድን እምበር ዝንኪ ኣይኰነን ብምባል፡ ነቲ ፕሮግራም ብዶባትን ክሊ ማያትን ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ ምሕላው ጥራሕ ዝተሓጽረ ፕሮግራም ትራይተን (ፍሮንተክስ) ከምዝትካእ ተገይሩ። ንፕርግራም ትራይተን ዝወጽእ ገንዘብ ሓደ ሲሶ ናይ'ቲ ንማረ ኖስትሩም ዝወጽእ ዝነበረ ገንዘብ ኢዩ። ከም ውጽኢቱ ከኣ፡ ኣብ 2015 ዓም ኣብ'ዘን 4 ኣዋርሕ ጥራሕ ድሮ ልዕሊ 4,000 ስደተኛታት መይቶም ኣለዉ። ገለ ምንጪታት ድማ፡ እቲ ኣሃዝ ናይ ዝሞቱ ካብ'ዚ ንላዕሊ ምዃኑ ዝሕብሩ ኣለዉ።
ነቲ ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ሰሜን ኣፍሪቃ፡ ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ዝግሃድ ዘሎ ቅልውላዋትን ሓደገኛ ኵነታትን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ እቲ ህልቂት ካብ ዓሚ ሎምዘበን ክዛይድ ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኢዩ። እቶም ዝበዝሑ ናብ ኣውሮጳ ዝኣትዉ ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት ሱርያውያን ክዀኑ ከለዉ፡ ኤርትራውያን ድማ ኣብ ካልኣይ ደረጃ ኢዮም ዝስርዑ። ዒራቓውያን፡ ሶማልያውያን፡ ኢትዮጵያውን፡ ሱዳናውያን፡ ናይጀርያውያንን ዜጋታት ካልኦት ሃገራት ምዕራብ ኣፍሪቃን ውን ግዳያት ናይ'ቲ ዘጋጥም ዘሎ ህልቂት ኣብ ባሕርን ምድረ-በዳታትን ኢዮም።
ዋሕዚ ናይ ስደተኛታት፡ በቲ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ዝካየድ ህይወት ናይ ምድሓን መደብ ጥራሕ'ዶ ክዕገት ይከኣል ኢዩ? ሃገራት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ'ኸ ንዶባቶም ብምዕጻው ዋሕዚ ስደተኛታት ደው ክብልዎ ይኽእል'ዶ? እዚ ፈጺሙ ዘይከኣል ኢዩ። ነቲ ሽግር መሰረታውን ነባርን ፍታሕ ንምርካብ እንተደኣ ተደልዩ፡ ጠንቅታቱ ብልክዕ ክፍተሽን ክግጠምን ክኽእል ኣለዎ። ጠንቅታት ናይ ስደት ካብ ዝዀኑ ገለገለ ምኽንያታት ንምጥቃስ፡-
ቀዳማይ፡- እቲ ቀንድን መሰረታውን ጠንቂ ናይ'ዚ ሽግር'ዚ፡ ዲክታቶርያውያን መንግስታት ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ሰሜን ኣፍሪቃን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ዝፈጠርዎ ሰብኣዊ፡ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቍጠባውን ማሕበራውን ቅልውላዋት ኢዩ።
ካልኣይ፡- ኣመሪካን መሓዙቱን ንዲክታቶርያውያን መራሕቲ ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ (ዒራቕኝ ሊብያን) ንምእላይ ዝገበርዎ ወራር ሳዕቤናቱ መንግስተ-ኣልቦ ሃገራትን ሕንፍሽፍሽን ምፍጣር'ዩ ኰይኑ።
ሳልሳይ፡- ኣህጕራዊ ናይ ገንዘብ ማዕከናት (ከም IMF World Bank ናይ ኣውሮጳ ናይ ገንዘብ ትካላትን) ዝምውልኦ ናይ ልምዓት ተባሂሉ ዝፍለጥ ንነባሮ ካብ መረበቶም ዝፈናቕል መደባት።
ራብዓይ፡- ናይ እስራኤልን ፍልስጤምን ጕዳይ ፍትሓዊ መዕለቢ ዘይምርካቡ።
ሓሙሻይ፡- ሃገራት ሕብረት ኣውሮጳ፡ ነዚ ሽግር'ዚ ንምብዳህ ብዕቱብነት ኣይተታሓሓዝዎን። ንኣብነት፡ ስደተኛታት ብሕጋዊ ኣገባብ ናብ ኣውሮጳ ንኽኣትዉ ዘኽእል ዕድል ጸቢብ ብምዃኑን ንዶባቶም ዝቈጻጸርሉ ዝተራቐቐ መሳርሒታት ስለዘዋደዱን፤ ስደተኛታት ብሓደገኛታትን ነዋሕትን ጕዕዞታት ኣቢሎም ናብ ኣውሮጳ ንምእታው ክፍትኑ ዘገድድ ምኽንያት ኰይኑ። ከም ውጽኢቱ ድማ፡ ንግዲ ደቂ ሰባት፡ ሞትን ህልቂትን ንኽብርኽ ምቹእ ኵነታት ፈጢሩ።
ሻዱሻይ፡- እስራኤልን ስዑዲ ዓረብን ዶባተን ብሓጹር ምዕጻወንን ንስደተኛታት ካብ ሃገረን ምብራርን፡ ስደተኛታት ዝነውሐን ሓደገኛ ዝዀነ ናይ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ መንገዲ ክጓዓዙ ይግደዱ ኣለዉ።
ሻብዓይ፡- ብንግዲ ደቂ ሰባት ዝረብሑ ዝተወደቡን ዘይተወደቡን ገበነኛታት ምብርኻቶም ...ወዘተ።
ሻሙናይ፡- ዘይፍትሓዊ ምምቕራሕ ናይ ሃብቲ ወይ ጸጋታት ኣብ መንጐ ሰሜናውን ደቡባውን ክፍለ-ዓለም።
መንግስቲ ኤርትራ፡ ብዛዕባ'ዚ በብእዋኑ ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ከጋጥም ዝጸንሐ ሓደጋታት ትንፍስ ኢሉ ተዛሪቡ ኣይፈልጥን ኢዩ። ዓለም ብመላኣ ብዛዕባ ህልቂት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ላምፓዱዛ ክትዛረብን ክትሓዝንን ከላ፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዘይሕጋውያን ኣፍሪቃውያን ስደተኛታት ካብ ምባል ሓሊፉ ካልእ ዝሃቦ መግለጺታት ኣይነበሮን። ሬሳታቶም ናብ ሃገር ተመሊሱ ክቕበር እውን ብመንግስቲ ኤርትራ እተገብረ ዕቱብ ጻዕሪ ኣይነበረን። ዋላ ምልክት ምሕዛን ዝሕብር ናይ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ትሕት ኢሉ ክስቀል ምግባር ይኹን ናይ ሓዘን መዓልታት ምእዋጅ ኣይተገብረን።
ሎሚ'ውን፡ ብዛዕባ'ቶም ኣብ ገማግም ሊብያ ዝጠሓሉ 350 ኤርትራውያን ይኹን፡ ብዛዕባ'ቶም ብጥሩፍ እስላማዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ ዳዕሽ እተሓርዱ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ብጭቕ ኢሉ ክዛረብ ኣይተስምዐን። እንቋዕ ደኣ ረኸብዋ ዝብል ናይ ታሕጓስ ስምዒት ዘለዎ ኢዩ ዝመስል።
ኢትዮጵያ ግን፡ ንዝሞቱ ዜጋታታ ናይ 3 መዓልቲ ሃገራዊ ሓዘን ክኸውንን ባንዴራኣ ድማ ለጠቕ ኢሉ ክስቀልን ኢያ ክትውስን ተራእያ። ኣብ ዝተፈላልዩ ሃገራት ወጻኢ ዝነብሩ ዜጋታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ነዚ ፍጻሜ'ዚ ብሓባር ክዅንኑን ብሓባር ሓዘኖም ክገልጹን ተራእዮም ኢዮም።
እሞ፡ ኣበይ ደኣ'ሎ፡ እቲ ምስ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ክራኸብ ከሎ "ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከኽብር'የ" ዝብል ናይ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ናይ ሓሶት መብጽዓታት? ምስ ሬሳ ናይ ናይዝጊ ክፍሉን ናይ ላምፓዱዛ ሬሳታትን ክበኣስ ዝጸንሐ ስርዓት፡ ሎሚ ምስ ግዳያት ሊብያ ካልእ ባህሪ ከርኢ ኣይንጽበዮን ኢና። ናይ ምውታን ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዘየኽብር ስርዓት ከኣ፡ ናይ ህልዋት ከኽብር ፈጺሙ ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ።
ጠንቅታት ናይ ስደት ኣብ ሰለስተ ነጥብታት ከፋፊልካ ክርአ ይኽእል ኢዩ። እቲ ቀዳማይ ጠንቂ፡ እቲ ንመንእሰያት ካብ ሃገሮም ሃጽ ኢሎም ክጠፍኡ ዝገብሮም ዘሎ ደፋኢ (push factor) ምኽንያት ኢዩ። እዚ ኣብ'ቲ ሃገር ሰፊኑ ዘሎ ጭቆና፡ ዓፈና ናይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ስእነት ስራሕ፡ ድኽነት፡ ውግኣት፡ ተስፋ መንእሰያት ዘጸልምት ደረት ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ናይ ባርነት መነባብሮን ...ወዘተ የጠቓልል። እቲ ካልኣይ ጠንቂ ድማ፡ እቲ ኣብ ዓዲ ስደት እትረኽቦ ሰሓቢ ነገራት (pull factor) ከም ስራሕ፡ ትምህርቲ፡ ሕክምና፡ መሰላት ምኽባር፡ ሰላም፡ ገንዘብ ...ወዘተ ዝኣመሰሉ ረቛሕቲ ኢዮም። እቲ ሳልሳይ ምኽንያት ድማ፡ ደላሎን ነጋዶ ደቂ ሰባትን ነዚ ኵነታት'ዚ መዝሚዞም፡ ኣብ ጸጥታውን ወተሃደራውን ትካላት ናይ ሃገራት ዝሰርሑ ብልሽዋት ኣካላት ብምውህሃድ ንረብሓኦም ክብሉ መንእሰያት ንስደት ከምርሑ ዝደፋፍኡን ዝጕስጕሱን ኢዮም።
ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ኵሉ ግዜ ብዛዕባ'ታ ካልኣይቲ ጠንቂ ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዝዛረብ። ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ዝሰደዱ ዘለዉ፡ ኣብ ምዕራብ ዘሎ መነባብሮ ወይ ካረሜላ ስለዘህረፎም ኢዩ እምበር ናይ ፖለቲካ ስደተኛታት ኣይኰኑን ኢዩ ዝብል። ከም'ዚ ምባሉ ብመጀመርያ ክሓፍር ነይርዎ። ናይ ህዝቡ ናይ መነባብሮ ኵነታት ከመሓይሽ ዘይኽእል መንግስቲ ወይ ስርዓት መንግስቲ ኢየ ኢሉ ክዛረብ ውን ኣይግብኦን ኢዩ። ብምቕጻል፡ እቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ብጾቱን መጋደልቱን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ብሕታውያን ጋዜጣታትን ጋዜጠኛታትን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዘይኣምነሎም ወይ ወግዓውያን ኣይኰኑን ዝብሎም ሃይማኖታት ዝፈጸሞ ግፍዕታት'ከ ናይ ቍጠባ ሽግር ድዮም?!!!!! ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያት ናይ ሃይማኖት ኣትዩ፡ መራሕቲ ዝሸይምን ዘውርድን ስርዓት፡ ፖለቲካ'ዶ ኣይኰነን ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ? ብሰንክ'ዚ ምትእትታው'ዚ ዝስደዱ ካህናት ሽግሮም ፖለቲካ'ዶ ኣይኰነን? ንመንእሰያት ኣብ ደረት ዘይብሉ ኣገልግሎት ምጽማድ፡ ንሽማግለታት ብረት ምዕጣቕ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔ'ዶ ኣይኰነን?
ነዚ ኣብ ዓለምና ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ዝተሓላለኸ ናይ ስደተኛታት ኵነታት መፍትሒ ምርካብ ቀሊል ኣይኰነን። ነቶም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስናዮም 3 መሰረታውያን ምኽንያታት ኣብ ግምት ዘእተዉ መፍትሒታት ኢዮም ክድለዩ ዝግባእ። ካብ'ዚ ብምብጋስ፡ እቲ ፍታሕ ግዜ ዝወስድን ናይ ብዙሓት ሸነኻት ተራን ምውህሃድን ዝሓትትን ምዃኑ ንምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኰነን።
ንናይ ኤርትራውያን ዋሕዚ ናይ ስደተኛታት ብዝምልከት ግን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከቕርቦም ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ፍትሓት እዞም ዝስዕቡ ኢዮም።
1. ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ንዕምሪ ናይ ዲክታቶርያውያን ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ንምሕጻር ዘኽእል ዕቱብ ስራሕ ከካይዱ ምጽዓር፤
2. ንመንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዝውሃብ ልምዓታዊ ደገፋት፡ ምስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ምኽባር ዝተኣሳሰር ክኸውን ኣለዎ፤
3. ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን ናይ ስደተኛታት ማሕበራትን ተጣባቕቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዘለዎ ሓላፍነት ክስከሙ ይግባእ። ኣብ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት፡ ሞያውን ኣካዳምያውን ስልጠና፡ ስራሕን ሕክምናን ዝረኽብሉ ዕድላት ምኽፋት፤
4. ስደተኛታት ብሕጋዊ መንገዲ ናብ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ዝኣትውሉ ዕድላት ምስፋሕ፤
5. ናይ ምድሓን ህይወት ስርሓት ኣብ ማእከላይ ባሕሪ ምክያድን ነቶም ስደተኛታት ብፍትሓዊ ኣገባብ ኣብ'ተን ተቐበልቲ ሃገራት ምውዝዖምን፤
6. ኣብ ኣፍሪቃን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ብፖለቲካዊ ቅልውላት ዝሕመሳ ዘለዋ ሃገራት ሽግራተን ክፈትሓ ምሕጋዝ፤ ኣብ'አን ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ድማ፡ ኣብ ዋሕስነት ዘለዎ ቦታታት ከምዝሰጋገሩ ምግባር፤
7. ኣንጻር ነጋዶ ደቂ ሰብን ብልሽውናን ዝካየድ ዝተወሃሃደ ዞባውን ኣህጕራውን ፖሊሲ ምትላምን ኣብ ግብሪ ምውዓሉን።
ነዚ ዕላማታት'ዚ ንምዕዋት ሓቢሩ ዝሰርሕ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ግብረ-ሓይሊ ምቛም ከድሊ ኢዩ።
