Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security & It’s Implications for Eritrean Women
Written by Helen Kidan
By Helen Kidan
Network of Eritrean women was set up by a group of Eritrean women with diverse backgrounds and experiences to setting up a solid Eritrean women’s organisation that protects women’s rights, promotes the involvement and participation of Eritrean women in all decision- making processes.
As one of the main objectives of Network of Eritrean Women has been to actively work with leading international sister organisations, to raise awareness about the situation of Eritrean women at local and international level. As a result of its collaboration with WILPF UK Network of Eritrean Women is attending the 15 th anniversary of Resolution 1325.
Network of Eritrean Women (NEW) will be attending the 15 th Anniversary of Resolution 1325; Women Peace and Security at the Security Council in New York, 19-24 October 2015. In this piece I will look at what resolution 1325 is, what its significance is and how can Eritrean women and Eritrean society as a whole benefit from this resolution
Resolution 1325 was adopted by the Security Council on its 4213 th meeting, on 31 October 2000. The resolution came into being as expressing its concern that particularly women and children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict. The resolution affirms the importance of the role of women in the prevention and resolution of armed conflict. The resolution also reaffirms the need to fully implement international humanitarian and human rights law that protects women and girls in armed conflict.
The history of Eritrea since its colonisation in 1890 by the Italians has had a history of armed conflict and violence and women have been victims of this conflict. Eritrean women were not only victims but were armed combatant fighters during the armed struggle for independence as well. During the years of armed conflict for independence Eritrean women combatants comprised 1/3 of the military in the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).
The participation of women during the war for liberation was crucial both to the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the EPLF and women played a decisive role in the victory of the Eritrean people’s struggle for independence. Women participated on the battlefield alongside men as well as caring at home, running the farms and businesses in their absence.
The years since independence despite early pledges and promises by the government of Eritrea for recognition of women’s contribution to the liberation struggle and equality, women remain marginalised and discriminated in all areas of position. Even those within government positions do not have any effectual powers. We have seen the participation of women being eroded and that the government has taken no tangible steps to tackle violence against women.
The unconstitutional and highly militarised nature of the regime has led to a number of human rights violations including sexual abuse. Moreover, in June 2008 a complementary resolution 1820 was adapted to include sexual violence as a crime of war, and a crime against humanity and stresses on sanctions in ensuring that amnesty is not given to perpetrators of sexual violence. See the link below for further information. www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/.../CAC%20S%20RES%201820.pdf. This is highly important in the Eritrean context, as evidence has been provided to the Commission of Enquiry on Eritrea which has found violence has been perpetrated to women by State and non-State actors in Eritrea. It is therefore, imperative that all Eritrean justice seekers work in eliminating all forms of violence against women.
Resolution 1325 reaffirms the importance of women in the prevention and resolution of conflict and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. It is therefore, important to ensure that all barriers that hinder the participation of Eritrean women are addressed.
Eritrean women are also a crucial component to any durable peace and security in Eritrea. So far 49 countries have a national action plan to implement resolution 1325. The regime in Eritrea has not adopted resolution 1325 and it simply can’t carry on in this way, and we need to plan from now how to build our nation and ensure peace, stability and security. Therefore, whilst the Eritrean government has not instituted resolution 1325, it is imperative that Eritrean justice seekers and opposition groups incorporate it as part of their organisations policy and try to redress some of the most pertinent problems faced by women.
The commission of Enquiry received reports of gender based violence including rape in state institutions of military camps. The Commission of Inquiry report http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIEritrea/Pages/ReportCoIEritrea.aspx states on page 186, that the “Eritrean government has failed its due diligence on two levels, firstly by not creating good systems to address root causes and secondly by not providing victims prevention, protection, punishment and reparations. It is therefore, imperative that Eritrean justice seekers, human rights and civic organisations in the diaspora incorporate the participation of Eritrean women in conflict resolution and create durable peace by providing justice and reparations to victims and ensuring that systems are in place to address root causes of such violence.
Many of the Eritrean opposition groups in the diaspora are headed by men with few women at the leadership positions. The problem is only not at the executive positions only but at the lower end of the spectrum as well whereby we see few women activists engaged in the various groups. One of the reasons why Eritrean women don’t engage themselves in the opposition is also because the opposition has not yet been able to build the much needed united front under a unifying leadership, which has kept women away from engaging. This is in stark contrast during the years of struggle for independence when Eritrean women were very active.
We need to ensure that for any durable peace in Eritrea, Eritrean women are given the opportunity to fully participate at all levels. To attract and encourage more Eritrean women to play an active role in the change process in Eritrea?. The first thing is all opposition groups need to do is to listen to the needs and address the concerns of Eritrean women.
The opposition groups need to be more family orientated when organising events and talks to ensure the child provision is catered for to ensure that more women are able to attend and participate in events. They also need to provide the environment and platform for women to organise themselves within the various political and civic organisations. The Eritrean government has used Eritrean women to consolidate its power, in contrast the opposition has not be able to utilise nor mobilise Eritrean women in mass. This however, is crucially important firstly in mobilising Eritrean women to change the situation in Eritrea but also in the second phase in post conflict Eritrea in building a durable peaceful and stable Eritrea.
Therefore, the job for this needs to start from now and we need to ensure that we are engaging all Eritrean women in the diaspora. Communication is important to getting the message across and a lot of Eritrean women may not use the internet. Therefore, civic and political organisations need to use various forms of communication to engage Eritrean women e.g. viber and whatsapp and mobile texting.
We also need to utilise the skills and knowledge of Eritrean women in a constructive way which aids transparency, accountability and strengthens Eritrean civic society in the diaspora. Having a strong civic society is important in creating the bedrock for a democratic and peaceful state. Therefore, more work needs to be done in ensuring that organisations do not provide obstacles for women to join and caters to their needs to ensure that they can fully participate.
There are also lessons that we Eritreans can also learn from the Northern Ireland peace process. In Northern Ireland Irish women became a channel for cross community co-operation and gained a voice in the peace negotiations (http://www.c-r.org/accord/public-participation/northern-ireland-s-women-s-coalition-institutionalising-political-voice). Irish women have carried on playing a role in stabilising Northern Ireland. Syrian women made a statement in Geneva on Engagement in the Syrian Political process and are playing a pivotal role in the peace process. It is therefore equally important that Eritrean women are an integral part of conflict resolution and equal participants in building a durable peace.
Whilst Network of Eritrean women (NEW) will be attending the 15th Anniversary of Resolution 1325, this is not an issue for NEW or Eritrean women’s groups only but for Eritrean society as a whole. The importance of women’s participation on all fronts helps in creating, peace, security, elevate poverty and help Eritrea to develop economically as well. Therefore, there is much that needs to be done and we need to start changing the way we work now to shape our future for tomorrow, so that when change does happen we are in the position to assist and stabilise Eritrea.
ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ከተማ ኦስሎ ክፉት ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ
Written by ወኪል ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
ብዕለት 10 ጥቅምቲ 2015 ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ከተማ ኦስሎ ኖርወይ ክፉት ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ኣቦ መንበር ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ንዝተሳተፉ ግዱሳት ዜጋታት ኣብ እዋናዊ ኩነታት ዘተኮረ ሰፊሕ መብሪሂ ሂቡ። ንሱ ኣብ መደረኡ ብዛዕባ ውሽጣዊ ኩነታት ህዝብን መንግስትን፣ ዝምድና ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ምስ ጎረባብትን ዓለምን፣ ቁጠባውን፣ ፖለቲካውን፣ ማሕበራውን፣ ወተሃደራውን ኩነታትን ሃገርና ብዝርዝር ገሊጹ።
ሓው መንግስተኣብ፡ ኣብ ዝርዝራዊ መደረኡ፡ ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ መንግስቲ ብውልቀሰብ ዝምራሕ እምበር፡ ከምቲ ንቡር ብዝዓዪ መንግስታውያን ትካላት ዝምራሕ ስርዓት ኣይኮነን። ኩሎም ትካላት መንግስቲ ካብ ዝተሓተ ክሳብ እቲ ሃገራዊ ባይቶን ካቢነ ምኒስትራትን ህልውንኦም ንስሙ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝዓይን ሓይሊ ዘለዎን ኣይኮኑን ክብል ገሊጹ። ንሱ ወሲኹ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ፣ ፍትሒ፣ ዲሞክራሲ ዝበሃሉ ኣምራት የለዉን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፣ ስሮዓተ ኢሰያስ ኣብ ስልጣኑ ክሳብ ዝህሉ ክህልዉውን ኣይክእሉን ክብል ኣብሪሁ።
ንቁጠባ ሃገርን ካልእ ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎታትን ኣመልኪቱውን ኣቦ መንበር፣ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ንናይ ምግባትን ምብሓትን መደባቱ ንምስላጥ ዘቀላጥፉን ንህዝቢ ዓለም ኮነ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምድንጋርን ዝጥቀመሎም ጽርግያታትን ህንጻታትን እኳ እንተሰርሐን ብኡ እንተተጀሃረን፣ ቁጠባብ ሃገር ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እንዳተዳኸመ መጺኡ፣ ሎሚ ኩሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተጸባይን ተመጽዋትን ኮይኑ ተሪፉ ከምዘሎ ይትረፍስ ንዓና ንኤርትራውያን ንማሕበረሰብ ዓለም እውን እንተኾነ መርትዖ ዝድልዮ ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን ክብል ተዛሪቡ። ሎሚ ይብል ንሱ፣ ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብንግዲ ዝኣቱ ኮነ ንሰደድ ዝወጽእ ኣሎ ማለት ሕልሚ እዩ። እንተሎ እውን ብኮንትሮባንዳን ብዘይ ሕጋዊ ኣገባብን እዩ ኢሉ። እቶም ኣብ ቲሕቲ ዝኾነ ኩነታት ክህልዉ ዝነበሮም መሰረታውያን ማሕበራውያን ኣገልግሎታትን ቀረባትን ከም እኒ፣ ቀረብ እኹል መግብን፣ ማይን፣ ጸዓትን፣ ኣገልግሎት ጥዕናን ትምህርትን ወዘተውን እንተኾነ ዳርጋ የለዉን። እቶም ኣለዉ ዝበሃሉውን ነቲ ገባቲ ስርዓት ብዘገልግለ ኣገባብ እዮም ዝዓዩ ዘለዉ ክብል ምረቱ ገሊጹ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባብ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝርከብ እንኮ ስራሕ ግዱድ ዕስክርና፣ ካብ ኤርትራ ንሰደድ ዘይኮነስ ንስደት ዝስደድ ኩሉ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ፣ ናብ ኤርትራ ዝኣቱኸ እንታይ ኣሎ እንተተባህለ ድማ ካብ ኣዝማድን ቤተሰብን ዝስደድ ናይ ምጽወታ ገንዘብ እምበር ካልእ ሃገርን ህዝብን ብኡ ዝናበረሉ ስራሕ ኮነ እቶት የልቦን ብዝብል ኣገባብ ገሊጽዎ።
ንዞባውን ኣህጉራውን ዝምድና ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣመልኪቱ እውን እንተኾነ፣ ምንኻስን ምትዃስን ዝመለለይኡ ስርዓት ንኹሉ ዘርብሕ ጥዑይ ዝምድና ክፈጥር ይኽእል እዩ ኢልካ ክትጽበ ዘይሕሰብ እዩ ኢሉ። ልክዕ ድሕሪ 3ይ ውድባዊ ጉባኤኡ ብብእዋኑ ምስ ኩሎም ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝምድንኡ ብምጉርፋጽን ምትዃስን ዝጀመረ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ፣ ሎሚ ምስ ኩሎም ኣህጉራውያንን ዞባውያንን ሃገራትን መንግስታትን ተባቲኹ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገሩ እሱር ኮይኑ ክሳቀ ይነብር ኣሎ፣ ካብዚ ቆሳል ዝምድና ዝነቀለ ድማ ህዝቢ ዓለም ንወደባት ኤርትራ ተሓሲምዎ፣ ወናኒ ቀይሕ ባሕርን ወደባትን ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መጽዋቲ ክኸውን ዝነበሮ ተመጽዋቲ ኮይኑ ከምዘሎ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስሚርሉ። እኩብ ድምር ናይዚ ኵሉ ግፍዕን ጭቆናን ድኽነትን ድማ ንህዝብና ሃገሩ ራሕሪሕካ ንስደት ምምራሕ እንኮ ምርጫኡ ከምዝኸውን ስለዝገበሮ፣ እታ ንእሽተይን ሓዳስን ውሑድ ዝህዝቢ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ሎሚ ምንጪ ስደተኛታት ብምዃን ድሕሪ ሶርያ ካልኣቲ ተሰሪዓ ትርከብ። እዚ ድማ ንዓለም ኣዛሪባን ኣሻቂላን ኮይኑ ከምዘሎ ተንቲኑ።
ስርዓት ነባሪ ህዝቢ እምበር ነባሪ ሰርዓት ከምዘየለ ርዱእ ከምዝኾነ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ እውን ውዒሉ ሓዲሩ ምውዳቁ ዘይተርፍ እኳ እንተኾነ፣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ ደምበ ተቃውሞ ድማ ብፍላይ ዝሓሸ መተካእታ ናይዚ ኣብ ድነ ሞቱ ዝርከብ መላኺ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ክውንን ዘይምኽኣሉ ግን እቲ ዝዓበየ ኣሻቃሊ ሕቶ እዩ እንክብል ስኽፍትኡን ስኽፍታ ናይቲ ንሱ ዝመርሖ ሰልፍን ምዃኑ ኣብሪሁ። ቀጺሉ ድማ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ሃጓፍዚ ንምምላእ ካብ ነውሕ ግዜ ኣትሒዙ ንሓድነትን ስኒትን ደምበ ተቃውሞ ከይተሓለለ ክቃለስን ዋጋ ክኸፍል ከምዝጸንሐን ድሕሪ ምሕባር፣ ሕጅውን ከይተሓለለ ክቕጽል ምዃኑ ኣረጋጊጹ።
ኣኼባ ኣብ መድረኽ ሕቶን መልስን ኣብ ዘምረሓሉ እዋን ድማ፣
- ከምቲ ኣብ መንጎ ጀብሃን ህግደፍን ዝነብረ ታሪኻዊ ጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ብዘተን ልዝብን ኣሊኹም ኣብ ሓድነትን ስምረትን ዝበጻሕኩሞ፣ ብተመሳሳሊ ምስ ካልኦት ኣተካይድዎ ናይ ምቅርራብ ስጉምትታት ኣሎኩምዶ፣
- ስርዓት ህግደፍ እንተወደቀ ንምትክኡ ዝተዳለወ ፕሮጀክቲ ኣሎዶ፣
- ንዕድመ መላኺ ስርዓት ንምውዳቅ፣ ክንዮ ኣበራቱን ክፍኣትን ምግላጽ እትወስድዎ ግብራዊ ስጉምቲ ኣሎዶ፣
- ኣብ ናይ ሓድነትን ስምረትን ምትእኽኻባት ደጋጊምኩም ክትጽምበሩን ክትዋስኡን ትፍትኑ፣ ጸኒሕኩም ከኣ ዕግበት ምስ እትስእኑ ትስሕቡ፣ እዚ ኣገባብዚ ንሰልፍኹ ኣየድክሞንዶ፣ ካብ ነቲ ዝበዝሐ ክፋል ህዝብኹም ሰዓበና ኢልኩም ንቅድሚት እትግስግሱ ንውሑዳት ፖለቲካውያን ወድባት እንክንትብሉ ንኾንቱዶ ትደኽሙ የሎኹምን፣
ዝብሉን ካልኦት ተመሳሰልቲ ሕቶታትን ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ቀሪቦም። ብምትሕብባር ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው መንግስተኣብ፣ ኣባል ፈጻሚት ኣካል ዝኾነ ብጻይ መድሃኔ ሃብተዝግን፣ ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ብዝኾነ ብጻይ ዳዊት ኣርኣያን ድማ ኣዕጋቢ መልሲ ተዋሂብዎም። ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ኣብ ሕቶታት ጥራሕ ከይተሓጽሩ፣ ንሰልፊ ከዕውትን ክስርሕን ዝኽእሉ ለበዋታት እውን ኣመዝጊቦም። ኣብ መወዳእታ ኣኼባ ብዝኽረ ሰማዕታት ምስ ተዓጽወ፣ ኣኼበኛታት ብገለ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ብዝኾኑ ብዝተዳለወ መግቢ ንምሳሕ ተዓዲሞም። ዋጋ ዝበላዕኩሞ ዘይኮነስ ንኣብ ከሰላ ሃገረ ሱዳን ንዝርከቡ ኣካለ ስንኩላን ኲናት ኤርትራ ንዝኾኑ ጀጋኑና ንምሕጋዝ ዓቕምኹም ኣበርክቱ ምስተባህሉ ድማ፣ ዓዓቕሞም ስለዘበርከቱ ጨንፈር ንእግረ መንገዱውን ነቲ ተተሓሒዝዎ ዘሎ ማሕበራዊ ጉዳያት ምስላጥ ዝሕግዝ ዘይነዓቅ ደገፍ ካብ ህዝቡ ክረክብ ኪኢሉ። ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚዚ ንኣካለ ስንኩላን ብቐጻሊ ንምሕጋዝ ዝተመባጽዑ ዜጋታትውን ኣይተሳእኑን።
ዓወት ንዲሞክራስያዊ ቃልሲ!
ክብርን ሞገስን ንስዉኣትናን ስንኩላትናን!!
ወኪል ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
ዕዉት 4ይ ጉባኤ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
Written by ወኪል ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
እቲ ብጥቅምቲ 2010 ብዕሊ ዝቆመ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ ብዕለት 09 ጥቅምቲ 2015 ብህዝባዊ ተሳትፎ ዝዕዉት ቃልስና ብሓድነትና ይዓኹዅ ኣብ ቲሕቲ ዝብል ብቋንቋታት ትግርኛ፡ ዓረብኛ፡ እንግሊዘኛን ኖርወጂያንን ዝተጻሕፈ ጭርሖ 4ይ ጉባኤኡ ብዓወት ኣቃኒዑ። ኣብዚ 4ይ ጉባኤ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ካብ ርሑቅን ቀረባን ውሒዞም እንክርከቡ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም እውን ካብ ቤት ጽሕፈቱ ተንቐሳቂሱ ኣብቲ ጉባኤ ተረኺቡ ውዒሉ።
ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ሓው ዳዊት ኣርኣያ ኣብ መእተዊ ጉባኤ ንክቡር ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፍን ንተሳተፍቲ 4ይ ጉባኤ ጨንፈርን ምዉቕ ሰላምታን ናይ እንቋዕ ብደሓን መጻእኩም መልእኽትን ለጊሱ። ኣስዒቡ ሓው ዳዊት፣ 4ይ ጉባኤ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ፡ ብሓደ ወገን ኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ካብ ዝገደደ ናብ ዝበኣሰ ተሰጋጊሩስ፡ መንእሰይ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ኩሉ ዕድል ዝረኸበ ዜጋ ሃጽ ኢሉ ካብታ ዘፍቅራ ሃገሩ ኣብ ዝጠፍኣሉ ዘሎ ህሞት፤ ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ፡ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 2ይ ጉባኤኡን ፈስቲቫል 2015 ን ብዓወት ሰጊሩ ብሓዲሽ መንፈስን ሓይልን ሓኒኑ ኣብ ዝምርሸሉ ህሞት ይካየደ ከምዘሎ ኣዘኻኺሩ። ኣቦ መንበር ጨንፈር ነቶም ክሳብ ድሕነት ህዝቦምን ሃገሮምን ዝረጋግጽ ደኺምና ከይበሉን ከይተሓለሉን ኣብ ቃልሶም ጸኒዖም ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉን ንዓወት 2ይ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ክውን ንምግባር ዓቕሞም ዘፍቀዶ ወፈያታት ዝገበሩ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ብልቢ ሞጒሱ።
ብምቕጻል ዋና ጸሓፊ ጨንፈር ሓው መድሃኔ ሃብተዝጊ ብዋና ጸሓፊ ዞባ ኤውሮጳ ሓው ኢሳቕ ወልደማርያም ዝተላእከት ናይ የሃና መልእኽቲ ንተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ ኣንቢቡ። ቀጺሉውን፡ ዋና ጸሓፊ ጨንፈር ሓው መድሃኔ ኣብ ሰብኣዊ ዓቕሚ ጨንፈር፣ ዝምድናታትን ዲፕሎማስን ምስ ካልኦት ኤርትራርውያንን ዘይኤርትራውያንን ፖለቲካውያንን በርገሳውያንን ማሕበራት፣ ጨንፈር ካብ ዕለተ ሳልሳይ ጉባኤኡ ክሳብ 4ይ ዕለተ ጉባኤኡ ዘሰላሰሎም ዕማማትን ዝሃቦም ኣገልግሎታትን ብዝምልከት ሰፊሕ ዝርዝራዊ ጸብጻብ ኣቕሪቡ። ብጻይ መድሃኔ ኣብ ጸብጻቡ ብተወሳኺ ናይ ጨንፈር ብልጫታት፡ ገለ ሕጽረታትን ድኽመታትን እውን ብዝርዝር ኣቅሪቡ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ሓው መድሃኔ ነቶም ኣብ ሊዕሊ ክንደይ ውልቃዊ ጸገማቶም ሰልፊ ኣብ ጉባኤኡ ኮነ ኣብ ዘካይዶ ሃገራዊ መደባቱ ንኽዕወት ኢሎም ዓቕሞም ዘፍቀዶ ኣበርክቶ ከበርክቱ ዝጸንሑን ዘለዉን ኣባላት ጨንፈ ሞጒሱን ኣመስጊኑን።
ካብዚ ብምቅጻል፡ ተሓዝ ገንዘብን ንብረትን ጨንፈር ዝኾነ ሓው ማሕደር ዑቝባዚጊ፡ ናይ ገንዘብን ንብረትን ጸብጻብ ኣቕሪቡ። ሓው ማሕደር ቅድሚ ጸብጻባቱ ንኣድላይነትን ኣገዳስነትን ወርሓዊ ውጺኢትን ዝተፈላለዩ ወፈያታትን ብዝምልከት እኹል መብሪሂ ንጕባኤኛታት ሂቡ።
ጻብጻባት ጨንፈር ምስ ተሰምዐ ኣብ መርሕነት ዝጸንሐት ሽማግለ ጨንፈር ካብ ስልጣና ብዕሊ ወሪዳ፣ ንዝተረፈ ከይዲ ጉባኤን መስርሕ መረጻን እትመሪሕ 3ተ ዝኣባላታ ብሓንቲ ጓል ኣንስተይትን ክልተ ደቂ ተባዕትዮን ዝቆመት ሰክረታርያ ጉባኤ ተመሪጻ።
ብምቅጻል ኣብ ሊዕሊ ዝተዋህበ ጸብጻባት ካብ ኣባላት ጉባኤ ዝተፈላለዩ ሕቶታት ቀሪቦም፣ ኣብ መሪሕነት ብዝጸንሑ ኣባላት ድማ ኣዕጋቢ መልስን ተወሳኺ መብሪሂታትን ተዋሂቡ። ንጨንፈርን ሰልፍን ከሕይል ዝኽእል ሓያለይ ለበዋታት ኣውን ተመዝጊቡ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ተጋባእቲ በቲ ቅዋም ሰልፊ ዝደንገጎን ኣብ ዝዓበየ ክፍሊ ኣህጉርና ተጠቃምነት ዘለዎን ኣገባብ መረጻ ተኸቲሎም ክሳብ 5ይ ጉባኤ ጨንፈር እተገልግል 5 ዝኣባላታ ሓዳሽ ሽማግለ ጨንፈር ብደሞክራስያዊ ኣገባብ መሪጾም።
ካብዚ ብምቅጻል ኣኼባ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ምስ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ተኻይዱ። ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ንመደረኡ ብሰላምታን ብናይ እንቋዕ ናብ ዕዉት 4ይ ጉባኤ ኣብጽሓኩም ቃላት ከፊትዎ። ኣስዒቡ'ውን ኣቦመንበር ንመደረኡ ኣብ ክልተ ክፍላት ከፋፊሉ ኣቅሪቡ።
ኣብ ቀዳማይ ክፋል መደረኡ፣ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ስልፊ ሳላ ዘይሕለል ተወፋይነት ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርናዕ ዓለምና ዝርከቡ ኣባላቱ ከምቲ ወትሩ ኣብ ወርሓት ሓምለን ነሓሰን እውን ን2ይ ጉባኤኡ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ቦታታት ማለት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያን ጀርመንን ብዓወት ከምዘሰላሰለ ገሊጹ። ኣቦ መንበር ቀጺሉ ኣብ ዝርዝር ብምእታው ጉባኤ ከም ንቡር ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ዓበይቲ ነገራት ማለት ኣብ ፖልቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ፣ ኣብ ቁዋም ሰልፊ፣ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔታትን ኣብ ምምራጽ ሓዲሽ መርሕነትን ክዝቲ ድሕሪ ምቅናይ፣ ኣብቲ ዝነበረ ሰነዳት ኣድላዪ ምምሕያሻት ብምግባር ጉባኤኡ ብዓወት ከምዝዛዘመ ደጊሙ ኣበሲሩ። ኣብ ሓድሽ መርሕነት ሰልፍውን እንተኾነ ብዙሕ ለውጢ ከምዝተገብረ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ መዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ቁጽሪ ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ካብዝነብሮ ክብ ከምዝበለ ግንከኣ ክሳብ ፍርቂፍርቂ ዝኸውን እውን ክጸዓረሉ ዘለዎ ጉዳይ እዩ እንክብል ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስሚርሉ።
ኣብ ካልኣይ ክፋል መደረኡ ኣቦ መንበር ሰልፊ ንተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ ብዛዕባ ህልው ኩነታት ሃገርን ህዝቢን ሰፊሕ መብሪሂ ሂቡ። ንሱ ኣብ ዘረብኡ እቲ ብሓደ ሰብን ብሓደ ሓንጎል ዝዝወር ኣብ ሃገርና ስልጣን ሒዙ ዝርከብ ስርዓትን ሰልፍን ብዝኽተሎ ኣዕናዊ ፖሊሲ ሎሚ ህዝብና ኣብ ፍጹም ብምትታን ሃገርና ድማ ኣብ ጎደና ዕንወትን ፍሽለትን ከምእትርከብ ገሊጹ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ንኹሎም ኣባላት ጨንፈር ደጊሙ ዮሃና ድሕሪ ምባል ክሳብ ዓወት ቃልስና ብድሕነት ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ዝረጋገጽ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኣብ ቃልሲ ጸኒዑ ክቃለስን እጃሙ ከበርክትን ኣዘኻኺሩ።
ዓወት ንደሞክራስያዊ ቃልስና!
ክብርን ሞገስን ንስወዕእትናን ስንኩላትናን!!
ወኪል ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨንፈር ኖርወይ
Why is strategic planning important?
Depersonalizing the Eritrean Politics
What we need is not leaders but leadership
ኣብ ዝኾነ ውድባዊ ኣሰራርሓ፣ መንግስታዊ ይኹን ግላዊ፣ መኽሰባዊ ኩባንያ ይኹን ኢ-መኽሰባዊ ማሕበር ገለ ተመሳሳሊ መሰረታዊ ናይ ሓባር መለለይታት ኣለዎም። ናይ ሓደ አኩብ ሕዝቢ ወይ ጉጅለ ንሓደ ውሱን ዕላማ ወይ ንገለ ዕላማታት ንምዕዋት ብሓንሳብ ዝሰርሑሉ ብኡ ዝጽለዉን ወይ ድማ ንሳቶም ክጸልውዎ ዝኸአሉ ኩሉ ግዜ ዝቀያየር ኣካባቢ ዝሰርሑሉ ኣገባብ ማለት ኢዩ።
ስትራተጂካዊ ፕላን ምውጻአ ማለት ድማ መገዲ ኣተሓሳስባኻን፣ኣሰራርሓኻን፣ኣመሃህራን፣ንዕላማታት ውዳበኻ ብዝሔሸ ኣገባብ ከመይ ገርካ ኣብቲ ዘይተረጋግኤ ዘይተረጋገጸን ናይ ውሽጥን ደገን ተጻቦታት ቀጻልነቱ ተረጋግጽ ማለት ኢዩ። ስትራተጂካዊ ፕላን ነቲ ሓያል ዝኾነ ብድሆታት ገጢምካ ከመይ ገርካ ናብ ዕድላት ትቅይሮ ዝሕግዝ ኣገባብ ኣቀራርባ ኢዩ።
መስርሕ ስትራቲጂካዊ ምውጻአ ንውዳቤኻ ብናይ ርሑቅ ጠመተ ብሰፊሑ አቲ ዝግድሶ ዓቢይ ስአሊ አቲ አቲ ውድብ አንታይ ሰለምንታይ ከመይከ ይሰርሕ ኢዩ፣ሓሓንሳብ ግን ፍሉይ ስራሓት አውን ክህልዎ ይከኣል ኢዩ።
አምበኣርከስ ስትራተጂካዊ ፕላን ማለት፣ሓደ ኣገዳስን ስርዑን ጻዕሪ ንመሰረታዊ ውሳነታትን ስራሕትን ንክትፍጽም አቲ ውደባ አንታይ ኢዩ፣ አንታይከ ኢዩ ስራሑ፣ ስለምታይከ ከምዚ ይሰርሕ ኢልካ ትልምታት ምውጻአ ማለት ኢዩ። ራአይ ዘለዎ ብሓደ ሸነኽ ኮይኑ፣ ኣብ ወድዕነት ዝተመርኰሰ ኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓ ምኽታል ማለት ኢዩ።ራአይን ኣፍልጦን ነንሕድሕዱ መታን ክሕይል፣አቲ ፕላን ተዓጻጻፍን ግብራውን መሪሕ ኮይኑ ንውሳነታትን ምምቅራሕ ምንጭታት ብጽፈት ከምዝዋፈር አኸአሎ ይህበካ።
ስትራተጂካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ንትካላዊ ዓቅምታት የዕዝዝ ንጹር ዝኾነ ጸጋታት ድማ ኣለዎ፣ እንታይ ኢዩ እዚ ጸጋታት ብስትራተጂካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ዝርከብ፣
I. ትካላዊ
1. ንውዳባኸ ይኹን ንጥፈታት ውደባ ብጽፈትን ክእለትን ንኽተትግብር ይሕግዘካ
2. ናብ ስትራትርጂካዊ ኣሰራርሓ ባህሊ ንክትፈጥር ይሕግዘካ
3. ብዛዕባ ኣካባቢኻ ኣፍልጦ ንክትረክብ ይሕግዘካ
4. ኣፍልጦ ብዛዕባ ርእይቶታትን ዕላማን/ ናብ ዕላማ ዘምርሕ ስራሕ ንክትሰርሕ ይሕግዘካ
5. ኣመራርሓ ናይ ዝተፈላለየ ውልቀሰባት
II. ን ኣመራርሓ ብቅዓታት ሓፍ ንምባል ይሕግዝ- Enhances the capacity of leadership
ኣብ ሓደ ጥዑይ ኣመራርሓ ዝርከብ ኣርባዕተ ክፋላት- Components of good leadership
1. ናይ ምውህሃድ ብቅዓት ወይ ከኣ ማሕበራዊ ብቅዓት- Integrator
2. ምምሕዳራዊ ብቅዓት፣ ናይ ስራሕ ብቅዓት- Aministrative
3. ኣፍራዪ ብቅዓት/ ስትራተጂካዊ ብቅዓት- producer
4. ናይ መሃዚ ብቅዓት- entrepreneur
ሰለስተ መሓውር ኣብ ምሕደራ ሕዝባዊ ጉዳያት
1. ኣፍልጦ ብዛዕባ ኣካባቢኻ- ምስ ግዜን ኩነታትን እናሰማማዕካ ምስራሕ
2. ኣፍልጦ ብዛዕባ ኣረኣእያኻን ዕላማን- ስራሕካ ናብ ዕላማ ዘትኰረ ይኹን
3. ኣመራርሓ ብዝተፈላለየ ኣገባባት- ውልቃዊ ኣመራርሓ- ዘቡናዊ ኣመራርሓ
ናይ ሓደ ውደባ ሓያልን ድኹምን ጐድኒ
1. ቅርጻ ውደባ
2. ምሕደራ
3. ኣባልነት
4. ተሳትፎ /ክፍትነት
5. ቅዋምን መደብ ዕዮን
6. ውሽጣዊ ደሞክራስያ
7. ናይ ምትሕብባርን ዘተን ልምድታት
8. ናይ ውደባ ምንጭታት/ ሰብኣውን ማላውን
9. ዝምድና ምስ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን
10. ዝምድና ምስ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራት
11. ግዳማዊ ዝምድናታት
ሎሚ ንኣወዳድባ ፖሊቲካዊ ይኹን በርገሳዊ እንተሪኢና ክንደይ ኢየን ነዘን ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቅሳ ዘማልኣ መጽናዕቲ ዘድልዮ ጉዳይ ኢዩ።
ነፍስ ወከፍ ውደባ ሰለስተ ጸፍሕታት ናይ ስራሕ ኣለዎ፣ Three levels of organizational actions
1. ስትራተጂካዊ ጸፍሒ/ Strategic፣ ኣብዚ ጸፍሒዚ፣ ራእይን፣ተልእኾን፣ መደብ ዕዮን፣ እምነታትን/ Principles/ Values ውደባ ይካየድ
2. መርሕነታዊ ጸፍሒ/ Management፣ ኣብዚ ጸፍሒዚ ድማ ምንጭታት ውደባ ይመቃራሕ፣ ስራሓት ውደባ ምክትታልን ምፍጻምን ይፍጸም
3. ስርሒታዊ ጸፍሒ/ Operational፣ ኣብዚ ጸፍሒዚ ድማ፣ መዓልታዊ ስራሓት ውደባ በብቦታኡ ይካየድ
መግለጽታት
ራእይ ማለት፣ ኣበይን እንታይን ክትከውን ትደሊ፣ ንኣብነት ፣ ኤርትራ ኣበይን እንታይን ክትከውን ኢኻ ትደልያ Vision statement answers the question; where and what do we want to be.
ተልእኾ፣ እንታይ ኢዩ ነዚ ክንገብር ዝድርኸና ሰለምንታይክ ኢዩ፣ እንታይ ከነዕውት፣ Mission statement answers the question: what are we here to do.
ክብርታት፣እምነታት፣ ንካልኦት ከመይ ንሓልዮም ካብኦም ከ እንታይ ሓልዮት ንጽበ፣ Value statement answers the question: how do we want treat others and how do we want to be treated ourselves. it is not in what we do but how we do and with whom we do. Values include honesty, integrity, caring, trust and respect.
Enough for today-----------------continues
Eritreans who fled ‘helicopter’ torture to be sent back by EU
Written by Miles Amoore
Many of the African migrants to Europe come from Eritrea, a one-party state since 1991, where torture is common in labour camps (Fabrizio Villa)
SURVIVORS of Eritrea’s labour camps recall few methods of torture with as much fear as the technique known as the “helicopter”.
Victims have their elbows and feet tied tightly together behind their backs, often with wire or plastic rope that makes their limbs bleed.
They are then strung from trees and dangle in the scorching sun. Gangrene sets in, resulting in amputations.
Eritrea is the third-largest source of migrants flooding Europe with more than 5,000 people fleeing their homeland every month.
Despite the country’s horrors, catalogued in United Nations reports, investigations by activists and court papers, European Union officials last week outlined plans to deport Eritreans seeking asylum in Europe back to Africa.
A plane carrying the first Eritrean refugees to be relocated within Europe left Rome on Friday for northern Sweden.
Not all the Eitreans who follow will be so fortunate. The EU is set to build reception centres
ንሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኒው ዮርክ 2015 ዝምልከት ጋዜጣዊ መግለጺ
Written by ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኒው ዮርክ 2015 ምሉእ ዓወት ክጓናጸፍ ዕላማ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ እዩ። ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ፡ ንብደረጃ ከተማታት ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ዘማእክል ዞባዊ ናይ ህዝቢ ጥርናፈ`ዩ። ኩሎም ኣካላት ናይ`ዚ ምልዕዓል`ዚ፡ በብከተምኡ ብውልቂ ይኹን ብጥርኑፍ፡ ንሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኒው ዮርክ ከም ገዛእ ዋኒኖም ክጉስጉሱ፡ ክሳተፉ ነማሕጽን።
ሃብሮማትን ሓርበኛታትን ኤርትራውያን ንነውሕ ክጽዕርሉ ንዝጸንሑ ጅግና ቃልሲ ፡ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ንዝወርድ ዘሎ ዘስካሕክሕ ግህሰታት ሰኒዱ ዘቕረቦ ጸብጻብ፡ ዝልለ ፍሩይ ዓወት ናይ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ናይ`ዚ መድረኽ `ዚ እዩ። እቲ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ ዝተማለአ ኮይኑ ክድምደም፡ ቀጻልን ንጡፍን ደገፍ ናይ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ይሓትት። ስለዚ፡ ኣብ 29 ጥቅምቲ 2015 ኣብ ኒውዮርክ ዝካየድ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ፡ ከም ሓደ ህዝባዊ መደብ (ፕሮጀክት)፡ ህዝባዊ ዓወት ኣረጋጊጹ ንቕድሚት ክምርሽ ሓላፍነት ናይ ኩሉ ህዝቢ`ዩ።
ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ፡ ከም ናይ ህዝቢ ምትእስሳርን ምጥናፍን፡ ኣብ`ዚ መደብ/ፕሮጀክት`ዚ (ሰላማዊ ሰልፍን ምድግጋፍ ንመርማሪት ኮሚሽንን) ኮነ ኪንኡ ዝቕጽል ስራሕ፡ ተዓዊቱ ክወጽእ ኣበርቲዑ ክሰርሕ`ዩ። ንግሉጽነትን ተሓታትነትን ኣነጺሩ ዘቐመጠ ህዝባዊ ትካላዊ ኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓ ኣታኣታትዩ እናማዕበለ ፡ ንዘየቋርጽ ወሓዚ ናይ ህዝቢ ደገፍ ንምርግጋጽ ጻዕርታቱ ክቕጽል`ዩ። እዚ ኣሰራርሓ`ዚ፡ እምነ-ኩርናዕ ናይ ቀጻልን ዘላቒን ህዝባዊ ዓወታት ከመዝግብ ዝኽእል መዋጸኦ ኢዩ ኢሉ ይኣምን።
ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ፡ ንመርማሪት ኮሚሽን ምድግጋፍ፡ ከም ሓደ ኣዝዩ ኣገዳሲ ፕሮጀክት ይወስዶ። ስለዝኾነ፡ ንኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ኢድ-ንኢድ ኣተሓሒዙ ክሰርሕ ዝኽእልን ንትግባረ- ኣሰራርሕኡ ዘገልግልን እማመ ኣብ ምድላው ከምዘሎን፡ ኣብ`ዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ንስራሕ ክዋፈረሉ ምዃኑን በዚ ኣጋጣሚ`ዚ ንሕብር።
ኣብ መደምደምታ ፡ ብሕኑን ወኒን ተወፋይነትን ክዕወት ዝግበኦ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኒውዮርክ፡ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ብብዝሑ ቁጽርን ብዝለዓለ ፍናን ንክሳተፍዎ ደጊምና ብትሕትና ነማሕጽን።
ህዝባዊ ጥርናፈ፡ መድሕን ህዝብን ሃገር`ዩ!!
ውድቀት ንኹሉ መልክዓት ምልኪ!!!
ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ
10/10/2015
Eritrea faces day of reckoning as UN weighs choice between sanctions or aid
Written by The Guardian
UN security council to assess expert report on alleged support for subversive activity as EU moots possibility of increasing aid to tackle migration problem
A report on Eritrea’s alleged support for subversive regional activity comes with relations between the country’s government and the international community at a crossroads. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images
The UN security council will meet on Friday to consider a report on Eritrea’s alleged support for subversion across the Horn of Africa. The report, by the UN Monitoring Group on Eritrea and Somalia, will play an important part in the global body’s decision on whether to continue sanctions against the Eritrean regime.
Relations between President Isaias Afwerki’s government and the international community are at a crossroads. The UN and the EU may decide to embrace the regime despite its dire human rights record, ploughing aid into the country and attempting to crack down on the smugglers who have enabled tens of thousands of Eritreans to flee their homeland.
Equally, diplomats may conclude that until abuses in Eritrea end, people will continue to cross state borders at the rate of 5,000 a month. Should this be the case, pressure on Afwerki could be stepped up, with the UN adopting a wider range of sanctions and the EU refusing to consider Eritrea a suitable partner in its continuing African dialogue.
Eritreans make up one of the largest groups of refugees arriving on European shores – in April alone, more than 5,300 came ashore in Italy, according to UN figures.
EU governments are attempting to come up with a battery of policies aimed at sealing off “Fortress Europe” from unwanted migrants and increasing the speed and volume of deportations for refused asylum seekers.
According to 10 pages of draft decisions prepared for a meeting on Thursday of this week, the European institutions and national governments are to make a show of deporting refused asylum seekers in what looks like a vain attempt to try to discourage others from making the journey.
Eritreans are named among those against whom these measures could be taken.
The EU has also started Operation Sophia, under which a naval taskforce headquartered in Rome will work to halt operations smuggling people across the Mediterranean.
Six ships – including Britain’s HMS Bulwark – will be used to “start to dismantle this business model by trying to apprehend some suspected smugglers”, Rear Admiral Hervé Bléjean told the BBC.
This is what the Eritrean government, which is acutely embarrassed that so many of its citizens are fleeing their country, has been calling for. In December last year, Eritrea’s minister of foreign affairs, Osman Saleh, told an EU–Horn of Africa conference that his country was “determined to work with the EU and all European countries to tackle irregular migration and human trafficking and to address their root causes”.
European ministers have been discussing bolstering these efforts by increasing aid to Eritrea by €200m (£147m), in the hope that this might relieve the poverty that could drive migration.
If Britain and its allies appear close to an accord with Eritrea, there are also strong pressures in the opposite direction.
In June, a UN commission of inquiry into human rights in Eritrea published a report accusing the regime of abuses so severe that they “may constitute crimes against humanity”.
The commissioners said it was these atrocities – rather than underdevelopment and poverty – that were behind Eritreans’ decisions to risk all to leave their country.
There have since been further allegations that the Eritrean government is continuing to destabilise its neighbours and nearby countries – the issue that triggered the UN sanctions against it in the first place.
Afwerki is reported to have trained and equipped Houthi rebels in their drive against the Yemeni government. The Eritreans are said to have allowed Iran to use the Danakil islands in the Red Sea as a base from which to arm and train the Houthis. Eritrea’s foreign ministry has strongly denied these claims.
The UN security council will be well aware of these various issues when it considers the report from its team of monitors. A great deal will depend on what evidence the experts have been able to amass concerning Eritrea’s undermining of its neighbours.
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Political Diversity: Concept of Representation or Cultural Submission
Written by Desbele Kahsai
“We are all different, which is great because we are all unique. Without diversity life would be very boring.”
— Catherine Pulsifer
Governments, political parties and communities around the globe in advanced and developing countries strive to adopt their constituents’ voice and interest by incorporating representative policy in their charters to reap better social, economic and political progress. This concept of participatory governing or process is called political diversity. What is the essence of diversity?
According to the Queens Borough Community College website, “The concept of diversity encompasses acceptance and respect. It means understanding that each individual is unique, and recognizing our individual differences. These can be along the dimensions of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, socio-economic status, age, physical abilities, religious beliefs, political beliefs, or other ideologies. It is the exploration of these differences in a safe, positive, and nurturing environment. It is about understanding each other and moving beyond simple tolerance to embracing and celebrating the rich dimensions of diversity contained within each individual.”
Therefore, political diversity is a framework that allows people of one nation to establish a representative governance to have a saying on the decision making process that affects their livelihood. It brings diverse people from different ethnic groups, regions and religions together to form a governing body that respects, accepts and recognizes the human and political interests of all stakeholders. In a nutshell, political diversity is a system that fulfills the political interests of all parties involved. The process guarantees its owners to participating in the decision making process in policies that affect their political, social, and economical life.
Eritrea (like India, Nigeria and Switzerland) is a multiple ethno-territorial diverse country. Nonetheless, Eritrea’s ethno-linguistic and religious blood relationship offers a better situation for harmonious political diversity than the said examples. The Bilen and Saho religious bi-communal formation, and the ethno-linguistic Tigre blood relationship with the Tigrina are core foundations of our social and political make up. This unique formation is a winning formula that should not be squandered.
It is for that reason that the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) is striving to establish a representative governance system to advance the interests of all Eritreans. A government where all ethnic groups and regions participate in the process through their representatives. This way all Eritreans will have a voice in their government and their political interest are respected and recognized.
Could diversity mean the give up or submission of one’s culture? Or, does diversity mean the coercion of one culture in favor of another? Absolutely not. A culture is the way people live their daily lives. Fortunately, each ethno-linguistic group in Eritrea have very distinctive culture, and representative system of governing empowers the culture of every stakeholder. It never promotes the coercion or submission of cultures. It rather allows diverse cultures to co-exist side by side in harmony and bondage. Thus, one can confidently say that political diversity is about inclusiveness and not exclusiveness.
In conclusion, our diversity is unique and rich. We need to explore and invest on our uniqueness from a human aspect where we can build bridges of understanding and dialogue. This way we are stronger and will come out winners together.
“ኣብ ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ዘይተነግረ’ምበር ዘይተገብረ እከይ ነገር የለን።” እዚ ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህግደፍ ዘለካ ጽልኢ ንምግላጽ ልሙድ ኮይኑ ዘሎ ኣበሃህላ እዩ። እዚ ብውሕዱ እዩ። ክንደይ ካልእ ህዝቢ ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ዘለዎ ቂም ዝገልጸሉ ናይ ኣሽሙር ኣገባባት ኣማዕቢሉ ኣሎ። ካብቲ ብዙሕ ሓንቲ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ዝሰማዕናያ ከነካፍለኩም። ከምቲ ኩልና ኣብ ተለቪዥን ኤርትራ እንዕዘቦ ኣምሰሉ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዋላ ኣጋይሽ ክቕበል እንከሎ፡ ምስቲ ኩነታት ዘይከይድ ካምቻ ይኽደን። ምስኡ ድማ ሰንደል ሳእኒ ይውስኸሉ። ደሓር ሓደ ክፉእ ዝረኣየ ኤርትራዊ ንቡር ሳእኒ ገዚኡ የምጸኣሉ’ሞ እቲ ሳእኒ ድማ ዕቅኑ ይኸውን። ኢሳይያስ ድማ በቲ ናይቲ ሰብኣይ ዓቐን ሳእኑ ምፍላጡ ይግረም እሞ “ከመይ ጌርካ ደኣ ቁጽሪ ሳእነይ ፈሊጥካዮ?” ኢሉ ይሓቶ። ወዮ ተረካብ ዝዘረብኡ ሳእኒ ገዚኡ ዘምጸአ ውሽጡ ሕሩር ኤርትራዊ ድማ “እንታ ክቡር ፕረሲደንት ወዮ እዚ ኩሉ ረጊጽካናስ ከመይሉ ደኣ ቁጽሪ ሳእንኻ ክጠፍኣና” ኢሉ መለሰሉ ይበሃል።
ኢሳይያስን ጉጅልኡን ኩሉ ህይወቶም ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ በደልን ዓመጽን ምስ ምፍጻም ዝተተሓሓዘ እዩ። እቲ ህዝቢ ድማ ካብቲ ጉጅለ ዝጽበዮ ጽቡቕ ነገር’ኳ እንተዘየለ፡ ሓደ ጉዳይ ተፈጺሙ ክበሃል እንከሎ ብዛዕባቲ ፍጻመ ካብ ምዝራብን ምጽሓፍን ዓዲ ኣይውዕልን። ሰባት ኣሲሩ፡ ኣብያተ-ትምህርቲ ዓጽዩ፡ ናይ ብሕቲ ንግዲ ከልኪሉ፡ መንእሰያት ገፊፉ፡ ኣብ ዶባት መንእሰያት ረሺኑ፡ ምስ እገለ ዝበሃል ሃገር ተባኢሱ፡ ምስ እገለ መራሒ ዝተፈራረሞ ስምምዕ ጥሒሱ … ወዘተ ኩሎም ደድሕሪ ኣፍራሲ ፍጻመታት እቲ ጉጅለ ዝዝረበሎምን ዝጸሓፈሎምን ተረኽቦታት እዮም።
እነሆ ድማ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፡ ሓድሽ ፍጻመ ዘይኮነ ክነሱ ህግደፍ ኣባይቲ ኣፍሪሱስ፡ እቶም ኣብቲ ዝፈረሰ ኣባይቲ ዝነበሩ ኤርትራዊ ስድራቤታት መዕቆቢ ስኢኖም ኣደዳ ጸሓይን ንፋስን ኮይኖም ኣለዉ ይበሃል ኣሎ። ገሊኦም ተዓዘብቲ ግና ህግደፍ ደኣ ሃገርን ህዝብን ከፍርስ ዘይሓነኸስ ኣባይቲ ኣፍሪሱ ኢልካ ምዝራብ ኣብ ምንታዩ ክስቆሮ ይብሉ። ሓቃቶም ከኣ፡ እቲ ምፍራስ ኣባይቲ’ውን ክኹነን ይግበኦ እሞ ህግደፍ ንኤርትራ በታ ናቱ ቀጣን ናይ ጥፍኣት መንገዲ ክኸይድ ቅሩብ ንዘይኮነ ዜጋ ክመቁሕን ክቐትልን እንዳወዓለ፡ ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ናይ ሰባት ኣተሓሳስባ ኣፍሪሱ ብዘይድሌቶም ናይ ጥፍኣት ኣተሓሳስባ ከመንግጎም ዘይሓፈረ፡ “ገዛውቲ ኣፍሪሱ ንዜጋታት ኣብ ማእከል ጐልጐል ደርብይዎም” ዝብል ወረ ከመይ ኢሉ ከም ሓድሽ ጸይቂ ክውሰድ ይከኣል እንተበሉ እውን ኣየኽፈኣሎምን።
እቶም ሎሚ ኣብ ገዛእ ሃገሮም ምንባር ምስ ሰኣኑ፡ ስደት መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ ከምዘይኮነ ስሒተምዎ ዘይኮነስ ካልእ መተካእታ ምስ ሰኣኑ ሃገሮም ራሕሪሖም ሃጽ ኢሎም ክኸዱ እንከለዉ፡ እቲ ክምርዓውሉን ክድርዓውሉን ዝግበኦም ኣባይቶም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኤርትራ ብዓባያ እያ ትፈርስ ዘላ። ኤርትራዊ ባህሊ ምክብባር ተሰሪዙ ሓድሽ ናይ ምንዕዓቕን ምዝንጣልን ባህሊ ከስፋሕፍሕ እንከሎኸ ምፍራስ ሃገር ማለትዶ ኣይኮነን። መራሕቲ ሃይማኖት ነቲ ብመንፈስ እንመርሖ ህዝቢ ኣንጻር ሃይማኖታዊ እምነቱ ክንፍጽም ኣይንሰብኽን ኢና ስለ ዝበሉ ክእሰሩ እንከለዉኸ ከመይ ኢሉ እዩ ምፍራስ ሃገር ዘይከውን። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ መላእ ዓለም በቶም ኣብ ባሕሪ ላምፓዱሳ ብሓንሳብ ዝሃለቑ 368 ዜጋታትና ክትሓዝን እንከላን ብፍላይ ገለ ሃገራት ንወግዓዊ ዝኽሮም ባንደራታተን ለጠቕ ኣቢለን ክሰቕላ እንከለዋ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ነቶም ግዳያት “ኤርትራውያን” ኢሉ ምጥቃሶም ተጸይፉ “ኣፍሪቃውያን ስደተኛታት” ኢሉ ሸፈፍ ክብሎም እንከሎ ገለ ክብሪ ሃገር ይፈርስ ከምዘሎዶ ኣየመልክትን። ብዙሓት ዜጋታትና ኣብታ ብደሞም ዝመጸት ነጻ ሃገር፡ ኩሉ እቲ ዝተነፈጎም መሰረታዊ መሰላት ከይኣክል፡ ብህግደፍ ኣብ ሃገሮም ናይ ምቕባር መሰሎም ክንፈጉ እንከለዉ ክብሪ ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ይኣቱ ምህላዉ ብኸመይ ንዝንገዖ።
ትማሊ ትማሊ ብናይ ህዝባ ጅግንነት፡ ተጸዋርነት፡ ዘይተንበርካኽነትን ጽንዓትን ብዓብይኡ ድማ ብሓድነት፡ ስማ በሪኹ ዝጽዋዕ ዝነበረት፡ ኣፍሪቃዊት ሃገር፡ ሎሚ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ብሰንኪ ዘይውሕሉል ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ኣተሓሕዛ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ካብ ከም ኢጋድ ዝኣመሰሉ ዞባዊ ውዳበታት ተገሊላ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ካብተን ብዙሓት ካብ ዜጋታተን ዝተሰደድወን ሃገራት ንሓንሳብ ቀዳማይ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ካለኣይን ሳልሳይን ተርታ ክትስራዕ ምርኣይ እውን ሃገር ጥዕና ከምዘይረኸበት ዝሕብር ምልክት ናይ ምፍራስ ሓደጋ እዩ። ነዚ ኩሉ ከሎ ጌና እንተዘይፈዊስናዮ ናብ ምፍራስ ገጹ ዝእምት ምልክታት ብምስትብሃል ኢና እምበኣር “ህግደፍ ደኣ ኣባይቲ ጥራይ ድዩ ዘፍርስ” ክንብል ዝተገደድና። እዚ ማለት ግና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብኡ ዝዓቢ ገበናት ስለ ዘለዎስ፡ ገዛውቲ የፍርስ’ሞ ስቕ ኢልና ንርኣዮ ማለትና ኣይኮነን። ይዕበ ይንኣስ ኩሉ ኣፍራሲ ተግብራቱ ክኹነን ስለ ዝግበኦ።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምፍራስ ኣባይትን ግናይ ምስሊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ግቡእ ቆላሕታ ሂቡ ንምቅላዕን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝወርድ በደል ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ከም ዝወረደ ገይሩ ከም ዝወስድ ንምርኣይን ኣብ ውሳነታት 2ይ ጉባኤኡ “እቲ ስርዓት ከምዚ ዓይነት ተወሳኺ ሰብኣዊ ግህሰት ክፍጽም እዚ ናይ መጀመርታኡ ከም ዘይኮነ እንዳተረዳእና ነዚ ንዜጋታትና ኣብ ገዛእ እታ ብቓልሶም ዘውሓስዋ ሃገር ብዘይ ንጹር ሕግን እቲ ዋና ህዝቢ ዘይርደኦ ኣገባብን የካይዶ ንዘሎ ምፍራስ ኣባይቲ ጉባኤና ይኹንኖ። ሕቶ መጽለሊ ኣብ ህልውና ዘለዎ ወሳንነትን ክብደት ግህሰቱን ብምርዳእ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ንክኹንኖ ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚ ንጽውዖ።” ዝበለ እውን ካብዚ ነቒሉ እዩ።
9 ጥቅምቲ 2015
Tegadalay Bitweded Abraha Speaking
Libya's Migrant Cattle Trade: One Refugee's Story
Written by By Marco Salustro
September 16, 2015 | 1:55 pm
I met Saron, a 16-year-old girl from Eritrea, last summer in an abandoned industrial facility a few miles east of Tripoli. Along with more than 700 other Eritrean refugees, she had been captured earlier that day by one of the many militias that have carved out a zone of influence in Libya's fractured society.
The refugees were fleeing Africa's most repressive dictatorship, hoping to catch a boat to Europe with one of the countless smugglers who ply the route on overcrowded, ill-equipped boats.
Back in Eritrea, Saron would soon have been forced by law to end her education, enrol in military school and serve for an indefinite period of time in the Eritrean army. "The reason I left my country was there is no future in there. There is no hope," she told me, while I was working on a film for VICE News. "You just become a soldier, you go [to] war. I want to reach Norway, obtain citizenship, study human rights, and change my country."
Watch the VICE News documentary: Detained by Militia: Libyan's Migrant Trade
But like many other refugees seeking to pass through Libya, Saron and her fellow captives became human commodities, pawns in a game of power and wealth played by Libyan militias.
To get to Tripoli, they had traveled for eight days, at night in vehicles and kept in cages during the day. Their food and water had run out on the fourth day. After finally nearing the capital and gathering at a farm, waiting for a boat to be made ready to travel to Italy, the group had been captured by the powerful militia Libya Dawn.
Whilst we talked, she took my notebook and begun to write, attracting the attention of a nearby guard. He rushed over, brandishing his Kalashnikov, and interrupted us aggressively.
Saron is no more than 5 feet tall and slightly built, but she looked him coolly in the eyes.
"I'm writing down my brother's telephone number so he can call him and let my family know that I'm alive," she said. "Is that a problem?"
Saron, an Eritrean teenager, spoke to VICE News from a makeshift prison where she was being detained by Libyan militia
Despite his gun, and the scars of a four year civil war, the guard could only stammer a reply.
According to one of the militia commanders, who didn't want to be named, they had received an offer from a gang, wanted to buy the migrants for $2 million for use as slaves and fighters.
But for the moment, the commander said, they had refused, preferring to keep hold onto the hostages as a card to play with the new unity government, which is expected to be formed shortly. The many militias controlling Libya are attempting to present themselves as a credible force taking good control of their territory and the illegal migration taking place within it — hoping to be granted legitimacy and funding from authorities as a result.
I had to leave Saron there. When I spoke to her next, she had seen things that no teenager should have to see.
* * *
On April 18, European political and public opinion was shaken by the news of the most deadly day in the Mediterranean since World War II, when an estimated 850 migrants died following the capsizing of their boat off the Libyan coast.
In May, it emerged that the European Union had drawn up plans for military attacks on smuggling networks in Libya. A draft resolution prepared by Britain reportedly called for the "use of all means to destroy the business model of the traffickers".
Soon after, the Islamist government in Tripoli declared its intention to fight irregular migration from its territory, and begun a campaign to represent itself as an enemy of the people smugglers. They promised armed patrols and the deportation of migrants.
The numerous militias that control Libyan territory and are widely believed to be involved in the human traffic business, understood this as their cue to increase their political standing and begun to "arrest" illegal migrants, or sometimes just black people.
One of these was the militia holding Saron. It had previously allied with Ansar al Sharia, the militia linked to the September 2012 attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi. Having been expelled from Benghazi a few months ago, they had relocated to Tajoura, east of Tripoli.
Like other militias who have taken to "arresting" migrants, they were not acting under the oversight of the Interior Ministry, or with any formal legal authority.
Yet armed groups in Libya now believe that if they are able to stop migrants arriving in Europe, whatever means they use, they will become a de facto partner of Europe, thus gaining legitimacy and power.
This belief is based on their experience. The European Union collaborated with the regime of Muammar Gaddafi, providing aid so that he would prevent the flow of migrants across the sea. They did so despite the fact that the Libyan security services were well-known for their abuse of human rights and the fact that Libya is not party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees.
The British plans to take military action against smugglers never came to anything, and likely were never practical. But the episode gave the cover of legitimacy to militias detaining and holding refugees, even without legal due process.
* * *
One night after VICE News left the makeshift prison, the guards got drunk, Saron later told me. She and a few other women tried to take advantage and escape. For many of them, it turned out to be a bad idea.
For some reason, some of the other detainees sounded the alarm and guards rushed set out in pursuit, shooting to kill.
Luckily, none were harmed. Some of the escapees got away, Saron and a few others laid down in the dirt so as not be shot and were recaptured.
Amid the chaos, a group of Eritrean men thought they saw their own chance and tried to escape as well. Militiamen chased them too. Two were gunned down, another two were arrested.
Saron, the youngest of the escapees, was tied and forced to watch as the two men and the other women were tortured with a stick with nails attached to it. In front of all the detainees, a militia member pressed a pistol to the head of each of the two men who tried to escape and shot them dead.
Following the mass escape attempt, the militia decided to sell 26 of the Eritreans, including Saron, to a smuggler for 26,000 Libyan dinar ($19,000).
The smuggler made the migrants pay back the 1,000 dinar for which they were each purchased, as well as the price of the boat trip to Europe and the costs of an array of other "services," such as accommodation, transport to and from safe houses, life jackets and telephone communications. In total Saron's family paid $2,800.
Saron was transferred to the port of Sabratah where she and more than 500 other migrants were loaded onto a wooden boat. The loading took two hours and nobody was at pains to hide it, Saron later said.
Libyan men from another militia were guarding the group at the port and followed the boat in three dinghies, giving instructions along the way, until the boat reached international waters.
Neither Saron nor I know what happened to the other Eritrean refugees who unluckily found themselves captive in that old industrial facility outside Tripoli. We cannot know, but what is likely is that for many of them their journey did not have a happy end. If their fates matched those of other refugees seeking to reach Europe, some were sold as slaves, some died of sickness, some were shot, and some drowned at sea.
They came from Eritrea, one of the most cruel dictatorships in the world, where according to the UN, the use of extra-judicial killing, torture, indefinite military conscription and forced labour is systemic.
They were fleeing to the European Union, which agreed in April a $353 million development package with the Eritrean government, reportedly in an attempt to discourage emigration.
As for Saron, she made it.
She left her home and her country at 16 years old for an almost 4,000 mile journey, accepting that death was a possible consequence of her migration, of her determination to live in a free country.
"We can't get out of our country legally — it's always illegal and they can kill you," she said. "So it was okay for us to cross the sea. We know a lot of people died there. But we accept it as Eritreans, because our government can't help us."
Source=https://news.vice.com/article/libyas-migrant-cattle-trade-one-refugees-story
Libya's Migrant Cattle Trade: One Refugee's Story
September 16, 2015 | 1:55 pm
I met Saron, a 16-year-old girl from Eritrea, last summer in an abandoned industrial facility a few miles east of Tripoli. Along with more than 700 other Eritrean refugees, she had been captured earlier that day by one of the many militias that have carved out a zone of influence in Libya's fractured society.
The refugees were fleeing Africa's most repressive dictatorship, hoping to catch a boat to Europe with one of the countless smugglers who ply the route on overcrowded, ill-equipped boats.
Back in Eritrea, Saron would soon have been forced by law to end her education, enrol in military school and serve for an indefinite period of time in the Eritrean army. "The reason I left my country was there is no future in there. There is no hope," she told me, while I was working on a film for VICE News. "You just become a soldier, you go [to] war. I want to reach Norway, obtain citizenship, study human rights, and change my country."
Watch the VICE News documentary: Detained by Militia: Libyan's Migrant Trade
But like many other refugees seeking to pass through Libya, Saron and her fellow captives became human commodities, pawns in a game of power and wealth played by Libyan militias.
To get to Tripoli, they had traveled for eight days, at night in vehicles and kept in cages during the day. Their food and water had run out on the fourth day. After finally nearing the capital and gathering at a farm, waiting for a boat to be made ready to travel to Italy, the group had been captured by the powerful militia Libya Dawn.
Whilst we talked, she took my notebook and begun to write, attracting the attention of a nearby guard. He rushed over, brandishing his Kalashnikov, and interrupted us aggressively.
Saron is no more than 5 feet tall and slightly built, but she looked him coolly in the eyes.
"I'm writing down my brother's telephone number so he can call him and let my family know that I'm alive," she said. "Is that a problem?"
Saron, an Eritrean teenager, spoke to VICE News from a makeshift prison where she was being detained by Libyan militia
Despite his gun, and the scars of a four year civil war, the guard could only stammer a reply.
According to one of the militia commanders, who didn't want to be named, they had received an offer from a gang, wanted to buy the migrants for $2 million for use as slaves and fighters.
But for the moment, the commander said, they had refused, preferring to keep hold onto the hostages as a card to play with the new unity government, which is expected to be formed shortly. The many militias controlling Libya are attempting to present themselves as a credible force taking good control of their territory and the illegal migration taking place within it — hoping to be granted legitimacy and funding from authorities as a result.
I had to leave Saron there. When I spoke to her next, she had seen things that no teenager should have to see.
* * *
On April 18, European political and public opinion was shaken by the news of the most deadly day in the Mediterranean since World War II, when an estimated 850 migrants died following the capsizing of their boat off the Libyan coast.
In May, it emerged that the European Union had drawn up plans for military attacks on smuggling networks in Libya. A draft resolution prepared by Britain reportedly called for the "use of all means to destroy the business model of the traffickers".
Soon after, the Islamist government in Tripoli declared its intention to fight irregular migration from its territory, and begun a campaign to represent itself as an enemy of the people smugglers. They promised armed patrols and the deportation of migrants.
The numerous militias that control Libyan territory and are widely believed to be involved in the human traffic business, understood this as their cue to increase their political standing and begun to "arrest" illegal migrants, or sometimes just black people.
One of these was the militia holding Saron. It had previously allied with Ansar al Sharia, the militia linked to the September 2012 attack on the US diplomatic mission in Benghazi. Having been expelled from Benghazi a few months ago, they had relocated to Tajoura, east of Tripoli.
Like other militias who have taken to "arresting" migrants, they were not acting under the oversight of the Interior Ministry, or with any formal legal authority.
Yet armed groups in Libya now believe that if they are able to stop migrants arriving in Europe, whatever means they use, they will become a de facto partner of Europe, thus gaining legitimacy and power.
This belief is based on their experience. The European Union collaborated with the regime of Muammar Gaddafi, providing aid so that he would prevent the flow of migrants across the sea. They did so despite the fact that the Libyan security services were well-known for their abuse of human rights and the fact that Libya is not party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees.
The British plans to take military action against smugglers never came to anything, and likely were never practical. But the episode gave the cover of legitimacy to militias detaining and holding refugees, even without legal due process.
* * *
One night after VICE News left the makeshift prison, the guards got drunk, Saron later told me. She and a few other women tried to take advantage and escape. For many of them, it turned out to be a bad idea.
For some reason, some of the other detainees sounded the alarm and guards rushed set out in pursuit, shooting to kill.
Luckily, none were harmed. Some of the escapees got away, Saron and a few others laid down in the dirt so as not be shot and were recaptured.
Amid the chaos, a group of Eritrean men thought they saw their own chance and tried to escape as well. Militiamen chased them too. Two were gunned down, another two were arrested.
Saron, the youngest of the escapees, was tied and forced to watch as the two men and the other women were tortured with a stick with nails attached to it. In front of all the detainees, a militia member pressed a pistol to the head of each of the two men who tried to escape and shot them dead.
Following the mass escape attempt, the militia decided to sell 26 of the Eritreans, including Saron, to a smuggler for 26,000 Libyan dinar ($19,000).
The smuggler made the migrants pay back the 1,000 dinar for which they were each purchased, as well as the price of the boat trip to Europe and the costs of an array of other "services," such as accommodation, transport to and from safe houses, life jackets and telephone communications. In total Saron's family paid $2,800.
Saron was transferred to the port of Sabratah where she and more than 500 other migrants were loaded onto a wooden boat. The loading took two hours and nobody was at pains to hide it, Saron later said.
Libyan men from another militia were guarding the group at the port and followed the boat in three dinghies, giving instructions along the way, until the boat reached international waters.
Neither Saron nor I know what happened to the other Eritrean refugees who unluckily found themselves captive in that old industrial facility outside Tripoli. We cannot know, but what is likely is that for many of them their journey did not have a happy end. If their fates matched those of other refugees seeking to reach Europe, some were sold as slaves, some died of sickness, some were shot, and some drowned at sea.
They came from Eritrea, one of the most cruel dictatorships in the world, where according to the UN, the use of extra-judicial killing, torture, indefinite military conscription and forced labour is systemic.
They were fleeing to the European Union, which agreed in April a $353 million development package with the Eritrean government, reportedly in an attempt to discourage emigration.
As for Saron, she made it.
She left her home and her country at 16 years old for an almost 4,000 mile journey, accepting that death was a possible consequence of her migration, of her determination to live in a free country.
"We can't get out of our country legally — it's always illegal and they can kill you," she said. "So it was okay for us to cross the sea. We know a lot of people died there. But we accept it as Eritreans, because our government can't help us."
