Saturday, 24 December 2016 22:09

Why is democracy such a problem for Africa?

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protests-kinshasa

protests-kinshasaOne needs to look no further than the intransigence of the Gambia’s Yahya Jammeh, who refused to accept election defeat or Joseph Kabila’s reluctance to leave office when his term expired to see the problem.

It is easy to tot up the African despots who have clung to power. Between them the three longest serving presidents (Cameroon’s Paul Biya, Equatorial Guinea’s Theodor Nguema and dos Santos of Angola) have held office for 115 years.

It is not that Africans don’t yearn for democracy. Look at the hundreds who died in Ethiopia, or the constant agitation in Zimbabwe.

Nor it is the case that Africa cannot hold free and fair elections – even when they are fiercely contested. Ghana is a case in point.

So what is the root of the problem?

I would look to these key issues, although I am sure there are others.

  1. At independence in the 1960’s there was little in the way of manufacturing. Even commerce was generally poorly developed. Money was made on farms and mining. As a result there was a very underdeveloped African business class. The men (and they were men) who took power in the first administrations had often been teachers or civil servants before going into politics. They had next to nothing to fall back on. If they lost power they lost everything. So they hung on.
  2. The colonial authorities had established unstable systems of government. The British, for example, tended to look to ‘martial tribes’ – often far from the capital, to supply the army. Civil servants were drawn from people who lived around the capital. When independence came it was the educated, ‘clever’ people from the cities who took power, leaving those ‘up-country’ with next to nothing. Take Uganda as an example. Soon the armies, realising their power, seized control. The era of coups had come to pass.
  3. Some came to power through protracted struggles, sometimes involving bitter warfare. Eritrea and Rwanda are examples of this. The current leadership learnt that power comes through the barrel of a gun. They are determined not to relinquish it at any cost.
  4. Systems of extended kinship networks were more important in Africa than they were in other parts of the world for a variety of reasons. They provided security when crops failed and support in times of war. So when a leader from a particular tribe or ethnic group took power, he was under constant pressure to provide for his family and his people. The idea that he might relinquish control and allow others ‘to eat’ was an anathema to everyone in his wide network of support. As a result he would be under intense pressure from his nearest and dearest not to leave office.
  5. The Cold War, which ended with the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, divided Africa into competing blocs. The Angolan civil war, which so disfigured the whole of southern and central Africa, was a case in point, dragging in the USA, Soviet Union and the Cubans. The Cold War is long gone, but its reverberations are still being felt.
  6. Outside powers (whether from the West or from the East) saw Africa as a source of minerals and crops. Attempts to support democracy have been few and far between. The pressure to end apartheid was an honourable exception. There have been attempts to halt the rise of radical Islamist groups, but mainly because of the threat they pose to the rest of the world. In recent years Africa has – in the main – been left to deal with its own problems: suggestions that Robert Mugabe should be overthrown (for example) were never followed through.

Is change on the way?

I would argue that it is.

Africa now has a growing ‘middle class’ of young, able men and women who are now confident of making their way in the world. They are to be found in everything from business to law, from agriculture to the high-tech industries.

They are the future from which the continent’s political leaders are being drawn. Many are contemptuous of the old style despots who rule for no-one but themselves, their families and their cronies.

To their credit, African institutions have begun to stand up for the democratic principles enshrined in their constitutions. This is still a slow and hesitant process, but it has begun.

Africa is also a young continent. Half the population is under 29. They are not shackled by memories and values of the past. The factors I identified above, that go back to the colonial era, are gradually receding.

More than half live in urban areas and the number is rising. Their realities are very different from those of their parents or grandparents.

Look, for example, at the hundreds of thousands who are prepared to risk all to cross the Sahara and the Mediterranean, in the hope of a better future in Europe, even if it costs them their lives.

This is not a complacent generation: the future is theirs and with rising levels of education, better health care and access to the internet they will shape their worlds in ways in which the leaders of the 1960’s could not even dream of.

So will Africa’s future be democratic? I am sure it will.

Source=https://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2016/12/24/why-is-democracy-such-a-problem-for-africa/

ብሓፈሻዊ ኣገላልጻ ብፍላይ ኣብ ኣውንታዊ መዳይ “ብዝሒ” ተሃራፋይ እዩ። ኣብቲ ኣሉታዊ መዳይ ከኣ ብኣንጻሩ እዩ። ብዙሕ ፈታዊ ወይ ብዙሕ  ነገራዊ ሃብቲ ክህልወካ ዝድገፍን ዝህረፍን እዩ። ብዙሕ ጸላእን ዕዳን ክህልወካ ግና ዘይድለን ዘይበሃግን እዩ። ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣሚታት ብዝሕን ብቕዓትን ምውድዳር ዝተለምደ እዩ። ገሊኡ ንብዝሒ የቐድም። ገሊኡ ድማ ብብቕዓት ይግደስ። እቶም ንብቕዓት ዘቐድሙ “ውሑድን ጽፉፍን” ዝብል ኣበሃህላ የዘውትሩ። እቶም ኣምለኽቲ ብዙሒ ድማ “ብቕዓት ካብ ብዝሒ እዩ ዝርከብ” ዝብል ኣበሃህላ ኣለዎም። ኣጠቓሊልካ ክምዘን እንከሎ እምበኣር፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ ብውጽኢት እዩ ዝምዘን። እቲ ብቑዕ ቁጽሩ ብዘየገድስ ኣብቲ ዝተሰለፈሉ ዘዕግብ ብመሰረት ኣቐዲሙ ዝተለሞ ሸቶ ውጽኢት ዘመዝግብ እዩ።

ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ቁጽርና ናይ መወዳእታ ዉሑድ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ምስ ብዙሕ ህዝቢ ዘለወን ሃገራት ኣይንምደብን ኢና። ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮና ክድህሰስ እንከሎ ግና፡ ውሑዳት ክንስና ብዙሓት’ውን ክፍጽምዎ ኢልካ ምግማቱ ዘጸግም መስተንክር ኣመዝጊብና ንብዙሓት ኣብነት ክንከውን ክኢልና ኢና። እዚ ተመኩሮና ናይ ብቕዓት ልዕልና ኣብ ልዕሊ ብዝሒ ዝተመስከረሉ ተመኩሮ እዩ። ውሑዳት ክንስና ብቑዓት ዝኾናሉ ምስጢር ንብዙሓት የጨንቖም ከም ዝነበረ ንፈልጥ ኢና። እዚ ምስጢር ነዓና ንዋናታቱ ግና ብሩህ ስለ ዝኾና እምብዛ ኣይምስጠረናን’ዩ። ቀንዲ ምስጢር ተዓዋትነትና ጽንዓትናን  ሓድነትና እዩ ንብል ዝነበረና ድማ ካብዚ ነቒልና ኢና። እዚ ጽንዓትን ሓድነትን ነዓና ኤርትራውያን እቲ ሓደ ካብቲ ሓደ ፈሊኻ ዘይርአ ነይሩ። ሕጂ እውን እዩ። ሓድነት  ሃልዩካ ነቲ ከተዕውቶ ዝግበኣካ ዘተግብር  ጽንዓት እንተዘየብልካ ኣብቲ ዝደለኻዮ ኣይትበጽሕን። ጽንዓት ሃልዩካ ብሓባር እንተዘይወፊርካ እውን ከምኡ።

ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃልስና ናይ ዝነበረና ብቓዓት ልዑል መግለጺ ጽንዓት ካብ ብዙሓት እዩ። እዚ ጽንዓት ከኣ ብህያብ ዝተዋህበና ዘይኮነስ፡ ሳላ ዕጥቅና ዝገበርናዮ ምጽውዋር፡ ምክእኣልን ኣብ ክንዲ ኣብ ናእሽቱ ጉዳያት ምኹዳድ ናብ ቀንዲ ጉዳያት ምቁማት ስለ ዘዘውተርና እዩ። እዚ ኩሉ ክንዲ ናጽነት ዝኣክል መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ ካብ ምንጋጋ ሱር ዝሰደዱ ገዛእቲ መዝሒቕካናይ  ምውጻእ መስተንክር ክንሰርሕ እንከለና፡ ብዙሕነትና ግርማናን ስልማትናን እዩ ነይሩ። ብዙሓት ክንስኻ ኣብቲ ሓደ ክትኮነሉ ዝግበኣካ ሓደ ምዃን ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣዕዋቲ ምዃኑ ኣብ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃልስና ርኢናዮ ኢና። ትሕቲ ሃገራውነት ንዝስርዑ ሃይማኖታዊ፡ ከባብያውን ዓሌታውን ስምዒታትና ከኣ ነቲ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይና ብዘይዕንቅፍ መንገዲ ቀጺዕናዮም ኢና። ዋጋ ከኣ ከፊልናሉ። ኣብ ሓደ ጉድጓድ “ናጽነት ወይ ሞት/ዓወትንሓፋሽ” እንዳጨራሕና፡ ብናይ ሓባር ሃገራዊ ጸሎት ተቐቢርና። ኣብ ሓደ መኣዲ ብሃገራዊ ባርኾት ተመጊብና። ከምኡ ምግባርና ከኣ ዘሕብንን ዘነይትን እምበር ዘሕፍር ኣይነበረን ሕጂ እውን ኣይኮነን።

ሕጂ እውን እቲ ኣገባብ ደኣ ይቀየር እምበር፡ ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ኢና ዘለና። እኳደኣ ኣብ ዝመረረን ዝተሓላለኸን ቃልሲ። እዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ነቲ ናይ ቅድም መበቆል ጽንዓትናን ዓወትናን ዝነበረ ዓቕሚ ዝያዳ እነሕይለሉ እምበር፡ ንድሕሪት ንምለሰሉ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቅድም ምእንቲ እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ከነዕውት፡ ትሕቲ እዚ ንዝኾኡ ስምዒታትና ነዕግሰሉ ዝነበርና ጹረትን ሕድገትን ዝያዳ ኣብ ከነሕይለሉ ዝግበኣና እምበር፡ ናብ ታሕቲ ወሪድና ቅድሚ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ብንኡሳን ዘይእዋናዊ ጉዳያት ዝያዳ እንግደሰሉ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። ብመሰረቱ ክንመዝኖ እንከለናኸ፡ ኣብ ሓደ ናይ ቃልሲ መዋእል ንዘዕወተካ ተመኩሮ መሊስካ ምስ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኣሳኒኻ ከተሕይሎ እምበር ክትዓጽፎዶ ይግባእ እዩ?

ሳላ  እምነታትና ኣብቲ ዘዝተመደበሎም ቅዱስ ቦታ ደሪትና፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገርን ህዝብን ብሓባር  ዝዓሰልና ተዓዊትና። እሞ ሕጂ ግልብጥሽ ኣተሓሕዛ ክንፈጥር ንደናደነሉ ምኽንያት ደኣ እንታይ እዩ? ኣብ ኩሉቲ ካልእ ስምዒታት እውን ከምኡ።ከምቲ ሓሓሊፉ ዝንጸባረቕ ነዚ እንተዘይበቒዕናዮ ግና ከምቲ “ንድሕሪት ከም ሽንቲ ገመል” ዝበሃል እዩ ክኸውን። ኣብ ክንዲ ከምቲ ወለድና “ልብን ሳዕርን እንዳሓደረ ይበቁል” ዝበልዎ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ ኣውንታ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቲ ዝነበረና ክንድልብ  ክንጽዕር እዩ ዝግበኣና። ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን  ሰልፍታት፡ ውድባትን ማሕበራትን ምህላውና መርኣያ “ናይ ምውዳብ ናጽነትና እዩ” እንዳበልና ከምቲ ብዝሕና ተዘይኣድሚዕና ግና “ብዙሓትን ጥምዙሓትን” ኢና ክንበሃል።

ኣብቲ ዝሓለፈን ዘሎን ሰንሰለታዊ ቃልሲ ኩሎም ጸላእቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምድኻም ይኽተልዎ ካብ ዝነበሩን ዘለዉን  ሜላታት ሓደ ምምብታን ሓድነቱ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ሓድነቱ ሕመረት ጽንዓቱን ተዓዋትነቱን ምዃና ስለ ዝኣምኑ። ንሕና ከይንሰዓር ከኣ ኣብ ሓድነትና ቀዳድ ከይንፈጥር ክንጥንቀቕ ናይ ግድን ነይሩን እዩን። ቅድሚ ሕጂ ሳላ ሓድነትና ከፍርሱ ንዝደልዩ ገጽ ዘይሃብና ተዓዊትና። ንሳቶም ድማ ተሳዒሮም። ሎሚ ግና ሓድነትና ከፍርስ ንዝደሊ ሓይሊ ንጠዓዓመሉ ከይንህሉ ሃየ ንጠንቀቕ። ጸላእትና ጸላላእቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበኣር ኣክይኮነንዶ ነቓዕ ረኺቦም ነቃዕ ክፈጥሩ ላዕልን ታሕትን ዝብሉ ዘለዉ እዮም።

ርሑስ በዓል ልደትን ሕጉስ ሓድሽ ዓመትን 

ቅድሚ ሓደ ወርሒ ኣቢሉ ናይ ጀነራል ፍሊጶስ ወልደየውሃንስ ሓለቓ ስታፍ ሰራዊ ኤርትራ ቀንዲ ተሓባባሪት ኣብ መዓርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣስመራ ከም ዝተታሕዘት ግዱሳት ምንጭታት ካብ ኣስመራ ሓቢሮም። እታ ናይ ስርቂ ተሓባባሪቱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነት ውሽማኡ ተባሂላ’ውን እትሕመ እቶም ምንጭታት ስማ ክጠቕሱ ዘይደለዩ ወይዘሮ ዝተታሕዘት ኣስታት 45 ኪሎ ወርቅን 500 ሺሕ ሓድሽ ናቕፋን ናይቲ ጀነራል ሒዛ ናብ ዱባይ ክትገሽ እንከላ እያ።

እቶም ምንጭታት ከም ዝብልዎ እዛ ሰበይቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ እውን ኣብዚ ተግባርዚ ተዋፊራ ናይቲ ጀነል ተቓባሊት ሌባ ምንባራ ትሕመ እያ። ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ዝተታሕዘትሉ ዕለት ነቲ መንገዲ ስርቂ ንምጥጣሕን ናይ መፈተሺ ኤለክትሮኒካዊ መፈተሺ ከም ዘይሰርሕ ንምግባርን ብትእዛዝ ጀነራል ፍሊጶስ ሓይሊ ኤለክትሪክ ናይቲ መዓርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣቋሪጹ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ ኣብቲ ስራሕ ተመዲቦም ዝነበሩ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ብዛዕባ እታ ሰበይቲ ሓበሬታ ዝነበሮም፡ በቲ ካልእ ድማ ምስ ምቁራጽ ሓይሊ ኤለክትሪን ጥርጠራ ስለ ዝሓደሮም፡  ብዝገበርዎ ጐርጓር እቲ ወርቅን ናቕፋን ተረኺቡ።

ድሕሪኡ እቶም ዝሓዝዋ ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ናብ ዝምልከቶ ጸብጻብ ምስ ገበሩ’ሞ ጀነራል ፍሊጶስ ሰሚዑ ኣብቲ ንሱ ብመንገዲ ወዲ ከበደ ዝበሃል ኣዛዚ ኣቢሉ ዝቆጻጸሮ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣብዮቱ ክትእሰር ትእዛዝ ኣመሓላሊፉ ነይሩ። ከምዚ ዝገበረሉ ምኽንያት ድማ እቲ ጉዳይ ከይተወዓውዐ ንዓኣ ፈቲሒ ንምድፋኑ ንክጥዕሞ እዩ።

እንተኾነ ነቲ ጉዳይ ዝሓዝዎ ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት እቲ ጉዳይ ናብቲ ንሕና እነመሓድሮ ቤት ማእሰርቲ እምበር ናብቲ እቲ ጀነራል ከም ድላዩ ዝገብረሉ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣብየቶ ኣይንሰድድን ስለ ዝበሉ ምስሕሓብ ተፈጢሩ፡ ናብ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ስለ ዝበጸሐ እታ ጥርጥርቲ ናብ ዓዲ ኣብየቶ ዘይኮነስ ናብቲ ኣብ ከተም ኣስመራ ኣብ ስዉር ቦታ ዝርከብ ክፍሊ ምርመራ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ከም ዝተላእከት ክፍለጥ ተካኢሉ። እዚ ኣጋታሚ ነቲ ክብ ለጠቕ ክብል ዝጸንሐ ዝምድና ኢሳይያስን ፍሊጶስ ኣብ ሓደ ከውድቖ እዩ ዝብሉ ብዙሓት እዮም።

እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ፡ ኣብዚ ዋላ እቶም ዓበይቲ ትካላት ዘንቀሳቕሱ ዝበሃሉ ኣካላት፡ ካብ 20 ሺሕ ናቕፋ ንላዕሊ ብጥረ ገንዘብ ኣብ ዘየንቀሳቕስሉ ግዜ ፍርቂ ሚልዮን ናቕፋ ናብ ደገ ክወጽእ ምሓዙ ነብሱ ዝኸኣለ መዛረቢ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ብዙሓት ከም ዝግምትዎ እዚ ሓድሽ ናቕፋ ኣብ ደገ ናብ ዶላር ክቕየር ተሓሲቡ ዝነበረ እዩ ዝብል ናይ ብዙሓት ግምት እዩ።

ጀነራል ፍሊጶስ ቅድሚ ሕጂ’ውን ኣብ ወርቅን ካልእ ዘይሕጋዊ ንግድን ብክቱር ከም ዝዋሳእ ክግለጽ ጸኒሑ እዩ።

A new wave of refugees has settled in the Harbour City. 

A total of 40 government-assisted refugees from Syria and Eritrea have arrived in Nanaimo since mid-November, according to the Central Vancouver Island Multicultural Society. 

Kelly McBride, director of operations for the society, said the 40 individuals are from five families and that they are expecting more government-assisted refugees to arrive within the coming weeks.

"We are looking at 50 individuals by the end of December and early January," she said. "Another three families." 

Although the majority of refugees to arrive in Nanaimo have been from Syria, four privately sponsored refugees from the African nation of Eritrea landed in the city earlier this year.

McBride said they're expecting more government assisted refugees to come from nations such as Eritrea.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, some 65.3 million people have been displaced around the world, with 21.3 million of them classified as refugees.

A 2016 report by the UNHCR estimates that there were 2.7 million refugees from Afghanistan;736,100 refugees from Ethiopia; 541,500 refugees from Democratic Republic of the Congo;451,800 refugees from Myanmar; and 321,300 refugees from the Ukraine at the end of 2015. 

Nanaimo could see more government-assisted refugees arriving beyond January. McBride said she has no idea about how many could be coming or when they are coming.

"We are not necessarily given a whole lot of lead time on knowing," she said. "The information is fed from the government as they get the information through. It's a multi-layered system." 

As of Dec. 11, there have been a total of 37,402 refugees settled nationwide since November of 2015 according toImmigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada.

Source=http://www.nanaimobulletin.com/news/407686086.html

 

መንግስቲ ህግደፍ ነቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፉ ስርዓታ ዝነበረ፡ ናይ ኣከፋፍላ ግብሪ ብዝኸፈአ መልክዑ ብምቕራብ  ናይ መሬትን እንስሳ ዘቤትን ስርዓተ-ግብሪ ሓንጺጹ ሓድሽ መመዝመዚ ሜላ ፈጢሩ ይሰርሕ ከም ዘሎ ምንጭታት ካብ ኣስመራ ገሊጾም። ነዚ ሓድሽ ግብሪ እንስሳ ዘቤትን መሬትን ክሳብ ታሕቲ ወሪዶም ብምምዝጋብ ዘተግብሩ፡ ኣካላት እቲ ህዝባዊ ምምሕዳር ብዝብል መጸባበቒ ስም ህግደፍ ዝጥቀመሎም ኣካላት እዮም።

በቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተረኺቡ ዘሎ ኣሃዛዊ ሓበሬታ መሰረት፡ ዓቐን እቲ ንእንስሳ ዝኽፈል ግብሪ፡ ብነፍሲ ወከፍ ንኣድጊ 50፡ ንከብቲ 100፡ ንገመል 100፡ ንጤለበጊዕ ከኣ 10 ናቕፋ ኣብ ዓመት እዩ። ብኣተሓሕዛ ህግደፍ እዚ ተተሚኑ ዘሎ ግብሪ ንእንስሳ ዝኾነ ምሕረትን ሕድገት ዘይግበረሉ ኮይኑ ዘይምትግባሩ ድማ ከቢድ መቕጻዕቲ ዘኸትል እዩ።

እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ ዕድሚኦም 70 ዓመትን ካብኡ ንላዕልን ንዝኾኑ ኤርትራውያን መሬት ከይወሃብ እቲ ስርዓት ከልኪሉ ኣሎ። እቲ ስርዓት ነዚ ዝህቦ ምኽንያት „ከልምዕዎ ኣይክእሉን እዮም“ ዝብል ሸፈጥ ኮይኑ፡ „እሞኸ በኸመይ ደኣ ይናበ“ ንዝብል ግና መልሲ የብሉን። ብሰንኺ እዚ ዕዉር ውሳነ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ከባቢታት ኤርትራ፡ ጽልእን ተቓውሞን ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ ስርዓት ይዓርገ ከም ዘሎ እዞም ምንጭታት ኣተሓሒዞም ገሊጾም

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ እቲ ስርዓት ብኹሉ ክፋላት ሕብረተሰብ ጽልኢ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ እንዳዛየደ ኣብ ዝኸደሉ ዘሎ ግዜ፡ ናይቶም ባዕሉ ፈቓድ ሂቡ ዘዋፈሮም ነጋዶ ንብረት ብህዶ ይዘምት ከም ዘሎ ካልኦት ምንጭታት ሓቢሮም። እቲ ሓበሬታ ከም ዝገልጾ ኤርትራውያን ነጋዶ ፈቓድ ወሲዶም ብናይ ወጻኢ ሸርፊ ገዚኦም ብኮንተይነራት ኣብ ወደባት ኤርትራ ምስ ኣብጽሕዎ ነቲ ንብረት ይራስዮ ኣሎ። እቶም ሓበርቲ‘ኳ ንዕኡ ዝምልከት ዘቕረብዎ ዝርዝር እንተዘየለ እቲ ጉጅለ ንራስያ ዝሕግዞ ዕባራ ምኽንያት ከም ዘቕርብ ፍሉጥ እዩ

Photo:The Observer

(file photo).

Kampala — A UPDF soldier at the rank of captain has been arrested in connection with the kidnap and murder of an Eritrean businessman with the intention of stealing 2 millon euros (Shs8 billion) from him.

Capt Hakim Mangeni and his alleged accomplices; Mr Ben Lumu and Rucy Katuramu were arrested by the police Flying Squad Unit (FSU) at the weekend over allegations of killing Deniel Weldo.

Mr Andrew Kaweesi, the police spokesperson said the trio duped Weldo, a former South Sudan businessman that they would help him to get a visa to German from where he could transact business.

Source=http://allafrica.com/stories/201612200122.html

The year just ending also happened to be a period in which a good number of publications were released for the wider public with the yet unfulfilled aim of making Eritrea and the situation of its people better understood by others. Among them were  the official submission to the UN General Assembly and the Security Council the final conclusions of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea along its earlier 483-page comprehensive report, and follow up reports of the UN Monitoring Group on Eritrea and Somalia. Another worthy addition to the long list of new research papers and recent publications on Eritrea was  Martin Plaut's Understanding Eritrea, a paperback published in October 2016 under the aptly chosen subtitle: 'Inside Africa's Most Repressive State'. 

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Earlier this year, journalist/researcher Martin Plaut mentioned to me that he was writing a book on Eritrea, adding:  "it can prove to be difficult to  write on a subject with so many experts."  For sure he was kidding.  Himself one of the veteran Eritrea observers from his BBC days in the 1980s and till now; producer of authoritative publications on African affairs and current Horn of Africa and Southern Africa researcher for the Commonwealth Institute, Plaut has  again come out with a valuable reading material for all those interested to better understand Eritrea and its unending woes. (And no wonder that he one of those in the watch-list of the repressive regime in Asmara,  whose paid agents vainly try to silence him and his likes through 'threats' and name calling.)

 

The book makes a sweeping coverage of history - not actually to tell the country's history, but to give a sufficient picture as to why Eritrea's problems linger and why they are what they are. Also through a careful screening, he narrates and assesses events of critical importance in Eritrea's sad post-liberation decades. In addition to squeezing out every bit of indispensable facts from the voluminous UN Inquiry Commission and Monitoring Group reports - facts that might have been  overlooked even by our most avid readers in the opposition camp - Plaut also surprises many a reader by putting more light on information not fully known to the 'experts' on the subject. And all this in a small space of not more than 250 pages! 

 

Nowadays, if one mentions the name Eritrea, one can hardly avoid thinking of :

  • The thorny relations Eritrea has with its neighbours, especially with Ethiopia;
  • Eritrea's dangerous fall to the worst form of dictatorship in Africa;
  • The hemorrhage of its population;
  •  Their suffering in diaspora;
  • The fragmentation of the supposed forces of change, and
  • Prospects for the future.

 

The book does fairly adequately address these hot issues of importance to Eritrea and all concerned about the plight of its people. Plaut's findings on the regime's illicit economic activities and deals are also of particular importance. He does not mention  any production of unwanted items by the regime after liberation although, according to the book, the front that Isaias Afeworki led to victory is said to have cultivated marijuana in areas under its control.  

 

Closed and Secretive

In its early pages, the book prepares the reader to expect Eritreans to be an outcome of a difficult history carrying traces of so many rulers, and a complex identity of diverse groups speaking nine languages, belonging to two major religions, living in different environments and with co-ethnics separated by artificial colonial boundaries.  It also asserts that peoples of the region were culturally inclined  "to be closed and secretive" and that the left-wing ideologies of the 20th century did contribute in  hardening further these traits in their elites. The author finds leaderships in the region to be  "veiled and obscure" -  culturally and partly intentionally. Therefore, even genuine differences could not be resolved through open discussions because of the "cult of confidentiality" that existed in the liberation movements.

 

The new Eritrean regime thus remained obscure by keeping everything secret. Even Eritrea's population was wanted to remain an unknown figure. The last population census was made in 1931. According to Plaut, the population estimates for Eritrea today range from 3.2m to 6.5m, and the regime in Asmara can chose any figure when it wants to project fictitious percentiles on growth in education, health services, the economy etc.  

 

Quarrels with Neighbours

The Eritrean regime's numerous quarrels with neighbours, in particular the one with Ethiopia, are given sufficient space and insightful analysis. Regarding relations with Ethiopia, the author considers the question of the border to have been of critical importance although the Eritrean head of state, Isaias,  at first gave it little attention.

 

To his credit, Haile Mengerios, at that time regime representative in Addis Ababa, is said to have raised the border question early in 1992 but Isaias "rebuffed" him. The book also mentions that  even Yemane Ghebreab (monkey), then a novice in official diplomacy, blamed Haile Menkerios of being "obsessed with the border issue."

 

One clear omission regarding the border issue is the book's  failure to mention how much other Eritreans were very seriously concerned about that problem starting in the latter part of the 1970s when disagreements led to serious armed clashes between the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Tigrai People's Liberation Front (TPLF).

  

The author observes serious absence of checks and balances and unwillingness to compromise both in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and as such, when relationship between two individuals break down, there remain "no official structures to fall back upon."  He also hints at the ominous probability - that no one can be sure that "full-scale war will not resume" anytime in the future.

 

A Detrimental Email

There have been heated pro and con arguments about the failure of the concerned   states (especially Ethiopia) to accept the "final and binding" decision of the  arbitration Tribunal on the border problem with its epicenter at Badme. After reading this book, I am inclined to conclude that it was a misleading email by an OAU staff member and  observer at the Tribunal that hugely contributed in further complicating the possible acceptance of the arbitration decision.

 

The Tribunal gave only coordinates on the map without mentioning Badime and its location. When given the first copy of the decision, the OAU observer at the Tribunal wrongly interpreted the coordinates and emailed to his headquarters saying that Badime was given to Ethiopia.

 

The book informs that it was Martin Plaut of the BBC  himself who was the first to correctly read the map and to report that the OAU email was based on wrong interpretation. Plaut's interpretation was backed by experts reached by BBC. At that time, Ethiopia was already celebrating victory and its foreign minister said all what "a victor" is expected to say. When the BBC report was broadcast, Ethiopia sent to London its minister of Information to ask the BBC to withdraw  its report,  but to no avail.

 

As we all know, it is now nearly 15 years since the boundary decision was passed  and the crucial matter left unaddressed by all concerned.

 

The 'Clever, Manipulative' Isaias

No present-day writer can spare Isaias the blame of being the topmost culprit in independent Eritrea's disastrous failure from becoming what it was expected to be at the end of that long-stretched struggle. Martin Plaut could not be an exception. He describes Isaias not only as "clever and manipulative" but also as one whose style of rule is "arbitrary, personal and ruthlessly repressive". This  "towering figure who led his people to independence" was not ashamed to become the  "dictator "who now holds them in servitude". Yet, to Plaut's judgment, "his colleagues in the EPLF leadership must [also] take their share for the responsibility for the country's predicament."

 

 Flight and its Consequences

After discussing the build up towards dictatorship and the economic failures in most sectors that rendered the country inhabitable, the book thoughtfully narrates the risks faced by those Eritreans, mostly young,  who take the fatal decision to  say bye-bye to home. To be appreciated most is Plaut's ability to select and provide most essential facts that can be kept at one's finger-tips about what happened and in what numbers to Eritrean victims of human traffickers in the Sinai, the Sudan, the Libyan desert, the Mediterranean Sea and others parts of the globe. The human traffickers included Eritrean top officials working collaboration with Sudanese counterparts in the dirty business.

 

The Diaspora

Also given adequate coverage are diaspora Eritreans - both the old and new caseloads, and how much they contributed to the coffers of the regime as they did in liberation struggle days.  However, the book reassures that "the days of [Eritrean diaspora's] unequivocal support for the regime are over".  However, the long-arm' of the regime is still reaching many of the diaspora communities, including those 200,000 Eritrean-Americans in today's Trumpland, who, by the way, were ordered to vote for this supposed new buddy of the dictatorial clique in Asmara. (And it is good to remember that Eritrea's population was estimated at little less than 200,000 - equal to those Eritreans presently in America - when it was named 'Italian colony of Eritrea' in January 1890).

 

Naturally, the book discusses the problems in the diaspora opposition and concludes that old rifts of the liberation struggle years are still "standing on the way" of the much needed wider unity.  In the concluding parts of the book, Martin Plaut opines a number of possible scenarios for change in Eritrea, the most optimistic of which is an internal take-over by the army.

 

(This piece of writing was  initially aimed to be a much shorter thank you note to the author for making the effort to make Eritrea and its current situation better understood by readers.)

 

Thank you, Martin Plaut. Shukren, Yekeniyelna!!

 With warm greetings of the Holiday Season.

 

Woldeyesus Ammar

    

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