Saturday 16 February 2019

February 15, 2019 (KHARTOUM) - U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo Thursday expressed hope that calls by Sudanese people for regime change will be heard.

As the Sudanese opposition welcomed his supportive statement of the U.S. top diplomat and called for international pressure on President Omer al-Bashir to step down and allow a peaceful democratic transition in Sudan.

Asked by Michel Ghandour of Al-Hurra TV in Warsaw about his assessment on the ongoing demonstrations in Sudan for "regime change", Popmeo said hopeful that Sudanese achieve their goal.

"It’s very difficult for the Sudanese people today. We’re hopeful that their voices will be heard and that the transition," he said according to a transcript of the interview released by the State Department.

"If there is one, will be led by them and not by outside influences," he further stressed.

Pompeo statements are the first official comment by an American official on the two-month protests in Sudan.

The remarks also are the first statement by an international official supportive for the demand of Sudanese people who protest for peaceful change in their country. Previously, different regional leaders expressed support for the incumbent president.

The Secretary for External Relations of the opposition alliance, Sudan Call, Yasir Arman, welcomed Pompeo’s statement and underscored that the State Department Secretary expressed his sympathy for the Sudanese people in the difficult times they are going through.

"This is a highly welcome and significant statement by one of the most senior figures in the international community calling for the voices of the Sudanese people to be listened to and emphasising the need for a transition to be made by the Sudanese people," said Arman.

The opposition leading member added that Pompeo’s statement "is a step forward in building international support that will put pressure on General Bashir to step down after three decades in power and allow a democratic transition to take place".

"Sudanese people are indeed very capable of managing their own affairs without foreign intervention," he stressed.

The opposition groups are discussing a transition period to be led by an inclusive transitional government to lay out solid foundations for a democratic regime.

Arman who is the vice-chairman of the SPLM-N led by Malik Agar said the "Sudanese revolution against al-Bashir and his regime will continue to be peaceful" stressing that it has reached a the point of non-return.

Sudanese continue to organise daily protests including demonstrations, sit-ins and meetings despite the brutal crackdown by the security forces and militiamen of the ruling National Congress Party.

Since December 2019, some 31 people were killed across the country according to the Sudanese authorities but activists and rights groups say the death toll is over 50 people.

(ST)

Source=http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article67078

Thursday, 14 February 2019 23:26

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 14.02.2019

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رئيس تحرير عدوليس الإريتري المعارض في حوار لـ "بوابة المواطن" إسرائيل قدمت معونات لأسمرة

 

الأربعاء 13/فبراير/2019 - 09:19 م

 

Jemal Humed 1

 

رئيس تحرير موقع عدوليس

 

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طباعة

 

elmwatin.com/595784

 

أحمد عبد الر حمن

 

على هامش ترأس مصر للاتحاد الأفريقي، مناقشة القضايا التي تواجه القارة السمراء وبلاد الاتحاد الأفريقي لذلك كان لـ " بوابة المواطن " لقاء حصري مع جمال همد صحفي ورئيس تحرير موقع عدوليس الإخباري المعارض، والذي عمل سابقًا بالإذاعة الرسمية لدولة إريتريا، للحديث حول حرية الصحافة والصحافيين في أسمرة، العلاقات الإريترية الإسرائيلية، والهوية الوطنية الإريترية.


ذكرت وسائل إعلام أن إريتريا تعاني من غياب حرية الصحافة ما حقيقة ذلك؟

 

Jemal Humed 2

 

للأسف دولة إريتريا الصغيرة والواقعة على الجانب الغربي لساحل البحر الأحمر وتشرف على باب المندب جنوبا، تقع تحت قبضة رئيس لا سند دستوري ولا قانوني له في الحكم لما يقارب الثلاثة عقود لا أحزاب لا برلمان حتى شكلي ولا صحافة مستقلة وبالقطع لم تجري انتخابات منذ تحرير البلاد في 1991م.

هذا يعني خنق الصوت المخالف والرأي الآخر وفي المقدمة بالتأكيد يأتي قادة الرأي والصحفيين، ففي إريتريا يغيب أكثر من20 صحفي وصحفية في معتقلات سرية تتبع أجهزة الأمن التي يشرف عليها الرئيس اسياس افورقي منذ عام 2000م حيث جرت اعتقالات واسعة طالت كل فئات المجتمع الإريتري وواجهاته وقادة نضاله وبالطبع الصحفيين، وهي حملة كانت التالية لحملة 1995 والتي طالت رجال الدين ومعلمي المدارس الحكومية والمعاهد الدينية والطوائف المسيحية.

وقد وصف منظمة مراسلون بلا حدود الوضع في إريتريا بالسجن الكبير، كما أن إريتريا فاقت في بعض المراحل كوريا الشمالية من حيث منع الحريات العامة والخاصة، وهؤلاء الزملاء والزميلات لم يزورهم أحد من عوائلهم طوال فترة الاعتقال ولم يقدموا لمحاكمات علنية تتبع وزارة العدل

 

 

ما هي مظاهر التغول على الهوية الوطنية الإريترية؟ 

 



ككل الأنظمة الشمولية يحاول النظام القائم في إريتريا الآن وهو نظام دون سند شعبي ولا دستوري صياغة المجتمع الإريتري بما يتناسب مع سياساته الانعزالية، فهو يتدخل لتعديل النظم الاجتماعية وتوزع السكان بإجراء عمليات إحلال وأبدل في الجغرافيا السكانية أو بمعنى أصح يمارس عمليات أقرب للتطهير العرقي، كما وانه يمارس التنكيل بالمواطن الإريتري بصرف النظر عن هويته وثقافته إسلامية كانت أم مسيحية، والشعب الإريتري يعي ذلك ويخوض نضالا دؤوب ضد هذا النظام.

_كيف ترى علاقة إسرائيل بالرئيس الإريتري؟

 

Benjamin Nataniyahu

 

إن العلاقة الإريترية الإسرائيلية قديمة ويعود بها البعض لفترة الكفاح المسلح، والدولة العبرية التي كانت ولا تزال تراقب تطورات الوضع في القرن الإفريقي وحوض البحر الأحمر وكان على الدوام قلقة على مصالحها بالمنطقة والتي تتصادم بالقطع مع مصالح شعوب تلك المنطقة وقد استطاعت الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا وزعمها أسياس افورقي تأكيداته المستمرة لإسرائيل أن تحرير إريتريا لا يشكل خطرا على المصالح الإسرائيلية، كما قدمت تل أبيب معونات فنية تتعلق بالري والزراعة لدولة إريتريا الفتية، وبالمقابل سمحت اسمرا بإقامة مركز للاتصالات والرصد المتقدم للدولة العبرية في أرخبيل دهلك على البحر الأحمر.

_كيف ترى النفوذ الإيراني في إريتريا؟

 

Ruhani

 

تراجعت العلاقات الإريترية الإيرانية بعد انضمام إريتريا للتحالف الذي تقودة السعودية والإمارات ضد الحكومة الحوثية في اليمن دون حدوث القطيعة النهائية مع طهران، ودائما ما تحتفظ أسمرا بعدد من كروت المناورة مع اللاعبين الأساسين في القرن الإفريقي ومنطقة الخليج العربي.

_هل يزال هناك وجود للحوثيين بالجزر الإريترية؟

لا أجزم بوجود حوثي في الجزر الإريترية لا سابقا ولا الآن، وكل ما ربط النظام في إريتريا مع الحوثيين كان نتيجة إيجاد موطئ قدم في الصراع اليمني اليمني من جانب لابتزاز دول الخليج والسعودية من جانب وبتأثير الحكومة الإيرانية من جانب آخر، والحكومة الإيرانية كانت تتواجد في ميناء عصب القريبة من باب المندب إلا أن النفوذ الإيراني قد أنحصر وتراجعت العلاقات الإريترية الإيرانية بعد انضمام النظام الإريتري علنا للتحالف الذي تقوده السعودية والعلاقات الجيدة مع حكام دولة الإمارات لا أجد مبررا لاستمرار العلاقة مع طهران بذات الوقت، وأشير هنا لوجود قاعدة عسكرية إماراتية في عصب.

_كيف تسير علاقة إريتريا بالتحالف الذي تقوده السعودية وكيف استطاعة أن يوازن هذا بعلاقته مع إيران وإسرائيل؟

كما أسفلت أن النظام في إريتريا له القدرة والخبرة في المناورات وتبديل المواقف سريعا وغالبا لا يترك المجال للمبادئ والأسس التي تحكم العلاقات بين الشعوب والدول.

_ إلى أي مدى وصلت علاقات النظام الإريتري بالقاعدة؟

لا أعتقد أن النظام الإريتري له علاقة مباشرة بتنظيم القاعدة.

_كيف ترى موقف إريتريا من سد النهضة ودعمها لمصر؟

لا أعتقد أن الحكومة الإريترية تدعم الموقف المصري من موضوع سد النهضة إلا كمماحكة للموقف الإثيوبي في العهد السابق ولكن بعد وصول رئيس الوزراء الحالي أبي احمد للسلطة لا أجد مبررا لدعم إريتري لمصر.

ما هي مطالب المعارضة الإريترية خلال ترأس مصر للاتحاد الإفريقي ؟ 

ليست مطالب المعارضة بل هي مطلب وإستحقاقات الشعب الإريتري وتتمثل بالحكم الرشيد وإشاعة الحريات والتداول السلمي للسلطة وفقا لدستور تتوافق عليه القوى السياسية ويقره الشعب الإريتري.

وعبركم اناشد الشعب المصري الشقيق وقواه الحية للوقوف مع الشعب الإريتري، علما بان مصر كعادتها تستضيف الكثير من أبناء الشعب الإريتري الذي تقطعت به السبل.

 

 

February 14, 2019 News, Uncategorized

This study by the Economist Intelligence Unit draws lessons from conflicts in Rwanda, Sri Lanka and Colombia.

The full report is here: Post Conflict Trade

This is an extract

A key part of creating and sustaining economic growth in post-conflict countries is increasing trade. This is not an easy task, however, and it is not without risks. Most, if not all, post-conflict countries were at low levels of development when their conflicts began and are highly dependent on primary commodities exports for growth. Continued dependence on these products raises the likelihood that the country will revert back to conflict, as well as creating continuing opportunities for corruption at both the state and the local level. But moving up the value chain is difficult. It requires hard infrastructure like roads, bridges and rail and electricity generation and transmission, and for the general population to attain education that endow them with basic skills. They also take time.

Ethiopia and Eritrea both face problems in these areas. To provide insights into their post-conflict trade and development environment, The Economist Intelligence Unit was commissioned by DP World to produce a series of three case studies on how post-conflict countries around the world have dealt with similar issues, for better and worse.

The first case study looks at the coffee industry in Rwanda. Like Ethiopia, Rwanda is a landlocked country and coffee is one of its primary exports. In the aftermath of a civil war and the 1994 genocide, the government instituted a plan to move the country’s coffee industry up the value chain, and compensate for being landlocked, by producing specialty coffee. The early results were mixed, but more recently the effort appears to be paying off.

Potential lessons for post-conflict countries

Every country in a post-conflict situation finds itself facing different problems. The scale and nature of the conflict matters greatly. How much destruction was caused to the country’s physical capital? How much of the population was displaced as a result of the conflict and will they be able to return? Can trust in institutions and civil society be re-established among the combatants?

Nevertheless, there are basic and generalisable lessons that can be drawn from countries that have been or are going through the process of post-conflict recovery. These lessons form a baseline for that recovery. This paper, which looked at three such cases, provides the following lessons:

  1. Identify sensible opportunities for moving up the value chain.

Being ambitious is important to post-conflict development, and development in general. But it must be tempered by reality. Rwanda wanted to develop a manufacturing sector, as do most countries seeking to climb the economic ladder. And it still might be able to do so, despite being landlocked and short of (at least at the time) reliable power. In the short-term, however, it wasn’t a realistic option. What made more sense was to identify existing industries where there were possibilities to add more value rather than start from scratch elsewhere. For Rwanda that meant building a specialty coffee industry off the back of its production and trade in commodity coffee.

Sri Lanka has done likewise by developing a tyre industry on the strength of its domestic rubber output, but it has also found success by leveraging the relatively higher levels of education and skills in its labour force to position itself in niche links in global supply chains, such as the manufacture of weighing components for neonatal incubators.

  1. Beware white elephants.

Right now there is a significant amount of capital available for funding infrastructure projects in Asia and Africa. On its face, this is a welcome development. Almost all of the countries in the two regions, post-conflict or otherwise, are in dire need of paved roads that reach rural areas, upgrades to creaking railways and additional, and reliable, power generation capacity.

Were Ethiopia and Eritrea to focus on these more quotidian types of infrastructure projects, it would do much to improve their export capabilities.

Yet the temptation to build big and shiny airports and other types of facilities where ground can be broken with a golden shovel, and the new building unveiled with a ribbon-cutting photo op, is hard to resist.

But it must be. The case of Sri Lanka and its nearly-empty airport and sleepy new seaport is illustrative of the problems caused by white elephant projects. It is just one example among many, however.

  1. Create an enabling environment for PPPs (Public Private Partnerships).

These are not without problems, but for many countries PPPs can be the best available option. Most, if not all, post-conflict countries lack the domestic capabilities to build the kind of hard and soft infrastructure economic recovery requires. Bringing in foreign firms as partners with the government can help to overcome this constraint, as well as transfer knowledge and expertise to the local populations in a range of areas, such as in digitisation, data analytics and integrating production with global supply chains.

The local environment needs to be conducive for these agreements to be effective, however. Colombia performs well in this regard. Many countries don’t, especially those where good and consistent governance and clearly defined laws and regulations are in short supply.

To a certain extent, however, improvement only comes with experience, but there are areas where quick gains can be made, such as co-ordination among government entities when developing and awarding contracts, creating high-level political support for PPPs and ensuring transparency during the bidding process.

መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ኣብ መድረኽ 6ይ ጉባኤ ተሓኤ - ሰውራዊ ባይቶ 2008

ሎሚ ዕለት 14 ለካቲት 2019፡ ኣባል ማእከላይ ባይቶን ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ዝነበረ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም፡ ቀትሪ ምድሪ ብመጋበርያታት ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ተጨውዩ ድሃይ ካብ ዘጥፍእ 7 ዓመቱ ኢዩ። እዛ ዕለት እዚኣ ከኣ፡ ሓንቲ ካብተን ናይ ሕሰምን መከራን ኮይና፡ ካብተን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰሉ ብጾት ዝጠፍኡለን እንዝክረላ ዕለታት እያ። ከምዛ ናቱ ሓደጋ መጭወይቲ ዘጋጠሞም ናይ ቃልሲ ብጾትና፡ ተጋደላይ ወልደማርያም ባህልብን ተኽለብርሃን ገ/ጻድቕን ካብ ምስራቓዊት ከተማ ሱዳን ካብ ዝጠፍኡ ከኣ ድሕሪ ክልተ ኣዋርሕስ 27 ዓመቶም ክኸውን ኢዩ። ኣብ ማእሰርቲ ብህይወት ክህልዉ ትጽቢትናን ተስፋናን ኮይኑ፡ ንዓመታት ማእሰርቲ ናይ ነልሶን ማንደላ በጺሖምዎ ኣሎዉ።  

ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ሓደ ካብቶም መቐረት ንእስነትን፡ ዕላልን ወግዕን፣ ወለድን መታዓብይትን ከየስተማቐሩ፣ በጃ ህዝቦምን ሃገሮምን ንኽሓልፉ ንቃልሲ ካብ ዝወፈሩ ሓርበኛታት ሓደ ኢዩ።   ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ምሉእ ንእስነቱ ኣብ ቃልሲ ዘሕለፈ፣ ራህዋን፡ ሰላምን፡ ቅሳነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ዝብህጉን ምእንትዚ ድማ፡ ኩሉ ዝካኣሎም ዘበለ ካብ ዘበርከቱን ደቂ ሃገር ኢዩ። ዕድሚኡ ከባቢ 17 ዓመት ኣቢሉ ምስ በጽሐ’ዩ፣ በቲ ሓደ ወገን፣ ሰራዊት መግዛእታዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፈጽምዎ ዝነበሩ ኣስካሕካሒ ግፍዕታት ከይተወገደ ሰላምን ቅሳነት ክርከብ ከምዘይካኣል ስለዝተገንዘበን፣ ምጉህሃር ሰውራ ኤርትራ ድማ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ስለዝደረኾን፣ ኣብ ዕሸል ዕድሚኡ ኣብ ወርሒ መጋቢት 1968 ኣብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ተሰሊፈ። ወታሃደራዊ ትምህርቲ ድሕሪ ምውሳድ፣ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ኣብ ስሳታት ዝነበሮ ከበድቲ ጸገማትን ሕልኽልኻትን ሰጊሩ ኣብ ቃልሲ መባእታዊ ሕክምናዊ ትምህርቲ ወሲዱ፣ ኣብ 1970 ናይ ሓይሊ 501 ሓኪም ጋንታ ኮይኑ ኣገልጊሉ።

ኣብ 1971 ቀዳማይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ብስም ሰልፊ ናጽነት ካብ ተሓኤ ዝተፈንጨለ ኢሳያስ ዝመርሖ ጉጅለ፡ « ናይ ኢሳያስን ብጾቱን ፖለቲካውን ማሕበራውን ወተሃደራውን ትሕዞን ርእይቶን ንሃገራዊ ስምረት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝትንክፍ ምዃኑ ብምዕዛብ ከምኡ ድማ እዚ ጸገም እዚ መፍትሒ እንተዘይረኸበ ንሃገራዊ ስምረት ከይብትን ስለዘፍርሕ፡- 

ሀ. ንኢሳያስን ብጾቱን ነዚ ናብ ሃገራዊ ስምረት ዝመርሕ ፕሮግራምን ውሳኔታትን ቀዳማይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ተቐቢሎም ናብ ተሓኤ  ክንጽንበሩ ይጽውዕ።

ለ. መሪሕነት ተሓኤ ጥቕሚ ሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ገድልን ምእንቲ ክሕሎ ከምኡ ድማ እዚ ጸገም እዚ ንኽፍታሕን ንኸይጋነን ዘድሊ ስጉምትታት ትወስድ » ክብል ዘሕለፎ ሓደ ካብቶም ፍሉያት ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔታት መሰረት ብምግባር፡ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ሓደ ካብቶም ሸውዓተ ዝኣባላታ ኣብ ለካቲት 1972 ምስ ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ንምርኻብ  ብመሪሕነት ተሓኤ ዝቆመት ሽማግለ እዩ ነይሩ። ሰውራ ኤርትራ ግን ብሰንኪቲ ንሕናን ዕላማናን ዝመበገሲኡ  ኢሳያስን ዕቡጥ መደባቱን ካብ ቀደሙ እውን ካብ ምብትታን ኣይዳሓነን፣ እቲ ዝገደደ ምብትታን ብርሰትን ድማ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሎሚ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጭቆና ኢሳያስ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ እዩ። መሪሕነት ተሐኤ ግን፡ ምስቲ ኩሉ ክነብሮ ዝኽእል ጉድለታት፡ ሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሰውርኡን ንምርግጋጽን ኣብዚ ሕጂ ሃገርና በጺሓቶ ዘላ ኲነታት ንኸይትወድቕ፣ ንኢሳያስን ብጾቱን ክሓቁፍ እውን ከቢድ ጻዕርታት ገይሩ እዩ። ኢሰያስ ታሪኻዊ ምስክርነት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ንምቕባርን ስልጣኑ ንምክልኻልን ድማ ከምእኒ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ዝኣመሰሉ ንጹሃት፡ ብዘይካ ፍትሕን ሓርነታት ህዝብን ካልእ ዘይባሃጉ ተጋደልቲ ክጨውን ከጥፍን ምልካዊ መርህኡ እዩ።     

ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም፣ ክሳብ 1976 ኣቐዲሙ መራሒ ሓይሊ፡ ጸኒሑ ድማ ኮምሽነር ሓይሊ ኮይኑ ኣገልጊሉ። ድሕርዚ ኣብቲ ብሓልዮት ፈለስጢናዊ ውድብ ፈትሕ/Fatih-PLO: ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ኮርስ ናይ ምስታፍ ዕድል ስለዝረኸበ፡ ናይ ሓደ ዓመት ወተሃደራዊ ኮርስ ኣብ ሃገረ ስርያ-ደማስቖ ወሲዱ  ብናይ ሙላዝም/ተነንተ መዓርግ ተመሪቑ ንሜዳ ኤርትራ ተመሊሱ ቃልሱ ቀጸለ። ብዙሕ ከይጸንሐ : ነታ ንሓይልታት ደባይ ተዋጋእቲ/ፍዳእይን ኣብ ከበሳ ደገፍን ደጀንን ኰይና ዝነበረት በጠሎኒ 107 ክሳዕ 1978 መሪሑ። ቀጺሉውን ክሳዕ 1980 : ኣብ ትሕቲ ስዉእ ወልደዳዊት ተመስገን ነታ ቀዳመይቲ በጠሎኒ ናይ ብርጌድ 61 መሪሑ። ብ1981 ከኣ መራሒ ቀዳመይቲ በጠሎኒ  ናይ ብሪጌድ 72 ኰይኑ ተቓሊሱ።

ድሕሪ ውግእ ሕድሕድ፣ ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ዶባት ሱዳን ብምእታዉ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ከይሰንበደን ተስፋ ከይቆረጸን ንተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንምሕዳስን ንምቕጻልን ኣብዝተካየደ ቃልሲ፣ ብሚያዝያ 1982 ኣባል ናይታ ሰራዊት ንምምራሕ ዝቆመት ግዚያዊት ሽማግለ ተመሪጹ: ኣብ መወዳእታ 1982 ተሓኤ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ምስ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሸነኽ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ሳበ ብዝተገብረ ሓድነታዊ ስምምዕ መሰረት፡ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ኣባል ናይታ ብኣርባዕተ ተጋደልቲ ዝቆመት ወተሃደራዊ ሽማግለ/ኣርካን ኰይኑ ንዝሰመረ ሰራዊት መሪሑ። ይኹን እምበር መሪሕነት ህሓሓኤ ነቲ ስምምዕ ብትሕዝትኡን ብመንፈሱን ክፍሑቊን ከፍርስን ስለዝጀመረ፣ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ብመስከረም 1983 ብጸጥታ ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብትሕቲ ቀይዱ ኣተወ። ህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ መፋርቕ 1984 ሓደ ውድብ ኮይኑ ክቕጽል ስለዘይካኣለ ድማ፣ ክንፊ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ሳበን ኣሕመድ ጃስርን ተባሂሉ ኣብዝተፈናጨለሉ እዋን፣ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ዘለዎም ልዕሊ 73 ዝኣኽሉ ኣባላት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ - ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ብፖለቲካዊ ርእይትኦም ጥራሕ፣ በብእዋኑ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ወታሃደራዊ ክንፊ  ጃስር ካብ ማዓልታትን ኣዋርሕን ክሳብ ሓሙሽተ ዓመታት ዝኣክል ብማእሰርቲ ተሳቐዩ።

ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ብሓሙሽተ ዓመታት ማእሰርቲ ኣይሓለፈሉን፣ ሓይሊ ጃስር ኣብ ኣጋ መወዳእታ 1988 ብሰራዊት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ምስተጠቕዐ፡ መደበራትን ቤት ማእሰርትን ጃስር ኣብ ትሕቲ ምቁጽጻር ህግሓኤ ስለዝኣተወን፡ ካብ ማእሰርቲ ናይ ምምላጥ ዕድል ስለዘይተረኽበን እንደገና ምሩኽ ናይ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ኮይኑ፡ ካብ ጸልማትስ ናብ ዝኸፍኤ ጸልማት ኣብ ትሕቲ እስራት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ክሳዕ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ጸኒሑ።

እዚ ኩሉ ኣብ ልዕሊ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ዝወረደን ገና ዝወርድ ዘሎ ሕሰምን ኣደራዕን እዝሲ ኣብምንቲ ምንታይ ኮን ይኸውን ንዝብል ሓታቲ፡ እቲ መልሲ፣ ኣብ መንጎ ፈራሓት መለኽትን ኣብ መንጎ ተባዓት ህዝባዊ ዕላማታት ንምርግጋጽ ዝብጀዉ ተቓለስትን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ጥራሕ እተዘይኮይኑ ካልእ ንውልቁ ዝሓተቶ ጠቕሚ የለን። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ግን፡ ምርጫኡ ንኽወስድ ንዝተዋቦ ዕድል ተጠቂሙ ምስ ክልተ ናይ ቃልሲ ብጾት ንሱዳን ተመሊሱ ኣብታ ዋሕስ ህዝብና ክትከውን ዝጽበያ ውድብ ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ኣንጻር ምልኪ ቃልሱ ቀጺሉ። ገለ ካብቶም ተመሳሳሊ ጸገማት ናይ እስራትን ሱዳን ናይ ምእታው ምርጫ ዝረኸቡን፣ ከኣ ብጻይ ኣሰፋው በርሀን፡ ብርሃነ ተስፋጋብርን ክኾኑ እንከለዉ፡ ብጻይ ተስፋይ ርእሶም እውን ድሕሪ ነጽነት ስዒቡ ሱዳን ናይ ምእታውን ዕድል ካብዝረኸቡ ናይ ቃልሲ ብጾት እዩ።  

ብጻይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢብራሂም ብዝወረዶ ማእሰርትን ስቅያቱን ኣይሰንበድን ዝያዳ እዃ ዳኣ፣ ሓሪኑ ክምህ ከይበለ ካብ 1995 ራብዓይ ጉባኤ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ - ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ክሳብ 2010 ዝነበር እዋን ኣብዝተገብረ ጉባኤታት ኣባል ባይቶ ተመሪጽ፡ ብደረጃ ኣባል ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈትን ኮይኑ ተቓሊሱ። ኣብ 2011 ዓ.ም ኣብዝተኻየደ ቀዳማይን መስመሪ ጉባኤን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ምምራጹ እውን ኣባል ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኮይኑ ኣብ ቃልሲ እንከሎ እዩ ብዕለት 14 ለካቲት 2012 ብጸጥታዊ መሓውራት ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ካብ ከተማ ከሰላ ተጨውዩ፡ ክሳብ ሎሚ ኣሰሩ ኣብዘይርከበሉ፡ ኣውያቱ ኣብዘይስማዓሉ ጎዳጉዲ ምልኪ ተሰዊሩ ዘሎ።

ብጻይ መሓመድ ዓሊ ባዓል ሓዳርን ኣቦ ክልተ ኣወዳትን እዩ፣ በዂሪ ወዱ ናስር ኣብኡ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ህሓሓኤ ምስኣተወ ስለዝተወልደ ንሸሞንተ ዓመታት ዝኣክል ኣብኡ ከይሓቆፎ ዓብዩ፡ ዋላኳ ንይምሰል እንተነበረ፡ ጉጅለ ጃስር ብምኽንያት ሓደ መስከረም ኣብዝገበሮ በዓል ናይ 1986 ሓሊማ በዓልቲ ቤት እሱር ናብቲ በዓል ናይ ምስታፍ ዕድል ስለዝረኸበት፡ ኣብ በረኻ ንሓጺር ግዜ ምስ ስድርኡ ክራከብን ዓይኒ ንዓይኒ ክራኣኣዩን ዕድል ከምዝተዋህቦ ካብዝዝከር እዩ። መጅዲ ወዲ 19 ዓመት ምስበጽሐ፡ ኣብታ ኣቦ ዝደልየላ ናይ ንእስነቱ እዋን፡ ኣቡኡ ወፊሩ ክምለስ እንዳተጸበየ እንከሎ፣ ስለዝይኰነሉ ዘኽቲሙ ይዓቢ ኣሎ። ክሳብ ሎሚ ግደፍዶ ከምታ ናይ ጉጅለ ጃስር ዋላውን ፍርቂ ሰዓት ትኹን ስድራ ንምርኣይ ዕድል ክትርከበላስ ይትረፍ፡ ናይ ፖለቲካን ናይ ሕልናን እስሱራት ኤርትራውያን ብሓፈሻ ኣብ ትሕቲ መልኪ ዳሃዮም ጨና-ጽሩይ ማይ ኮይኑ ተሪፉ ኣሎ።

በዚ ኣጋጣሚ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰሪ ምልኪ ዘይዘኽተመትን ዘይተበታተነትን ስድራ ከምዘየላ ኩልና ንፈልጦ ካብ ኮነ፡ እታ ብደምን መስዋእትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ነጻነታ ዘረጋገጸት ሃገርና ኣብ ሓደጋ ትኣትወሉ ግዜ ንርከብ ካብ ሃለና፡ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ናይ ቃልሲ መሳርዕና ኣዋሃሂድና፡ ልኡላውነት ሃገርና ንምዕቃብ ዳግማይ ታሪኻዊ ግዴና ከነበርክት ንሕተት ምህላውና ተገንዚብና ክንላዓል ይግባእ።

ዓወት ንቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ!!

ምልኪ ይፍረስ፣ ስርዓተ ሕጊ ይንገስ

 

February 13, 2019 News

Source: Eritrea Watch

Eritrean social media pages have, for the last few weeks, been awash with the news coming out of Eritrea. The Assassination Attempt of Gen. Sebhat Efrem! Details of the incident are sketchy and one had to depend on anonymous sources, and to an extent on a hear say for details of the incident.

Who is the General

General Sebhat Efrem is the current Minister of Mines of the country Eritrea. He is a well known for his role as the commander of the gorilla army during the liberation of Eritrea from Ethiopia. He is best Known for his skilful leadership and personality.

In the internal politics of the EPLF (the liberation army), however he is known for his staunch loyalty and support of the current President of Eritrea. The now totalitarian dictator, has dominated the Pre and Post history of Eritrea. With that part of history, known for its secrecy, betrayal, foul plays and even disappearances – the General is well known to have taken the side of the movement leader, now dictator.

After Eritrean independence, he has fallen out of favour with his boss. Sidelined to be a Minster of Health, yet remained loyal. In the Coupé d’etat attempt of the 2013, commonly known as the Operation Forto, coming to the rescue of his boss once again. Historically, he is considered as loyal subject and a snitch to the dictator in power.

Leading to incident

Unexplained decisions and incidences, have people believe the Assassination Attempt was no coincidence of sorts. The public blieves, this was no work of an individual, as the unofficial report indicates; or doesn’t indicate.

– Anonymous sources, and confirmed by at least one relative, have described security apparatus on the hunt for certain people who happen to be His former staff at the Ministry of Defence. Those people would be hunted and arrested in the two weeks leading up to the incident. The name Col. Wunesh, comes up in all sources, though the number of people arrested is believed to be about fifteen or more.

– In the days leading up to the incident, the Municipality is said to have checked and pounded dogs which have not been vaccinated. They concentrated more at the vicinity where the General is residing.

– More mysterious incidences are to follow two days before the said incident. The security detail of the General’s residences are given a break and would not report for duty in the area.

– On the day of the Assassination Attempt, there is to be a power outage in the area of residence.

The Assassination – failed attempt

Anonymous witnesses confirmed the assailant was captured by passersby and handed over to security. He allegedly sneaked in to the residences, taking advantage of the darkness caused by the power outage on the evening. It is believed he was armed with a gun, a silencer, as no gun shot is heard by neighbours. He is to shoot the General once on the head, but the gun malfunctioned before shooting second time.

Details of the assailant and his wherebouts after capture are sketchy. Some sources claim he is from a military division assigned to guard the unofficial residences of the President, at Adi Halo.

Suicide followed by – a failed Coupé d’etat

The president of the country, Isayas Afwerki, is said to be under immense pressure to reform. Specially after the peace deal he signed in July with Ethiopia. He should feel a revolt from his ranks on how he handled the peace process with Ethiopia. The president has been in power for almost 28 years, he finds his safety net in holding on to power. Though many attempts to topple him, the knowns and unknowns, he should feel the current crisis poses a greater threat to his power. In September, when he travelled to Saudi Arabia to sign a new agreement with Ethiopia, he took his son – Abraham Isayas – with. This act would create crisis, even with in his support group, that he was about to groom his son for the position as a successor. That by all means seemed, his plan B.

General Sebhat Efrem, even during the struggle for independence, was known for his charming character and witty skills of negotiation. He has managed to outmaneuver opponents, yet without making so many enemies. For external players, like the US, he has come across as a person with a unifying influence, solid support base in the army and better communication counterpart. It is believed he has also voiced concern with the president’s handling of the recent peace process with Ethiopia.

All this seems to make the President more irrelevant. The president could not stand the idea, the General would be considered as a potential successor. On the most recent visit by a delegation from US, it is believed they inquired about the General’s attendance. Request was rejected by the President.

Speculation is rife, the failed Assassination Attemp, was was pre-empted, and with pre-manufactured reasons meant to persuade many of the General’s supporters and the public – this was a failed Coupé d’etat followed by suicide.

Post Assassination Attempt

After the incident, the General was flown to a hospital in Dubai, UAE. It is believed authorities in Dubai only learnt the importance of the person under treatment after few days. They are to make a security arrangement, after voicing dismay with the Ambassador of Eritrea in UAE. Contrary to other reports that stated he was not accompanied by anybody, sources confirm three people flew alongside him. The wife, a doctor and a party Official, who goes by the nick named Kisha.

He is believed to be in a stable condition. Sources claim even though he has started to communicate, his full recovery seems a long upheaval.

As of yet, there is no Official clarification on the part of the government about the General’s assassination attempt.

Nor his Progress.
It’s a developing story….

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ሎሚ’ውን ከም ቀደም፡ ብዛዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ኰነታት ሃገርና ኤርትራ ዝመራመሩን ሓሳብ ዝህቡን ብዙሓት እዮም። ሃለዋት ሃገርና ክለዓል እንከሎ፡ ብዛዕባ ዝምድነኣ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ካብቲ ብቐጻሊ ዝጥቀስ ነጥቢ እዩ። እዚ ኣብ ዙርያ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝለዓል ሓሳባት፡ በብመድረኹን ከከም በሃሊኡን ዝተፈላለዩ መልከዓት ዝሕዝ እዩ። ሓደ እዋን ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲአን ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝተባርዐ ብዙሓት “ሰዓርን ተሰዓርን ዘይነበሮ ዘይምኽኑይ ውግእ” ዝብልዎ ኣዛራቢ ነይሩ። ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ ግዜ ከኣ ካብዚ ዓብይ ዛዕባ፡ ውዕል ኣልጀርስን ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ኣተገባብርኡን ኣዛራቢ ነይሩን ኣሎን። እነሆ ሕጂ ከኣ ኣብ ዙርያ እዚ ዓብይ ናይ ጐረባብቲ ዛዕባ፡ እቲ ቅድሚ ሸውዓተ ኣዋርሕ ዝተራእየ፡ ሃንደበታዊ፡ ዘይግሉጽን ጌና መዕለቢኡ ዘይተፈልጠን ምሕዳስ ዝምድና ክልቲአን ሃገራት ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።

ብፍላይ ምሕዳስ ዝምድና ብዝምልከት ክዝረብ እንከሎ፡ ምስቲ ንኤርትራ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ዘየናሕሲ ጉጅለ ኣጎዝጒዝካ እቲ ምስኡ ዝዛመድ ዘሎ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ምልዓሉ ኣይተረፈን። መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ምስዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝዘርግ ዘሎ ስግንጢር ጉጅለ ክዛመድ እንከሎ፡ ቀንዲ ማእከሉ ጠቕሚ ሃገሩ’ኳ እንተኾነ፡ ብወገን ኤርትራ፡ እቲ ዝምድና ማእከሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ረብሓኡን ዘይኮነስ፡ እቲ ብደም ኤርትራውያን ዝሃጠረን ኣእዳዉ ብደም ንጹሃት ዝጨቀወን ውልቀ-መላኺ ምዃኑ ንከስተብህል፡ ናብ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ስምዕታ ምቕራብን፡ ዘይሩዘይሩ ኣብ ኤርትራ መሊኡ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝፈስስ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤን ክህልዎ ከም ዝኽእል ምዝኽኻሩን ሕማቕ ኣይኮነን። ቅድሚ ሒደት ኣዋርሕ ኤርትራውያን ሓይልታት ለውጢ ኣብ ከተማ ፍራንክፈርት ዘስምዕዎ ቃል ከኣ ናይዚ ኣብነት’ዩ።

እንተኾነ ናይቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ሳዕሪሩ ዘሎ ወጽዓ፡ ዘይግሉጽነትን ንዕቀትን ብደዐ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ተሓታቲ እቲ “ንኤርትራ እመርሓ ኣለኹ” ዝብል ጉጅለ እምበር መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኮነ ካልእ ናይ ግዳም ሓይሊ ከምዘይኮነ ክንእመን ይግበኣና። እንተኾነ እቲ ናይ ግዳም ናይ “ጽቡቕ ኣለኻ” ኣተሓሳስባ ኣየሻህርቶን/ኣየሻድኖን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ምስዚ ኩሉ፡ ጠመተና ናብ ህግደፍ ጓሲና ናብቶም ንረብሓኦም ክብሉ ዘሻህርትዎ ኢድና እንተ ቀሲርና፡ ከምቲ “ወደን ከይሓምያስ ሰበይቲ ወደን ይሓምያ” ዝበሃል ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ክንወድቕ ኢና።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዘይካቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ብኣና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብኢትዮጵያውያን’ውን ሕቶ ዘልዕል ዘሎ ዝምድና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ምስ በዓል ሱዕድያን ሕቡራት ዓረብ ኢምሬትን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ዘይጥቅው ዝምድና እውን ኣዛራቢ እዩ። ከም ሳዕቤን ናይቲ ምስዘን ሃገራት ዝግበር ዘሎ “እዛ ብርኩታ እምኒላታ” ዘብል፤ ዝምድና ኣብ ዝተወሰነ ከባብታት ሃገርና ምኽፍት ናይ ወጻኢ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራትን ካልእ ምስጢራዊ ስርሒታት ይካየድ ከም ዘሎ ናይ ኣደባባይ ምስጢር ካብ ዝኸውን ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። እዘን ሃገራት ካብ ርእስና ክወርዳ ክንጽውዕን ክንምሕጸንን ንቡርኳ እንተኾነ፡ ከምቲ “ንስኻ እንተዘይትደፋኒ መን መጽደፈኒ” ዝበሃል፡ እቲ ጠንቂ ናይ ኩሉ ስግኣት፡ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ምዃኑ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣናን። ነዚ ዘይቅዱስ ምዕባለ፡ ንምስሊ ህግደፍ ከነጸባብቕ ክንብል፡ ንዓኡ ካብ ተሓታትነት ኣውጺእና ናብ ደገ ክንቋመት እንተፈቲና፡ ንቃልስና መስመሩ ዘስሕት ኣብ ልዕሊ ምዃኑ፡ ዕድመ ወጽዓ ዘንውሕ ከምዝኮነ ክዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣናን፡

እዚ እዋንዚ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዘይመሰረታዊ ስጉምቲ ወሲዱ ካብቲ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክሕባእ ህርዲግ ዝበለሉ ዘሎ እዩ። ናይዚ መርኣያ ከኣ ነቲ ምስ ብዙሕ ዋጢጡ መጺኡ፡ ኣቀጻጽላኡ ዘይፍለጥ ዝምድና ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ንቕድሚት እንዳምጸአ ንኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ጉዳይ ክደፍኖ ብዙሕ ሃቐነታት የካይድ ኣሎ። እንተኾነ ተመኩሮ መምህር እዩ’ሞ  ኤርትራውያን “እዚ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ወሲድካዮ ዘለኻ ስጉምቲ እኹል ኣይኮነን” ዝብል ድምጾም ብውልቅን ብእኩብን ብዝለዓለ ኣገባብ የስምዑ ኣለዉ። ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም እውን “ዝምድናኹም ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ንቡር ምምላሱ፡ ናብቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይኩም ዝወስድ ሓደ ስጉምቲ እምበር፡ ዝጽበየኩም ለውጥስ ብዙሕ እዩ” ዝብል ድምጹ የስምዕ ኣሎ። ፓርላማ ጀርመን ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ነቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ምምሕያሽ ዝምድና ጥራይ ከም ለውጢ ወሲዱ፡ ኣብ ልምዓታዊ ስረሓት ምስ ኤርትራ ክተሓባበር ድልዊ ዘይምዃኑ ምግላጹ ብኣውንታ ዝጥቀስን ናይ ህግደፍ መህደሚ መንገድታት ዝዓጹን እዩ።

ኤርትራውያን ምስ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝመሓዘዉ፡ ናይ ውሽጢ ይኹን ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ክንነቅፍን ክንንእድን እንከለና፡ መዕቀኒና ቀጻልነትን ረብሓ ኤርትራን ህዝባን እምበር፡ ጸቢብ ሕሳብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። ዝምድና ህዝብናን ህግደፍን ናይ ወጻዕን ተወጻዕን ምዃኑ ደጊም ንድሕሪት ዘይንምለሰሉ ኣብ ባይታ ዘሎ ሓቂ እዩ። ካብዚ ሚዛንዚ ካብ ነቐልና ከኣ ንመን ንጸልእ፡ ንመንከ ንፈቱ፡ ነየናይ ንነቅፍን ነየናይ ንድግፍን፡ ህግደፍ ክውስነልና ኣይግባእን። ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ ረብሓና ኣብቲ ንዓና  ዝጠቅም እምበር፡ ኣብ ናይ ካለኦት ሕማቕ ዝምርኮስ ክኸውን ኣይግበኦን። ኣብዚ ብቑዓት ክንከውን ከኣ፡ ቅድሚ ብዛዕባ ካልኦት፡ ብዛዕባና ክንዛረብ ክንበቅዕ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ካብዚ ኣካይዳዚ ወጽኢና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዘዝበሎ ንደግም እንተኮይና ግና፡ ከምቲ “ናታ እንዳሓረራስ ናይ ካለኦት ተካውስ” ዝበሃል ክንከውን ኢና። ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣሚ ከም እንዕዘቦ ኣብቲ እንብህጎ ለውጢ ክንበጽሕ እነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ፡ ረብሓና ረብሓኦም ናይ ዝኾኑ ወገናት፡ ሓገዝን ድገፍን ክንጽበ ባህርያዊ እዩ። እንተኾነ ከምቲ “ዋና እንተዘየእውዩ ጐረቤት ኣይረድእን’ዩ” ዝበሃል ናቶም ደገፍ ንጸዓትና ዝትክእ ኣይኮነን።

ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክርሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ናብቲ “2019 ዓመተ ስደተኛታትን ካብ ስደት ተመለስትን” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ቴማ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዝተኻየደ መበል 32 ኣኼባ መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ መዘክር ልኢኹ። ኣብዚ ዝለኣኾ መዘክር ፡ ኣኼባ ነቲ ኤርትራውያን ብሰንኪ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ኣብ ሃገሮምን ኣብቲ ተገዲዶም ዝተሰድዎን ዘሕልፍዎ ዘለዉ ስቓይ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ግቡእ ቆላሕታ ክገብረሉ ዳግማይ ኣዘኻኺሩ።

ኣኼባ መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ ብዙሕ ጉዳያት ብምድህሳስ ብ11 ለካቲት 2019 እዩ ተዛዚሙ። እዚ መበል 32 ኣኼባ መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ  ካብ ዝተዘራርበሎም ጉዳያት፡ ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ዘሎ ጸገም ዋሕዚ ስደት፡  ምምዝባልን ካብ ስደት ተመለስትን ብኸመይ ከም ዝፍታሕ ምድህሳስ ቀንዲ ነይሩ። ኤርትራ ሓንቲ ካብተን ብዙሓት ካብ ዜጋታተን ዝስደዱ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ እያ። ብዘይካዚ ኤርትራ ስደተኛታት ካብ ስደት ክምለሱ ዘይደፍርዋ ሃገር እያ።

ኣቦመንበር ሰዲህኤ መዘክሩ ናብ ኮሚሽነር ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ክቡር ኣቶ ሙሳ ፋቂ፡ ቅዳሑ ድማ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ  ናብ ዝተሳተፉ መራሕቲ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃን ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ዝርከቡ ልኡኻቶምን እዩ ልኢኽዎ። ኣብዚ  ዝለኣኾ መዘክር ኣብ መጻኢት ኣፍሪቃ ሰላም፡ ዕቤትን ምውሃድን ንክህሉ ነቲ ኣኼባ ሰናይ ትምኒቱ ገሊጽሉ። እቲ ኣኼባ ነቲ ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ዘሎ ከም ናይ ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰለ ኣዕናውን ኣቐንዛውን ኩነታት ብኹሉ መልክዑ ንክርእዮ ናብ ተሳተፍቲ መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ መጸዋዓቱ ኣቕሪቡ።