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(London 04-02-2015)

Over a hundred UK based Eritreans participated in giving evidence and insight into the human rights violations taking place in Eritrea to the UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights in Eritrea, during their investigative visit to the UK from the 23rdto the 31stof January.

A coalition of Eritrean human rights organisations based in the UK supported the mission by   mobilising the public, raising awareness and supporting victims who volunteered to give testimony, evidence or information about human rights violations in Eritrea. Although many victims found the process emotionally taxing they nonetheless expressed   willingness and continued to engage in a process that is anticipated to bring forth a ground breaking focus on human rights violations being perpetrated in Eritrea.

Basing themselves in London, Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds and Glasgow the investigation team met with victims and families of victims who have first-hand information on extrajudicial   killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, disappearances, violations of religious rights, gender based violations, violations against national service conscripts, violations of freedom of expression and association and much more. Additionally there were focus group meetings held in the presence of the Commissioners who were provided with insight into the background against which the individual violations are being perpetrated.

In response to the large number of people willing to come forth with their evidence both here in the UK and across many other Eritrean communities, the Commission has extended the deadline that was due to expire on the 31st of January 2015.for a period of one month. The new deadline for written submissions is 28 February 2015.

The UK based consortium of human rights organisations would like to take this opportunity to thank all those who took part in giving   testimonies individually or as participants in a focus group as well as the many groups and individuals who facilitated workshops and information sessions and facilitation of individual and group interviews. 

The consortium of UK based human rights organisations includes: Eritreans for Human and Democratic Rights – UK (EHDR – UK), Citizens for Democratic Rights in Eritrea (CDRiE), Release Eritrea and Suwera Human Rights Centre (SHRC).

The Consortium would also encourage all Eritreans, victims of direct or indirect violation of their dignity and human rights or who have information about those violations to contact the Commission directly at the following email address:This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Further information about the Commission can be obtained from their website:

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIEritrea/Pages/commissioninquiryonhrinEritrea.aspx

لندن: 4-2-2015: شارك أكثر من 100 إريترياً يعيشون في بريطانيا يشاركون في تقديم أدلة وشهادات حول انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان التي وقعت في إريتريا إلى لجنة تقصي الحقائق بشأن حقوق الإنسان في إريتريا التي شكلها مجلس حقوق الإنسان التابع للأمم المتحدة خلال زيارة اللجنة إلى المملكة المتحدة في الفترة بين 23 يناير و31 يناير 2015.

دعم ائتلاف لمنظمات حقوق الإنسان الإريترية التي تتخذ من بريطانيا مقراً لها البعثة من خلال تعبئة الجمهور ورفع الوعي ومساعدة الضحايا الذي تطوعوا للإدلاء بشهاداتهم أو بتقديم معلومات. وبالرغم من أن العديد من الضحايا، وجدوها شاقة عاطفياً فقد عبروا عن استعدادهم لمواصلة في المشاركة في العملية التي يتوقع أن تسهم بزيادة التركيز على انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان التي اُرتكبت في إريتريا.

التقى فريق المحققين في لندن، وبرمنغهام، ومانشستر، وليدز وغلاسكو بضحايا وأسر ضحايا الذين يمتلكون معلومات مباشرة عن اعتقالات تعسفية، القتل خارج القانون، التعذيب، الاختفاء القسري، وانتهاك الحريات الدينية، الانتهاكات القائمة على نوع الجنس والانتهاكات ضد مجندي الخدمة الوطنية، الانتهاكات ضد حرية التعبير وحق التجمع وغيرها من الانتهاكات. بالإضافة إلى ذلك كانت هناك اجتماعات لمجموعات للتركيز على جوانب معينة عُقدت بحضور عضوين من لجنة تقصي الحقائق اللذين قُدم لهم تنويراً حول الخلفيات التي ارتكبت في ظلها الانتهاكات في إريتريا. وبسبب العدد الكبير من الأشخاص الراغبين في تقديم أدلتهم في المملكة المتحدة والمناطق الأخرى التي تتواجد فيها جاليات إريترية، قررت اللجنة تمديد الموعد النهائي لاستلام المعلومات، من التاريخ الذي كان محدداً سابقاً بــ 31 يناير، لمدة شهر آخر؛ حيث سينتهي الموعد الجديد لتقديم الملعومات في 28 فبراير 2015.

ويغتنم ائتلاف منظمات حقوق الإنسان الإريترية في المملكة المتحدة هذه الفرصة ليشكر أولئك الذين شاركوا بالإداء بشهاداتهم على نحو فردي أو من خلال مشاركتهم في المجموعات التي ركزت على جوانب معينة من انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان، مثلما يشكر أيضاً المجموعات والأفراد الذين سهلوا ورش العمل وإجراء المقابلات الفردية والجماعية.

ضم ائتلاف منظمات حقوق الإنسان: إرتريون من أجل الحقوق الإنسانية والديمقراطية

( EHRD-UK) إريتريون من أجل الحقوق الديمقراطية ( CDRIE) (( Release Eritrea ومركز سويرا لحقوق الإنسان (SCHR)

يحث ائتلاف منظمات حقوق الإنسان الإرتريين الذين لديهم معلومات أو كانوا ضحايا لانتهاكات مباشرة أو غير مباشرة لحقوقهم الإنسانية على الاتصال مباشرة بلجنة تقصي الحقائق من خلال البريد الإلكتروني أدناه:

: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

يمكن الحصول على المزيد من المعلومات حول عمل لجنة تقصي الحقائق من موقعها على الإنترنت:

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIEritrea/Pages/commissioninquiryonhrinEritrea.aspx

Thursday, 05 February 2015 19:14

Musikalische Unterhaltung in Koeln

Written by

The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) conducts research on the conditions for peaceful relations between states, groups and people. The Director of PRIO annually lists candidates for Nobel Peace Prize. The Eritrean priest, Father Mussie Zerai is on top of such a list this year.

While the PRIO Director’s  comments may be relevant on the issue, his speculations do not confirm, nor endorse, any candidate, and are not in any manner based on privileged access to the decision-making of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. Neither the Director, nor the Institute he leads, have any form of association with the Nobel Institute or the Norwegian Nobel Committee. ... Each year, PRIO Director Kristian Berg Harpviken presents his own shortlist for the Nobel Peace Prize. He offers his opinion on the most likely laureates, based on his independent assessment. The PRIO Director’s view on the most likely Nobel Peace Prize laureates is widely covered by international media, and it has been offered since 2002. 

The Norwegian Nobel Committee bases its decision on valid nominations received by the 1 February deadline (in addition to potential nominations put forth by the Committee members at their first meeting after the deadline). Anyone can be nominated, but only a number of people have the right to nominate, including members of national assemblies and governments, current and former members of the Committee, Peace Prize laureates, professors of certain disciplines, directors of peace research and foreign policy institutes, and members of international courts. The Director of PRIO holds such a position, but, as a principle refrains from making nominations, given his active role as a commentator. The laureate is normally announced at 11 o'clock on the Friday of the first full week in October.

Harpviken's 2015 Nobel Peace Prize shortlist

1.    Mussie Zerai

2.    Novaya Gazeta

3.    Iraq Body Count

4.    Article 9 Association

5.    Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege

In 2015, Harpviken’s favourite is Mussie Zerai, the Catholic Priest of Eritrean origin who resides in Italy, and whose widely distributed phone number has been the last hope for many desperate refugees aboard brittle boats crossing the Mediterranean. Number two is Novaya Gazeta, the newspaper that continues to challenge political developments in Russia and its immediate neighbourhood, despite the loss of several of its journalists in violent attacks. Third on the list is Iraq Body Count, for pioneering civil society monitoring of war casualties and proving its importance for ethical accountability. Number four is Article 9 Association, working to preserve Article 9 in the Japanese constitution, which renounces Japan's right to engage in war or to maintain military forces capable of engaging in war. The fifth and final suggestion is for a combined prize to Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege, who in their different capacities stand at the forefront of the global struggle against sexual violence. 

About Father Mussie Zerai

Aba Mussie

Mussie Zerai

Mussie Zerai is a Catholic priest, who combines his duties for the Eritrean Catholic community in Switzerland, with running the Agenzia Habeshia, a charitable trust he set up in 2006 to campaign for the rights of North African refugees. His phone number is widely shared by migrants waiting for the risky trip across the Mediterranean, who call him if in distress, with Zerai conveying the reports to the rescuers. Occasionally, he appears in the media to place responsibility on those who could have prevented the deaths on sea. ‘I don't encourage anybody to come to Italy, or Europe in general…’, states Zerai, ‘these people must flee in order to save their lives’. The migration across the Mediterranean is an escalating humanitarian disaster, and Europe struggles with how to respond. Worldwide, migration caused by war, economic scarcity, and environmental change, is also increasing dramatically.  A Nobel Peace Prize to reward the courage and moral integrity of a single person seems particularly timely this year. One alternative candidate, amongst many, who would speak to the same cause, is Giusi Nicolini, the mayor of Lampedusa, the Italian island which has impressed the world with its humble hospitality and insistence on the dignity of the refugees reaching its shores.

(It is to be recalled that a Swiss newspaper has also named Father Mussie of a busy mobile telephone to be considered for Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to save lives of so many Eritreans in the Mediterranean Sea – Harnnet.org).

Norwegian Body Includes Eritrea Priest in List of                                                                                                             Nobel Peace Prize Candidates for Year 2015

By prio.org

The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) conducts research on the conditions for peaceful relations between states, groups and people. The Director of PRIO annually lists candidates for Nobel Peace Prize. The Eritrean priest, Father Mussie Zerai is on top of such a list this year.

While the PRIO Director’s  comments may be relevant on the issue, his speculations do not confirm, nor endorse, any candidate, and are not in any manner based on privileged access to the decision-making of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. Neither the Director, nor the Institute he leads, have any form of association with the Nobel Institute or the Norwegian Nobel Committee. ... Each year, PRIO Director Kristian Berg Harpviken presents his own shortlist for the Nobel Peace Prize. He offers his opinion on the most likely laureates, based on his independent assessment. The PRIO Director’s view on the most likely Nobel Peace Prize laureates is widely covered by international media, and it has been offered since 2002. 

The Norwegian Nobel Committee bases its decision on valid nominations received by the 1 February deadline (in addition to potential nominations put forth by the Committee members at their first meeting after the deadline). Anyone can be nominated, but only a number of people have the right to nominate, including members of national assemblies and governments, current and former members of the Committee, Peace Prize laureates, professors of certain disciplines, directors of peace research and foreign policy institutes, and members of international courts. The Director of PRIO holds such a position, but, as a principle refrains from making nominations, given his active role as a commentator. The laureate is normally announced at 11 o'clock on the Friday of the first full week in October.

Harpviken's 2015 Nobel Peace Prize shortlist

1.    Mussie Zerai

2.    Novaya Gazeta

3.    Iraq Body Count

4.    Article 9 Association

5.    Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege

In 2015, Harpviken’s favourite is Mussie Zerai, the Catholic Priest of Eritrean origin who resides in Italy, and whose widely distributed phone number has been the last hope for many desperate refugees aboard brittle boats crossing the Mediterranean. Number two is Novaya Gazeta, the newspaper that continues to challenge political developments in Russia and its immediate neighbourhood, despite the loss of several of its journalists in violent attacks. Third on the list is Iraq Body Count, for pioneering civil society monitoring of war casualties and proving its importance for ethical accountability. Number four is Article 9 Association, working to preserve Article 9 in the Japanese constitution, which renounces Japan's right to engage in war or to maintain military forces capable of engaging in war. The fifth and final suggestion is for a combined prize to Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege, who in their different capacities stand at the forefront of the global struggle against sexual violence. 

About Father Mussie Zerai

http://www.asmarino.com/images/AITV/abba-mussie.jpg

Mussie Zerai

Mussie Zerai is a Catholic priest, who combines his duties for the Eritrean Catholic community in Switzerland, with running the Agenzia Habeshia, a charitable trust he set up in 2006 to campaign for the rights of North African refugees. His phone number is widely shared by migrants waiting for the risky trip across the Mediterranean, who call him if in distress, with Zerai conveying the reports to the rescuers. Occasionally, he appears in the media to place responsibility on those who could have prevented the deaths on sea. ‘I don't encourage anybody to come to Italy, or Europe in general…’, states Zerai, ‘these people must flee in order to save their lives’. The migration across the Mediterranean is an escalating humanitarian disaster, and Europe struggles with how to respond. Worldwide, migration caused by war, economic scarcity, and environmental change, is also increasing dramatically.  A Nobel Peace Prize to reward the courage and moral integrity of a single person seems particularly timely this year. One alternative candidate, amongst many, who would speak to the same cause, is Giusi Nicolini, the mayor of Lampedusa, the Italian island which has impressed the world with its humble hospitality and insistence on the dignity of the refugees reaching its shores.

(It is to be recalled that a Swiss newspaper has also named Father Mussie of a busy mobile telephone to be considered for Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to save lives of so many Eritreans in the Mediterranean Sea – Harnnet.org).

Wednesday, 04 February 2015 23:51

Freedom in the World 2014

Written by

Eritrea

Top of FormBottom of Form

OVERVIEW: 


President Isaias Afwerki’s personal authority was publically challenged in 2013 for the first time in more than a decade when, on January 21, more than 100 soldiers occupied the Ministry of Information, took over the state-run television channel, Eri-TV, and demanded democratic reforms, including the implementation of Eritrea’s constitution and the release of thousands of political prisoners. The revolt was quelled within hours, as the government reportedly negotiated with the soldiers. Their message was pulled off the air mid-broadcast, and calm was restored following negotiations in which the soldiers agreed to return to their barracks. Reports suggest there were between 60 and 200 arrests in the days following the incident, though details are vague due to the intense secrecy surrounding the Eritrean regime.

Several other incidents in 2013 suggested that, for some, discontent with the regime was reaching a breaking point. A number of high-profile defections were confirmed, including Eritrea’s former information minister, two senior Air Force pilots, and the national football team, all of whom left the country in late 2012. In October, more than 250 Eritreans and Somalis tragically drowned as they tried to reach the Italian island of Lampedusa in an overcrowded boat. Another 200 people were missing, and presumed dead. The incident illustrated to many the plight of ordinary Eritreans.

POLITICAL RIGHTS AND CIVIL LIBERTIES: 

Political Rights: 1 / 40

A. Electoral Process: 0 / 12

Following Eritrea’s formal independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Isaias Afwerki was chosen by a Transitional National Assembly to serve as president until elections could be held. He has remained in charge ever since. His rule has become harshly authoritarian, particularly since the end of a bloody border war with Ethiopia in 2000.

A new constitution, ratified in 1997, called for “conditional” political pluralism and an elected 150-seat National Assembly, which would choose the president from among its members by a majority vote. This system has never been implemented, and national elections planned for 2001 have been postponed indefinitely. The Transitional National Assembly is comprised of 75 members of the ruling party—the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)—and 75 elected members. In 2004, regional assembly elections were conducted, but they were carefully orchestrated by the PFDJ and offered no real choice to voters.

B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 0 / 16

Created in 1994, the PFDJ is the only legal political party. The PFDJ and the military are in practice the only institutions of political significance in Eritrea, and both entities are strictly subordinate to the president.

C. Functioning of Government: 1 / 12

Corruption is a major problem. The government’s control over foreign exchange effectively gives it sole authority over imports, and those in favor with the regime are allowed to profit from the smuggling and sale of scarce goods such as building materials, food, and alcohol. According to the International Crisis Group, senior military officials are the chief culprits in this trade. The UN Eritrea and Somalia Monitoring Group has accused senior officers of running a lucrative criminal network smuggling people and arms out of the country. 

The government operates without public scrutiny and few outside a small clique around the president have any insight into how policy and budget decisions are made and implemented.

           

Civil Liberties: 2 / 60

D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 0 / 16

The law does not allow independent media to operate in Eritrea, and the government controls all broadcasting outlets. A group of 10 journalists arrested in 2001 remains imprisoned without charge, and the government refuses to provide any information on their status. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 28 journalists were in prison in Eritrea at the end of 2012. In September 2013, a dissident group drawing inspiration from January’s army mutiny said it had begun circulating an underground newspaper in Asmara written by a team based inside and outside the country.

The government controls the internet infrastructure and is thought to monitor online communications. Foreign media are available to those few who can afford a satellite dish.

The government places strict limits on the exercise of religion. Since 2002 it has officially recognized only four faiths: Islam, Orthodox Christianity, Roman Catholicism, and Lutheranism as practiced by the Evangelical Church of Eritrea. Members of Evangelical and Pentecostal churches face persecution, but the most severe treatment is reserved for Jehovah’s Witnesses, who are barred from government jobs and refused business permits or identity cards. According to Amnesty International, members of other churches have been jailed and tortured or otherwise ill-treated to make them abandon their faith. As many as 3,000 people from unregistered religious groups are currently in prison because of their beliefs. Abune Antonios, patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, has been under house arrest since speaking out against state interference in religion in 2006.

Academic freedom is constrained. Students in their last year of secondary school are subject to obligatory military service. Academics practice self-censorship and the government interferes with their course content and limits their ability to conduct research abroad. Eritrea’s university system has been effectively closed, replaced by regional colleges whose main purposes are military training and political indoctrination. Freedom of expression in private discussions is limited. People are guarded in voicing their opinions for fear of being overheard by government informants.

E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 0 / 12

Freedoms of assembly and association are not recognized. The government maintains a hostile attitude toward civil society, and independent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are not tolerated. A 2005 law requires NGOs to pay taxes on imported materials, submit project reports every three months, renew their licenses annually, and meet government-established target levels of financial resources. The six remaining international NGOs that had been working in Eritrea were forced to leave in 2011. The government placed strict controls on UN operations in the country, preventing staff from leaving the capital.

The government controls all union activity. The National Confederation of Eritrean Workers is the country’s main union body and has affiliated unions for women, teachers, young people, and general workers.

F. Rule of Law: 0 / 16

The judiciary, which was formed by decree in 1993, is understaffed, unprofessional, and has never issued rulings at odds with government positions. Most criminal cases are heard by the Special Court, composed of PFDJ loyalists chosen by the president himself. The International Crisis Group has described Eritrea as a “prison state” for its flagrant disregard of the rule of law and its willingness to detain anyone suspected of opposing the regime, usually without charge, for indefinite periods. In 2013, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that there were between 5,000 and 10,000 political prisoners in Eritrea. They include surviving members of a group of ruling party-members who publicly criticized Afwerki in May 2001. Eleven of them were arrested for treason, along with a number of journalists, but were never charged. Many of the jailed dissidents and journalists were subsequently reported to have died in custody, but the government refuses to divulge information about them.

Torture, arbitrary detentions, and political arrests are common. Prison conditions are harsh, and outside monitors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross are denied access to detainees. Juvenile prisoners are often incarcerated alongside adults. In some facilities, inmates are held in metal shipping containers or underground cells in extreme temperatures. Prisoners are often denied medical treatment. The government maintains a network of secret detention facilities.

The Kunama people, one of Eritrea’s nine ethnic groups, face severe discrimination. LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) individuals face legal and social discrimination due to the criminalization of same-sex sexual relations.

G. Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights: 2 / 16

Freedom of movement, both inside and outside the country, is tightly controlled. Eritreans under the age of 50 are rarely given permission to go abroad, and those who try to travel without the correct documents face imprisonment. The authorities adopt a shoot-on-sight policy toward people found in locations deemed off-limits, such as mining facilities and areas close to the border. Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers who are repatriated from other countries are also detained. These strict penalties fail to deter tens of thousands of people from risking their lives to escape the country each year.

Government policy is officially supportive of free enterprise, and citizens are in theory able to choose their employment, establish private businesses, and operate them without harassment. In reality, a conscription system ties most able-bodied men and women to obligatory military service and can also entail compulsory labor for enterprises controlled by the political elite. The official 18-month service period is frequently open-ended in practice, and conscientious-objector status is not recognized. The government conducted raids in several cities in October 2013, detaining young men of fighting age and sending them to military training camps. Reports suggest as many as 1,500 men were seized in Asmara alone.  The government imposes collective punishment on the families of deserters, forcing them to pay heavy fines or putting them in prison. The enforced contraction of the labor pool, combined with a lack of investment and rigid state control of private enterprise, has crippled the national economy. The government levies a compulsory 2 percent tax on income earned by citizens living overseas, and those who do not pay place their relatives back home at risk of arrest.

Women hold some senior government positions, including four ministerial posts. The government has made attempts to promote women’s rights, with laws mandating equal educational opportunity, equal pay for equal work, and penalties for domestic violence. However, traditional societal discrimination against women persists in the countryside. While female genital mutilation was banned by the government in 2007, the practice remains widespread in rural areas.

The U.S. State Department’s 2013 Trafficking in Persons Report ranks Eritrea at Tier 3, describing it as a source country for individuals subjected to forced labor and sexual exploitation.

Scoring Key: X / Y (Z)

X = Score Received

Y = Best Possible Score

Z = Change from Previous Year

Full Methodology

Source=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/eritrea#.VNKFBNLF8TE

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ ናይዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ዓመት ምምሕዳር ኢስያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብ ሰላሳ ዘይውሕድ ሓድሽ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ሰዓት ሕሙሽተ ንግሆ ብሆሊከፕተርን ታንክታትን ዝተሰንዩ ኣፍረስቲ ሊኢኹ ከም ዘዕነወ ኣብ ዜናታት ተቛወምቲ ምልኪ ከም ዝተቓለሐ ዝዝከርዩ። ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብተን ኣብ ከባቢ ማእከላይ ቤት ጽሕፈት ርእሰ መራሒ ጥፍእት እትርከብ ዓዲያ። ምምሕዳር ማዛጋጃ ቤት ኣስመራ ካብ ሱሳታት ከተማ ኣስመራ እናሰፍሐ ኣብ ዝኸደሉ ዝነበረ ጽርግያን መዛናግዒ ቦታታትን ካልኦት ህዝባውያን ትካላትን ድሕሪ ምቕያስ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንመደብ ህንጻ ኣስመራ ብምኽታል መሬቶም ኣዋሪዶም ገዛውቶም ክሰርሑ መምርሒ ምስ ተዋህበ: ብሰፊሕ ምርድዳእ ዓድን ምምሕዳር ማዛገጃ ቤት ኣስመራን: መሬቶም ብምክፋል ምሉእ ዓቕሚ ዝነበሮም ቪላታት ሕጽረት ገንዘብ ዝነብሮም ከኣ ፍርቁ ሸይጦም ፍርቂ መሬት ብጺሒቶም ሰሪሖም፡፡ እዚ ጽፉፍ ባህሊ ንምቕጻል ድሕሪ ቀጻሊ ዕብየት ከተማ ብ 2005 ኣብ መንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ብዝተገብረ ውሳኔ ቀጻሊ ምክፍፋል መሬት ብምግባር ኣብ መሬቶም ገዛውቲ ክሰርሑ እብ ዝተዋፈርሉ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣይኮንኩምን ዝበልዎም 120 ዝኣኽሉ ሰባት ምንባሮም ምስሓሓብ ተፈጢሩስ ፎዝያ ኑርሑሰን ብዝሃበቶ ፍርዲ ክካፈሉ ኪኢሎም። መሪሒነት ህግደፍውን ንዝቐርብዎም ሰባት ብዶላራት ሸይጦም ዝዓደልዎ መሬት ናይዚ ዓዲ ኣሎ።

ኢስያስን መምሪሑኡን ኣብዚ ጠጠው ኣይበለን። ምርድዳእ ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ዓዲ ኣብ ውሳኔ ምስ በጽሐ ዝኾነ ገዛ ኣብ ኣስመራ ንኸይስራሕ ኣውጁ። ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ብሕቡእ ግን ዋላ ኣብ ጥቓ ቤት ጽሕፈትን መቐመጥን ኣይተ ኢሳይስ ቀጺሉዩ። ገለ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ኸኣ ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ትጽቢት ኣብ መሬቶም ከባቢ ቤት ክርስትያን ኪዳነ ምህረት ክሰርሑ ጀሚሮም። መብዛሕትኡ ዝተሰርሐ ገዛውቲ ቆልዑ ብዘለውዎም ስድራ ቤታት ዝተስርሐዩ። ምዕናው ናይዚ ገዛውቲ እምበኣር ክንደይ ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጎልጎል ኣጻጢሑ ምህላው ብሩህዩ። እዚዩ እቲ ማሕበራዊ ኲናት ምልካዊ ስርዓት እሳያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ። ኣብ ምምሕዳር ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዘይተነግረ እምበር ዘይተገብረ የለን።

ብንጹር ድሕሪ ኲናት ዶብ ምስ እትዮጵያ ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ምስዚ ሕጂ ምዕናው ገዛውቲ ህዝቢ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጥመትን ዘርምዘርሞን ስደትን ዝንቖተ ካልእ ፍጻመ ኸኣ ዝስዕብ ዛንታሎ። ኩሉ ህዝቢ ዝፈልጦ ውጽኢት ኲናት ኢትዮ ኤርትራ ብፍሽለት መሪሒነት ኢሳይስዩ ተዛዚሙ። ስዕረቱ ንምጉልባብ ከኣ ኣብ ምእሳርን ምጭዋይን ጠለብቲ ሕግን ቁዋምን ተዋፊሩ። ፍርሒ ኢሳይስ ብጽላሎቱውን ስለዝኾነ ፍሉይን ኣብ ጽንኩር ቦታን ዝበሎ ከጥፍኦም ነይርዎ። ሳይበርያ ኢስያስ። መእሰሪኦም ንህግደፋዊት ኩባንያ ሰገን ኣብ ሰሎሙና መደበር ሃኒጹ: ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ዝብል ወፍሪ ሽፋን ገይሩ: ንሱ ዝሃንደሶ መጀር ጀነራል ገርዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያን ዝመርሖ ብብርጋደር ጀነርል ሚኪኤል ዩውሃንስ- ወዲ ሃንስ ዝምራሕ ኣተግባሪ ሰራዊት: ሓደ ብርገድ ኣብ መግኦ ካልኣይ ብርገድ ኣብ ፍልፍል ሳልሳይ ብርገድ ኣብ ሰሎሙና ብምዕራድ መስራሕ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዒራዒሮን መገዲ ሰራዊትን ተሃኒጹ። እዚ ስርሒት ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ ቅድሚኡን ባዶ ሰለስተ ሰሜናዊ ባሕሪ መናፈሻ ህዝብን፡ንትሩዝምን ክሕዛእዩ ዝብል ኣእምሮ ህዝቢ ዝኸፋፍል መናፍሕ ተኻይዱ። ምስዚ መስርሕዚ ካብ ቢብዮ ጀሚሩ (ቢብዮ ካብ ውኪ ወሪድካ ዓናጉለ ሓሊፍካ ቀራና ቦታ ንሰመናዊ ምዕራብ ማለት ንፍሾይን ምራራን ንሰሜናዊ ምብራቕ ንሞግኦን ሳቡርን ፍልፍልን ካብኡ ቀጺልካን ዘማሓልፍ ቦታዩ)። መስርሕ ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ኣብዚ ቦታታትዚ ቀንዲ ስርሑ ምስጢራዊ ተግባራት ንምክያድ ንህዝቢ ካብ ማሕረሱን ጉሱነቱን ኣዛናቡሉ ዝሕረስ መሬትን: ቡንን ካልን ኣትክልትን ዘራእትን ዝቦቕለሉን ንብረትን ዘመናዊ ገዛውቲ ዒላታትን ኣስተሪናታትን ዝተሃንጸሉ ንመፍረን ማሕረድን ዝኾና እንሳታት ዝፈርያሉ ዓድታት: ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ጥልያን ኣትሒዘን ዝናበራሉ ዝነበራ መሬትዩ። መግኦ: ሳቡር: ፋጌና: ፍልፍል: ሰለሙና: መድሓኒት። ካብ 2004-2005  ኣትሒዙ ኸኣ ገባር ወይ ሓረስቶት ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ተወዝ ከይብሉ ስለ ዝተኸልከለ: ሓረስቶት ኣብኡ ተራእዮም ኣይፈልጡንዮም። ዓበይቲ ኣብ ደንቢኦም ተኾርምዮም ዝውለዱን ዝዓበዩን ዝጥምትዎ መጻኢ ሂወት ዝረኣዮም ናብ ሳዋ ብምዃኑ ንስደት ብምምራሕ ዓድታቶም ይጸንትዩ ዘሎ። ሳዕበን ወፍሪ ምልካውነት ምርጻም ህዝቢ ምስ ምልካውነት ኣብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ከባቢኡን ዝተጋህደ ፍጻመዩዚ። ዝያዳ ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ ዝተሃስየ ህዝቢ ወኪዩ።

ቀጻሊ ምፍንቓል ህዝቢ ብህግደፍ ካብ 2007-2008። ፍልፍል ዋና ቤት ጽሕፈት ብሪጋደር ሚኪኤል ዮሃንስያ ነይራ። ሰሎሙና ኣብ ኣገዳሲ መተሓላለፊት ንሰምሃር: ንሳሓልን ንሰንሒትያ። እዚ ኣብዚ ዝጥቀስ ካብ ታሕታይ ፈልሒት ጀሚርካ ንደብረመዓር ንጸጋም ተጸጊዕካ ንፈልሒት ላዕላይ ሓሊፍካ ነስሓቐት ንገብረምሓረን ደይብካ ንገምኒ ዘውጽእ ንየማን ገዲፍካ ንኽሳድ ኣልገና ንጽጋም ተጸጊዕካ ናብ ዊና: ንምድሪ እምባደርሆን ግራት ኣውሊዕን ሓሊፋካ ንርእሲ ዓዲ ትድይብ። እዚ ቦታታትዚ ካብ ርእሲ ዓዲ ብወገን ምዕራቡ ዝዘንብ ማይ ንሸባሕዩ ዝወርድ። ብወገን ምብራቕ ሰፋሕቲ ናይ ሕርሻ ቦታታት ዘለዎ ኮይኑ ግልዕን ባሕሪባራን ዘለዎ ቦታታትዩ። ካብ ዒራዒሮ ንጎድኒ ክሳብ ድርፎ 50 ኪሎመተር ዝኸወንዩ። ካብ ገማግም ዓድታት ንምብራቕ ማለት ካብ ዓዲ ንፋስ: በለዛ: ኳዜን: ዓዜን: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ወኪ ዘሎ ከም ኣብነት ካብ ዓዜን ተበጊስካ ናብ ባሕሪ ባራ ክትወርድ ብግምት 30 ኪሎመተር ይኸውን። ኣብ ከምዚ ጎድንን ቁመትን ዘለዎ ቦታታት ብማሕረስን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ዝነበሩ ካብ ዓድታት ዓዲ ቆንጺ: ሃዘጋ: ዓመጺ: ዕናናላይ: ጨዓረሺ: ገረሚ: እምባደርሆ: በለዛ: ዓድንፋስ: መስፍንቶ: ዓድሸኻ ኳንደባ: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ዓዜን: ዓደንጎዳ: ዓዲረጊትን ደቀጥሮስን ዝኣመሰላየን። ካብዘን ዓድታት እዚኤን ክሳብ 30 ሺሕ ዝኸውን ስድራ ቤታት ብመናባብሮ ሕርሻን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ነይሮም ክብሃል ይከኣል። ሂወት ዝነበረን እንሳሳ ዜቤት ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ንመጽዓኛ ዘገልግሉ ኣእዱግን ዝፈርዩሉን ዝራብሑሉን ኮይኑ ንመናባብሮ ሰባት ሂወት ኣብ ምሃብ ዝዓንገለ ቦታታትዩ። እቲ ኲናት ስርዓተ ምልኪ ኣብ መንባብሮ ናይዞም ሰባት ፈጢሪዎ ዘሎ በሰላ መዐቀኒኡ ኣብዚ ብቓላት ክግለጽ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። እቲ ስጉምቲ ምስጓጒ ክውሰድ ከሎ ቅልጡፍን ግዜ ዘይህብን ብምንባሩ: እቶም ሓረስቶት ዝነብረኦም ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ዓርቢ ንዓዶም ኣእትዮም ንጽባሒቱ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ቀዳም ዝሸጡ ብዙሓትዮም ነይሮም፡፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ዝብላዕ መግቢ ኣይነበረን ነተን እንስሳታት፡፡ እዚ ሕሱም ተግባርዚ ብ 2011ዩ ተዛዚሙ፡፡ እዝን ግፋ ንሳዋን ተሓዋዊሱ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ እርባዕተ ዓመታት ካብዘን ዕድታትዚኤን ሃጽ ኢሎም ናብ ወጻኢ ሃገራት ዝተሰዱ መንእሰያት ኣሽሓትዮም፡፡ ገለ ኸኣ መገዲ ተቓውሞ ክሓስቡ ጀሚሮም። ንኣብነት ሸውዓተ መንእስያት ደቂ ዓዜን ንህግደፍ ብሓበረታ ይምግቡዮም ኢሎም ንዝሓሰብዎም ደቂ ዓዶም ብለይቲ ኣብቲ ቀልቀል ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ገማግም ንዝነበረ ግዛውቶም ኣቃጺሎም ዘራእቶምውን መንቁሶም፡፡ እዚ ሓበረታዚ ዝሰምዐ ምምሕዳር ምልኪ ኮለነል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ዝመርሖ ሰራዊት መጺኡ ንደቂ ዓዲ ኣኪቡ: ነዞም ከምዚ ዝገበሩ ደቅኹም ኣረክቡኒ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝወስዶ ስጉምቲ ኣሎ ይብሎም። ዓዲ እዚ ዝብሃል ዘሎ ተግባር መን ከም ዝፈጸሞ ኣይንፈልጥን ኢና፤ ይኹን እምበር ተገይሩ ምህላው ስለ እንፈልጥ ነቶም ንብረቶም ዝጠፍኦም ክንክሕስ ድልዋት ኢና። ኣብ ምንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ዝተፈጸመ ስለዝኾነ ኸኣ ብምምሕዳር ዓድና ክንፈትሖ ቁሩባት ኢና እኳ እንተበሉ: ዓበይቲ ናይ ጽዕነት መካይን ኣምጺኡ 420 ደቂ ዓዲ ካብኦም 70- 80 ዓመት ዝገበሩ ናብ ምትካልኣቤት ዝበሃል ምብራቕ ካብ ደብሪመዓር ዝርከብ ኣጻምእ ቦታ ከም ዝእሰሩ ገይሩ። ዝብላዕን ዝስተን ኣይነበረን: ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ተዓገስ ተኽለግርጊሽ ዝብሃል ሰብ ይመውት። ኣብ ኣስመራ ዝነብሩ ደቂ ዓዜን ብዝዋጽእዎ መግብን መስትን ከኣዮም ክድሕኑ ዝኸኣሉ። ድሕሪ 40 መዓልቲ ነቶም ኣረግቶት ንዓዶም ክምለሱ ኣፍቂደሙሎም: ዝተርፉ ግን እቶም ገበርቲ ዝበልዎም ረኺቦም ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣቤቶ ምስ ዳጎንዎም ነቶም ብጃምላ ሒዘሞም ዝነበሩ ድሕሪ 6 ወርሒ ለቒቖሞም። ኣብዚ ኩነት ንህግደፍ ኣውራ ዘሻቐሎን ቀረባ መጽናዕቲ ዝገበሩሉን ካብ ሰራዊት ብሕቡእ ኣብቲ ተግባርን ሓሳባትን ከይህሉውዩ ዝነበረ።

ነዚ ዝተባህለ ህዝቢ ዘባሳብስ ተግባር ዝእዝዝ ኢስያስዩ። ላዕለዋይ መራሒ ናይ ኣተግበርቲ መጀር ጀነራል ገረዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያም፡ተወላዲ ኣፍደይዩ ዝነበረ። ኣተግባሪ ምፍንቃል ሓረስቶት ሰመናዊ ባሕሪ ብርጋደር ጀነራል ሚኪኤል የውሃንስ ተወላዲ ዓዲ ንፋስዩ: ኮለንል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ተወላዲ ኳዜንዩ። እዚ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ ዓድታትን ዝነብርሉ ዝነበሩ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ድሓር ህዝባዊ ግንባር ምስ ኩሉ ዝወርዶ ዝነበረ በደላት መብዛሕቱኡ ንቓልሲ ዘበረከተን ብዓቕሙ ዘገልገለን ልዕሊ ኹሉ ግን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ምዕባለን ክመጽእዩ ኢሉ ዝኣመነዩ ነይሩ። ጠላም መሪሒነት ምልካውነት ኢስያስ ኣፍወርቂ ግን ዋላውን ንዝኣምኖ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍጹም ምቁጽጻሩ ክረግጾ ንጥመትን ድንቁርናን ሕማምን ማሕበራዊ ምብትታንን ከም መሳርሒ ከዘውትሮ ኢና ንዕዘብ ዘለና። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ምወዳእታ ዓመትሞ ምልስ ኢልና ንዘክር: ”ዘራእቲ ጽቡቕዩ ነይሩ ኢሉ ኢሳያስ ሽማግለታት ሰባት ክሰርሑ ምርኣየይ” ብምባል ”ዝተኣከብ ቂሚጦ ርእየ: ክኽየድ ግን ኣይኮነን ሒዝናዮ ዘለና መደብ ምልመላዩ ቀዳምነት ዘለዎ: ርግጽዩ ካብ ማይ ሕዳር እንበጣ ሕዳርዩ ዝምረጽ” ከኣ በለና። ነዚ ዕርቃኑ ዝወጸ ጸላእ ሕግን ቁዋምን ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ገምገም ጥፍኣት ኣብጺሒዎ ዘሎ ዕሉል ምልካዊ ስርዓት ብሓደ ዓይኒ ክርእዮዩ ዝግባእ። ፍታውየዩ ዝብሎ ወገን የብሉን። ምሕዝነቱ ምስ ዘይዓግብ ስልጣን ጥራዩ።

ንባራበር።

 

Part III

February 3, 2015

……..in Part I, I described how the aspirations of the Eritrean people have been dashed by PFDJ over the last 20 years and how the national service has ended up becoming a modern day slavery. In Part II, I continued to reflect on my own experience while inside and outside Eritrea including the closure of the University of Asmara. This final part, Part III, is about my own escape and life experiences outside Eritrea.

Part III

The closure of the University of Asmara in September 2006 was the ultimate disappointment to the university’s staff and students and to any Eritrean who understood the value of education. The university did not have new admissions then for two years, so the closure was in the making. But some people thought second year students might be sent to the university from the MaiNefhi College. We thought those students especially the ones in the natural science fields would require practical laboratory training to qualify for the degrees and diplomas as there was no laboratory setting at MaiNefhi. It is worth to note here that there was no communication in advance between the ministry of education and the university community until the last minute. The plan to close the university was just a rumor. This is common under PFDJ administration rather than exception. They first propagate rumors to measure public response and their cynical directives follow. They also use these same methods to propagate fear among the people.

When I came back to Eritrea as a fresh master’s graduate from the University of Cape Town at the end of 2002, I had never thought all these could happen. I had big ideas and a big motivation to work at the University of Asmara and contribute my part. But PFDJ had its own plans for the University, and they still claim that the University was not closed. Some of my teachers, who became colleagues later, at the University of Asmara, who taught for years were forced to leave the country and some of them were put aside. It was a sad occasion to witness the University closed after about 50 years of turbulent existence. Even the Ethiopian rulers did not dear to close it during the war for independence. Instead of strengthening the existed and established university, PFDJ chose to close and substitute it with sub-standard, military-run colleges. This has not been heard of in any other country as it is difficult and takes a long time to establish an internationally accredited institute like the University of Asmara was. Its closure and the issues associated with it has been described by many colleagues; I have just raised the subject here as my own tribute to what happened.

I always defended my coming back from South Africa when friends challenged me, but I really regretted when the university was closed. As I indicated in part II, I actually went to MaiNefhi for a couple of days when ordered to do so and was given courses that I was supposed to teach. I saw the students being treated like prisoners in a compound surrounded by military check-points. There were reports of beatings and military punishment of students who tried to jump over the fences. The moral of the students was at its lowest point and the situation was getting worse day by day. In my meeting with my would-be-students at MaiNefhi, I actually told them that I was not going to continue to teach them. I gave them some course material to help them with whoever was going to take over the course. I felt very sorry for them but what else could I do! PFDJ made it difficult for all of us. By then, some close colleagues have already left the country. It was not an easy decision; I had to leave and my family had to re-locate. I had to find someone who could assist me to escape. All these had to take place in a short period of time and without attracting attention of security agents.

I arranged for my escape to the Sudan but then my guide-to-be, who lived in Keren, was identified and abducted the night before the planned departure date. When I called, his terrified wife picked up the phone but then she was scared to tell me what happened. I was forced to tell her the travel plans on the phone so that she could tell me the truth. Then I had to talk to the person who introduced me to the guide about the situation and to get an advice. This latter person confessed to me what he knew; he himself had suffered tremendously in the hands of PFDJ security agents before and that he had to safe his own life. He decided to leave with me and we had to leave the town immediately before security agents capture us. We observed suspicious movements of people around the place where we had an earlier appointment with the then-captured guide and we had to hide. We left the town of Keren, but after three days’ journey towards the west, we lost our direction and were captured in the town of Teseney. It was night; we approached the town thinking that it was Kessela, the Sudanese town near the Eritrean border and were captured by the security agents.

The border security agents took our ID cards and were taking us, I did not know where to, and I told my colleague that I had to escape (using my tribal language). He was a welder by profession in his 50’s and I was a 36 years old university lecturer at the time. I thought they were to kill me not because I have read more X’s and Y’s than him, but because they would consider me more threat. They would also think I would tell my story louder if I survive the punishment and above all, I was already black-listed in their books. I did not wait to hear my colleague’s response. I jumped over the fence into a compound and continued to run from one house to another until I got to the edge of the town. People in Teseney and in other towns in the lowlands of Eritrea sleep outside, in front of their house and when I jumped into their yardssome woke up and wondered around and their dogs barked. I believe this made it inconvenient for my pursuers to shoot me or re-capture me. I am sure I also out-run them as I was running to safe my life. I continued to run out of the town for a couple of minutes more and then laid down on the ground to avoid visibility as the moon was so bright. I could see, about 150 meters away, my pursuers searching the houses on the edge of the town.

I stayed laid on the ground for some time until my pursuers moved to the next neighborhood and then walked further away from the town. I did not know where I was and I had to stop and sit for a while to determine the direction from the movement of a shade of a stone against the moon light. It took me three more days to reach to safety. The distance between Teseney, the Eritrean near-border town and Kessela, the Sudanese town on the other side of the border was not that long but I was badly injured and dehydrated; and I had to travel at night only. I survived as I was able to drink water and eat some food on the second night when I met a farmer who was staying at his farm. He had a little left over from his dinner and I am very grateful to him to this day. It is in my wish-list to meet this person in the future and thank him for the water and food he provided me at the time of need.

I become very emotional and my body shakes when I remember my escape into the Sudan, but when I tell people about it including the details I left out in this written testimony; I get the feeling that some people might see it as a fiction. But when I tell this to fellow Eritreans who escaped in similar manner, they tell me of more horrific stories including the friends they left dead on the way. These days, I started to think of the kind of determination in the Eritrean youth to get away from the unjust PFDJ regime and I am struggling to find the reason as to why we do not show that kind of determination and take the risk to defy the regime inside Eritrea!. Wouldn’t the latter be more effective in solving the country’s problems like what has happened recently in some Arab countries? Is it possible that PFDJ, through the obligatory national military service and dirty propaganda, has instilled fear in us to see them as untouchable? I have my own assumptions on how PFDJ would react to an uprising, but I still need help to understand this and readers’ feedback will be invaluable.

In Eritrea, I heard many people cursing the ministers and local officials for all the misery but not Isayas Afeworki, the president. They thought that these officials were the spoilers and that if the president knew of the issues he would have solved them. I asked people in high office and found out that the president actually gets every detail of what happens in the country by a special group of people. So, he knows everything. But I also found out that the ministers and higher officials who chair meetings in the country and listen to people’s questions and grievances actually do not dear to tell the president what the people are complaining about. They just want to be seen as capable of decision making but talking to them can only put you in trouble. They can make you arrested and you can be forgotten there.

After leaving Eritrea, I meet Eritreans in the diaspora who blindly support the Eritrean government regardless of what is happening in that country. This undermines efforts by individuals and organizations who are working hard to awaken the people working for the system back home. There are also some ex-government officials who have abandoned PFDJ recently and claim that they themselves were in danger while in Eritrea. Some of them were terrorizing the people there. They now raise ethnical and tribal issues to indicate that PFDJ works on these bases and that they were discriminated against. We knew about these claims but they were the enforcers of such practices and they should have acknowledged and asked for forgiveness first. Furthermore, their ethnical and tribal disclosures are not helping others who are working hard to unify opposition against PFDJ, the dictatorial regime at home. It is worth to note that PFDJ itself is doing its best to divide the diaspora so that there could be no united opposition. Their supporters in the diaspora also pursue propaganda to show that there is no better option for Eritrea other than PFDJ.  

I want to revisit here is the exodus of young people from Eritrea. It is shame that, despite our population size, we make up the second highest percentage of asylum seekers in the world at the moment. I do not believe that the Eritrean government is willing to address the root cause to stop it any time soon as they have already blamed other parties for promoting it. This issue will continue to affect us all for the foreseeable future. What I would recommend is to increase public awareness on the Eritrean situation wherever we are so that other countries could exert pressure on the Eritrean authorities to respect the rule of law. We need to make it clear to the world that there is no rule of low in Eritrea and our people are suffering in the hands of PFDJ government. Some European countries, such as Denmark, are getting the wrong information about the situation in Eritrea, primarily by talking to the Eritrean authorities or third parties that are not directly affected or involved. They are not talking to the right people and that we are not doing enough to expose the PFDJ regime. We need to convince these countries that the information they are getting from the Eritrean authorities is wrong and that they should investigate properly. We know what happened to those who were deported before.

Today, I am an associate professor with a PhD degree, trying to hold onto the passion I had in education despite being an asylum seeker in Europe. I believe I would have done a better and morally satisfying job in Eritrea than what I am doing now if PFDJ did not create the obstacles. The purpose of my testimony is to contribute to the efforts undertaken by other Eritrean individuals and organizations in increasing public awareness of the evil PFGJ. I believe a lot has been done to challenge the ‘Hade Wdib, Hade Hizbi, Hade Libi’ (One-Party-One-People-One-Heart) false propaganda of PFDJ. But we need to do more to convince Eritreans inside and outside the country that PFDJ can no longer deceive us and use the stalemate in the border issue with Ethiopia as an excuse to chock the Eritrean people. The Eritrean people deserve better. PFDJ should understand that there will be a time when they will face the consequence of their actions. In this regard, there is not going to be a better lesson in life than what has happened in Libya. There are still better options PFDJ could pursue rather than arrogance, deception and intimidation. The situation is already close to no turning point. The Eritrean people want real freedom, and they paid a huge price for it.

Peace, Freedom and Prosperity to the Eritrean people!!