“Ethiopia’s prime minister promised a swift, surgical military campaign in the restive province of Tigray. But doctors in the regional capital reported civilian deaths, looting and a looming crisis.”

Source: New York Times

From Shelled Ethiopian City, Doctors Tally Deaths and Plead for Help

Ethiopia’s prime minister promised a swift, surgical military campaign in the restive province of Tigray. But doctors in the regional capital reported civilian deaths, looting and a looming crisis.

Credit…Eduardo Soteras/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

By Simon Marks and Declan Walsh

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — After Ethiopian military forces captured the capital of the rebellious Tigray region last weekend, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed boasted that his forces had scored the victory without killing a single civilian.

But doctors at the city’s main hospital reached on Thursday painted a very different picture — indiscriminate artillery barrages on civilian areas, looting by armed men and the deaths of at least 27 civilians and injuries to more than 100.

Their testimony offered a rare glimpse of the increasingly dire conditions in a city that has been largely cut off from the outside world since Mr. Abiy launched a military operation against Tigray on Nov. 4.

On Saturday, Mr. Abiy — the winner of last year’s Nobel Peace Prize — declared victory after his forces seized the regional capital, Mekelle, a highland city of 500,000 people that until recently was the seat of the region’s ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Two days later, on Monday, Mr. Abiy proclaimed to Ethiopia’s Parliament that federal forces had not killed a single civilian during a month of fighting in Tigray.

But phone and internet connections to Tigray have been largely cut off, making it hard to verify competing claims by the belligerents. And it quickly became apparent that Mr. Abiy’s assertion of victory was premature.

Tigrayan forces said they had retreated from Mekelle to avoid destroying the city and would continue to fight from the surrounding rural areas — a first step of what could eventually become a drawn-out guerrilla campaign.

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Credit…Eduardo Soteras/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In separate interviews, two doctors at the region’s largest hospital, the Ayder Referral Hospital, insisted that Mr. Abiy’s gains had been far from bloodless.

A rain of shellfire on Saturday morning, in the hours before federal troops captured Mekelle, landed on civilian as well as military targets, the doctors said. Ambulances rushed through the streets carrying the dead and wounded. By evening, at least 27 civilians had been killed, including a 4-year-old, and over 100 wounded, they said.

The doctors, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid reprisals from the government, sent text messages and spoke using a rare connection to the internet in the city.

They provided copies of identity cards and other documents to prove their employment at the hospital, and denied any affiliation with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

One provided photos of wounded patients at the hospital who, he said, had been hit in the bombardment — infants with shrapnel-pocked bodies, a man with a bloodied head, a woman lying prone with her leg in plaster.

Now a tense calm reigns in the city, the doctors said. The electricity had been cut off, swaddling the city in darkness at night. Armed men had looted stores, forcing many to close.

At the Ayder Hospital, dire shortages of oxygen and basic medical supplies have made it impossible to perform lifesaving surgery on the wounded. The doctors pleaded for international help to relieve what they called a critical situation.

On Sunday, Red Cross officials visiting the hospital reported it was “running dangerously low” on gloves, antibiotics, painkillers — and body bags.

At least 80 percent of patients at the hospital suffered trauma injuries, the Red Cross said, but declined to specify the number of patients who had been admitted. On Thursday a Red Cross spokeswoman declined to provide further details.

A spokeswoman for Mr. Abiy did not respond to queries about the disparity between his claims of no civilian casualties and the accounts from the hospital.

Mr. Abiy’s decision to launch military operations in Tigray, a northern region of at least six million people, was the dramatic culmination of a simmering political row with Tigray’s ruling party. The T.P.L.F. dominated Ethiopia for 27 years until Mr. Abiy came to power in 2018, and its leaders openly defied his authority in September by holding regional elections, which had been postponed in the rest of Ethiopia because of the pandemic.

"Tigrayans who have fled the conflict in Ethiopia seeking shelter at a camp in Qadarif in eastern Sudan." data-recalc-dims="1" style="box-sizing: inherit; border: 0px; max-width: 100%; height: auto;">

Credit…Nariman El-Mofty/Associated Press

The communication blackout has made it hard to judge the scale of the fighting. But by most estimates by Western diplomats and aid workers, thousands of civilians and fighters have been killed, stoking fears that Africa’s second-most populous country is plunging headlong into a ruinous civil war.

The situation in Mekelle is just one element in a ballooning humanitarian crisis.

At least 45,000 Ethiopians have fled Tigray into eastern Sudan, where many live in squalid camps with limited food and water. Aid groups warn that another 100,000 refugees may follow in the next six months if fighting continues.

Even before hostilities erupted last month, 600,000 people in Tigray depended on food aid to survive. Aid workers say that supplies are running out for almost 100,000 refugees from Eritrea who live in camps in Tigray, having fled repression in their own country.

On Wednesday the United Nations said it had secured an agreement with the Ethiopian authorities to provide “unimpeded, sustained and secure access” for the delivery of emergency relief to government-controlled parts of Tigray.

Ethiopia’s state telecommunication company said Wednesday it had partly restored communications in several military-controlled towns in western Tigray. But the fragile security situation is likely to frustrate aid efforts.

On Thursday a United Nations spokesman in Nairobi expressed “extreme concern” about a report that four Ethiopians working for two international aid agencies had been killed in Tigray in unclear circumstances.

In Mekelle, the two doctors said the situation had become tense in recent days.

Bands of young men in civilian clothes roamed the streets. Many roads were blocked with large stones. There was a heavy presence of federal security forces.

Simon Marks reported from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and Declan Walsh from Nairobi, Kenya.

Eritrea’s Role in Ethiopia’s Conflict and the Fate of Eritrean Refugees in Ethiopia

BY: Mesfin Hagos, former Minister of Defense of Eritrea

In an address to his country’s parliament on November 30, 2020, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister confirmed Eritrean support to his ongoing war against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the regional government of the northernly regional state of Tigray. Dr. Abiy told parliamentarians that Ethiopian soldiers who survived TPLF attack on the night of November 3 were ordered to withdraw into Eritrea where they were provided shelter and the space and provisions to recuperate. He flew there with three of his generals to reorganize the troops for a counterattack on Tigray – from Eritrea.

What Prime Minister Abiy did not tell his audience was the fact that, according to sources in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, in the run up to the current conflict, a large number of Ethiopian elite units had slowly trickled into Eritrea as part of a security pact between Abiy and Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki. Hidden from public view at an ad-hoc base in Gherghera, in the outskirts of Asmara, these units were expected to be the hammer and the Northern Command the anvil to strike out of existence the TPLF. TPLF preempted this scheme in what it called “anticipatory defense”, which forced both Abiy and Isaias to improvise leading to the eruption of conflict over longer time period and vast space.

Dr. Abiy did not disclose to the Ethiopian public and international community that even more federal troops were airlifted into Eritrea following the outbreak of conflict on November 4. In the 48 hours before TPLF’s bombing of Asmara on November 14, local sources counted close to 30 military airplanes flying in thousands of soldiers from Ethiopia. Subsequent flights transported more soldiers into the Eritrean seaports of Massawa and Asseb.

The prime minister also hid from the world the Eritrean military’s direct involvement in combat along the entire border that Eritrea shares with Tigray regional state as well as inside Tigray. The following information is pieced together from three different sources: first, reliable sources inside the Eritrean ministry of defense; second, Eritrean opposition intelligence sources in Sudan and Ethiopia; and finally, anecdotal pieces communicated from friends and relatives, including some academic researchers.

When the reorganized and reinforced Ethiopian troops launched a series of offensives into Tigray from Eritrea along four frontlines, Eritrean support units provided intelligence and logistics, their heavy weapons gave cover to advancing federal troops, and eventually took active part in combat. Reliable sources have confirmed injury and death of a large number of Eritrean soldiers, including senior officers, in fighting deep inside Ethiopia.

Through Zalambessa alone, the Eritrean president sent in the 42^nd and 49^th mechanized divisions and the 11^th, 17^th, 19^th and 27^th infantry divisions. On reaching Edaga-Hamus, south of Adigrat and north of Mekelle, these divisions were reinforced with addition five Eritrean divisions, including the 2^nd brigade of the 525^th commando division. He also unleashed the 26^th, 28^th, and 53^rd infantry and 46^th and 48^th mechanized divisions on the Adwa front along with only one division of the Ethiopian federal army. In addition, the TPLF claims that Eritrean technical and combat units also took active part in the Alamata front, southeast of Mekelle. The same TPLF sources also claim that they have Eritrean prisoners of war although they are yet to present them to the public – live or in recordings.

Although Eritrean army divisions have been shrinking in size in the past twenty years and their individual capacities shriveled, put together they are a formidable force. Their combined technical knowhow (intelligence and weaponry) as well as tactics and strategy expertise and experience can deliver blistering firepower against any adversary.

Either approving of or oblivious to President Isaias’ role in the planning, initiation and execution of the ongoing Ethiopian civil war, the international community commended his uncharacteristic silence in the fact of repeated TPLF rocket attacks on Eritrean towns. Abiy Ahmed’s complete media and communication blackout ensured that Eritrea’ intervention remained above scrutiny and censure.

Exacting Vengeance and Becoming Regional Strongman

Beside the Eritrean president’s delusions of grandeur and parallel desire to appear as regional strongman in the Horn of Africa and beyond, one has to look at the past two decades to understand his vindictiveness. During the 1998-2000 conflict against TPLF-led Ethiopia, Isaias Afwerki refused to listen to our colleagues’ warnings against going to war; and, when he did, he refused to listen to common sense and practical advice from former army and intelligence chiefs, each of whom had had far more combat leadership experience than himself – although he had overall command as the leader of the movement and government. As a result, he badly mismanaged the war and lost terribly, with grave consequences to Eritrea and Eritreans. The stubborn that he is, he dug in and stayed the course of regional confrontation for the subsequent twenty years that cost him dearly.

President Isaias ruthlessly held on to power and kept Eritrea on war footing, frustrating any prospect of recovery or normalcy. With every year that went by, his significance diminished and his legacy tarnished. He blamed the TPLF for all this and did everything in his power to make them pay for it. He saw his own vindication in TPLF’s demise and every case of TPLF domestic repression and external belligerence was an opportunity for him until Dr. Abiy came to power and outdid Isaias in that task. The unlikely bond between the dashing new prime minister and the aging president is a marriage of convenience that centered around the singular goal of liquidating the TPLF. I will spare the details of what followed and led to November 4, but the writing was on the wall: a conflict war inevitable.

Caught in a Jam – Desperation of Eritrean refugees in Tigray

In the past two decades of President Isaias’s unbridled repression, some half million Eritrean youth, elderly and unaccompanied minors fled their country. In the context of the conflict between the two countries, Ethiopia readily accepted those fleeing Eritrea and, with the help of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), housed them in some six refugee camps in Tigray and Afar regional states. As a sign of what was to come, in April 2020 Abiy Ahmed’s government changed its policy toward Eritrean refugees on the behest of the Eritrean president: newly arrived Eritreans were no longer granted automatic protection as refugees, although the Tigray regional government continued to accept them and let them stay unmolested.

When the current conflict broke out, there were close to 100,000 officially registered refugees in the four camps in Tigray alone and many thousands more in Tigrayan towns. While the refugees in the Afar region of Ethiopia have all along been in precarious conditions, those in Tigray were suddenly caught in the crossfire when the conflict broke out. It was first rumored that several refugees were either killed or wounded in the fighting close to their camps around the town of Shire. The fact that UNHCR personnel were ordered to leave Tigray and employees of Ethiopian federal government’s Agency for Refugee & Returnee Affairs (ARRA) simply did not show up left the camps unattended to. The total communications blackout made it impossible to find out what exactly was going on in the camps. But as the war dragged on, we are able to piece together the grave danger that the refugees are facing.

To begin with, all the camps have now run out of the measly supplies of basic necessities that they were left with. Source have also reported that the Eritrean military entered some of those camps and marched an unknown number of refugees out of camp at gun point. The Shimelba refugee camp is even reported to be under the control of the Eritrean military that is preparing to send a large number of them back to Eritrea. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, said on November 29 that he was very concerned about the fate of the Eritrean refugees in the war zone amid reports that some have been abducted by the Asmara government, a regime that has absolutely no regard for international norms or opinion.

A way forward

The Ethiopian government is duty bound under international law to protect refugees. It is the duty of the international community to ensure that the Ethiopian government, as the host state, abides by its international obligations in this regard. A clear, timely and unambiguous message must be conveyed to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed about the dire consequences of not living up to its legal responsibility towards the refugees and asylum seekers. This cannot be achieved in isolation of the quest for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. And peaceful resolution of the Ethiopian conflict is unlikely to happen so long as President Isaias Afwerki is determined to wreck vengeance on the TPLF, and as long as Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed entreats him to do so and actively entertains his regional ambitions. The international community has to tell President Isaias in no uncertain terms that continued intervention in internal Ethiopian affairs bears grave, direct consequences.