ሃገርና ኤርትራ ናብዚ ዘላቶ ልኡላዊ ክብሪ ዝበጽሐት ብኣዝዩ ነዊሕን ውረድ ደይብ ዝመለኦ መንገድን ብኣዝዩ ኩቡር ናይ ህይወትን ንዋትን ዋጋን ምዃና ዘየማትእ ሓቂ እዩ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ምስቲ ካለኦት ሃገራት ናይ ሃገርነት መዓርግ ዝረኸባሉ መስርሕ ክረአ እንከሎ እቲ ንኤርትራ ዝተኸፈለ ዋጋ ወርትግ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሃገሩ ዘለዎ ፍቕሪ ዝያዳ ዝዓዝዝን ንድሕሪት ከይትምለሶ ከም ናይ ዓይኑ ብሌን ዝሕልዋን ከኣ ብመጽርቲ ናብዚ በጺሓቶ ዘላ ብራኸ ንክትበጽሕ ናይ ዝኸፈሎ ዋጋ ክብርን ዝተረከቦ ናይ ሰማእታቱ ዓሚቕ ሕድርን እዩ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነቲ ብኢሳያስን ጉጅለኡን ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ክፍጸም ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ገበናት፡ ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ናይ መጀመርያ ግዜ ናጽነት  ተጸሚምዎን ንኽዕረይ ዕድል ሂብዎን እዩ። ህዝብና ብኽንድዚ ደረጃ ክዕገስ ዝመረጸ እቲ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዝወርድ ዝነበረ ወጽዓ ስለ ዘየሕመሞ ዘይኮነ፡ ንልኡላውነት ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ክሳብ ዘየውደቐ እቲ ካልእስ “ኣብ ግዜኡ ክመጽእ እዩ” ብዝብል ረዚንን ሓላፍነታውን ሓልዮት እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ግና ኢሳያስ ጠንቂ ኩሉ ዓይነት ብኩራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንብዓባያ እታ ክቡር ዋጋ ዝተኸፍላ ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ እውን ኣብ ዕዳጋ ኣውሪዱ ክሽንቁጣ ከም ዝደሊ ኣፉ መሊኡ  ተለፋሊፉ። ሕጂ እውን ከምቲ “ካብ ዓበቕካስ ተቋናደፍ” ዝበሃል ወዮ ዲክታቶር በቲ ዝጀመሮ መንግዲ ይዕዘር ኣሎ።  ነዚ ንምእማኑ ዘጸግም ጥልመት ዝተዓዘበ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ከምቲ  “ድሕሪ ሞት ጥዕና ቅበጽ” ዝበሃል “ደጊም ወየ ጉሒላ ብዘይምጻእ መጺኡና” ብዝብል ቁጠዓኡ ሰማይ ከም ዝዓርገ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ምግሃድ ይኣክልን ካለኦት ህዝባዊ ምዕዓላትን፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ ምቅርራብ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ከም ንይቲ ቁጠዐ ኣብነት ዝጥቀስ እዩ።

ህግደፍ ካብ ቅድም እውን ህዝቢ ዘሳቕየሉን፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ጉዳዩ ክርኢ ናብቲ ጸይቂ ኣካይዳኡን ምዕራዩን ዘቕልብ፡ ናብ ድገደገ ከማዕዱ ኣፍደገ ዝኸፍቱ ምኽንያታት ካብ ምምሃዝ ዓዲ ኣይወዓለን።  ለበዳ ኮቪድ-19 ምስ ተጋህደ ከኣ ንህዝብና ዝኾነ ዝለሓስን ዝቕመስን ኣብ ዘየብሉ፡ ኣብ ገዛውቱ ዓጽዩ የሳቕዮ ከም ዘሎ ንኹላትና ብሩህ እዩ። እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘገርም ከኣ  ኣብዚ ቀረባ፡ ምንቕስቓስ መንእሰያት ኤርትራ ንዲሞክራሲ (ምመኤዯ) ብ11 ጥቅምቲ 2020 ኣብ ዘውጸኦ ሓተታ ዝጠቐሶ ሓበሬታ እዩ። በቲ ሓበሬታ መሰረት ብ29 መስከረም 2020 ቢንያም ዝበሃል ወዲ ጀነራል ተኽለ ተኽላይ (ማንጁስ) ኣብ ከተማ ኣስመራ ተመርዕዩ። ኣብዚ መርዓኡ ኣስታት 600 ደቂ መዛምርትን ወሳርቕት ናይቲ ኣእዳዉ ብደም ኤርትራውያንን ስርቅን ዝተሓጽበ ጀነራል ተዓዲሞም። ካብዞም ዕዱማት ኣብ መርዓ ወዲ መሳርቕቶም ክሳተፉ ካብ ሱዳን ዝኣተዉ ተወከልቲ ሕብረተሰብ ረሻይዳ’ውን ነይሮም። ብዛዕባቲ ኣብቲ መርዓ ዝፈሰሰ ሹሻይን ነቲ ዕሉል ሸያጢ ውሽጣዊ ኣካላት ወዲሰብ ጀነራል ዝተዋህበ ህያብን ዝምልከት ዝርዝር፡ ወይልኡ ደኣ ነቲ ዘዪዱ ዝረኸበ ህዝብና እምበር፡ ርዱእ ስለ ዝኾነ ምጽብጻብ ዘድልዮ ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ኣጋጣሚ ታራ ማሕበራዊ ተረኽቦ እዩ ኢልካ ዝሕለፍ ዘይኮነ፡ ምስዚ ህዝብና ዘለዎ ሃለዋት ኣዛሚድካ ዓሚቕ ትርጉም ዝወሃቦ እዩ። ተኽለ ማንጁስ ኣብ ዶብ ኤርትራን ሱዳንን ኣድቢኻ ብዘይግቡእ ሃብቲ ብምውህላል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ካብቶም ብኸበድቲ ናይ ህይወት ገበናት ዝሕተቱ፡ ነቲ ብዋጋ ብዙሓት ዝተረኽበ ኩለመዳያዊ ጸጋን ክብርን ሃገር ዝጻወትሉ ዘለዉ ውሑዳት ጐሓላሉ  ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ምዃኑ ምግንዛብ ዘድልዮ እዩ። እቲ ካልእ መልእኽቲ ናይ ውራይ ከኣ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ንህዝብና ኣይኮነንዶ ካብን ናብን ኣስመራን ካለኦት ከተማታትን፡ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሓንቲ ከተማ እውን ምንቅስቓስ ተሽከርከርትን ቀረብ መሰረታዊ ነገራት ኣጽኒዑ ኣብ ዝኣገደሉ፡ ዕዱማት ናብ መርዓ ወዲ ጀነራል ግና ካብ ሱዳንን ጫፍ ከተማታት ኤርትራን ብምሩጻት መካይን ናብ ኣስመራ ክኣትዉ ምፍቃዱ እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብምኽንያት ኮቪድ-19 ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ከተማታት ሱዳን ተዓጊቶም ዘለዉ ዜጋታትና ናብ ቤተሰቦም ክምለሱ ብተደጋጋሚ ተማሕጺኖም ክንሶም ከምዘይተፈቕደሎም ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ዕዱማት መርዓ ወዲ ጀነራል ግና ኣማኢት ጤለበጊዕ ጽዒኖም ብኮለነላት ተሰንዮም ካብ ሱዳን ኣስመራ ኣትዮም። እምበኣር ናይዚ ተረኽቦ ማእከላይ ትርጉም ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ንህዝብና ዓጽይዎ ዘሎ፡ ባዕሉ እንዳቐተሎስ ካብ ቫይረስ ክሕልዎ ደልዩ ዘይኮነ፡ ኮነ ኢሉ ከሳቕዮን ከዳኽሞን ስለ ዝደለየ ምዃኑ እዩ። ንተመሃሮ ኣገዲድካ ናብ ሳዋ ናይ ምስዳድ ጉዳይ እውን ምስዚ ዝድመር ሕሳብ እዩ።

ከምቲ ግቡእ እዚ ወዱ ኣመርዕዩ ዝተባህለን ካለኦት ኣብቲ ናቱ ደረጃ ዝበጹሑ፡ ነቲ ደረጃኦም መን ዋጋ ከም ዝኸፈለሉ ክርድኡ መተገበአ። ነቲ ሒዘምዎ ዘለዉ ደረጃ ከኣ ኣብ ክንዲ መሰል ህዝቢ መግፈፍን ንብረቱ መስረቕን፡ ንሓቀኛ ህዝባዊ ረብሓ መውዓልዎ። እዚ ተግባራቶም ከምቲ “በይኑ ይበልዕ በይኑ ይመውት” ዝበሃል ጽባሕ ዋጋ ከም ዝኽፍሎም መተርድኡ።  እንተኾነ ብናይ ጥልመት  መንግዲ ንቑልቁል ይንቆቱ ኣለዉ። ድሕሪ ሕጂ ካብዚ ናይ ቁልቁለት ጉዕዞ ወጺኦም ናብቲ ንቡር ደሃይ ህዝቢ ዝሰምዕ ናይ ምምላሶም ዕድል ዕጹው እዩ።

እዞም ህዝቢ ክሒዶም ዝተቐብጹስ ተቐቢጾም፡ ናይቶም ዝረአ ነገር ክርእዩ ዘይከኣሉ ደድሕሪ እዞም ጐሓላሉ ዝዓብዱ ውሑዳትከ ምስ ምንታይ ይቑጸሩ?፡ እቲ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ መዋጸኦ እምበኣር ደድሕሪ እዚኣቶም ምኻድ ኣቋሪጽካ “ደጊም ይኣክል” ምባል ሓደ ስጉምቲ እዩ።  እቲ ቀንዲ መኸተ ከኣ  ኣብ ክንዲ ስቕ ኢልና ክሳብ ጸጊቦም ዝገድፉና ንዕዘቦም፡ ዓው ኢልና ኣንጻሮም ድምጽና ከነስምዕን ብግብሪ ክንቃለሶምን ካብ ኩልና ዝጥለብ እውናዊ ግቡእ እዩ። ግቡእና እንተዘይፈጺምና ግና ዘተሓታትት ምዃኑ ክንግንዘብ ይግበኣና። ኤርትራ ካብዚ ዘላቶ ናይ “ብዋጋ ብዙሓት፡ ንረብሓ ውሑዳት” ወጺኣ ናብ “ብዋጋ ብዙሓት ንረብሓ ብዙሓት” ንክትብርኽ ሕጂ እውን እቲ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ፡ ቃለስና ኣንጻር ህግዲፍ ምሕያል እዩ።

The UN Human Rights Council reported on 8 October 2020 that it appointed Mohammed Abdusalam Babikir from the Sudan to replace Professor Daniel Kravetz who resigned as the UN Special Rapporteur for Eritrea.

It is to be recalled that the 45th Session of the UN Human Rights Council had earlier this summer extended the mandate of Daniela Kravetz for a one year period and was expecting her to summit an oral update on the human rights situation in Eritrea in March 2021.

No reasons were given as to why Professor Kravetz of Chile resigned after serving two years holding the mandate to monitor human rights situation in Eritrea.

 It has been 8 years now since the mandate holders, Daniela Kravetz, and before her Sheila Keetharuth before her, were obliged to report from outside Eritrea because the Asmara regime denied them entry to the country. The UN HR Council or the UN system did nothing to overcome that problem.

Growing concerns among Eritreans now is what will happen next, and how the Sudanese lawyer will report on the situation in Eritrea

Saudi Oilfield
 

In 1974, at the height of the oil crisis that followed the Arab nations -payback for U.S. military support for Israel during the Yom Kippur War -quadrupled oil prices. Inflation soared, the stock market crashed, and the U.S. economy was in a tailspin. A deal was struck: the basic framework was strikingly simple. The United States would buy oil from Saudi Arabia and provide the kingdom military aid and equipment. In return, the Saudis would plow billions of their petrodollar revenue back into Treasuries and finance America’s spending.

Source: Bloomberg

The untold story behind Saudi Arabia’s 41-year U.S. debt secret

By ANDREA WONG BLOOMBERG |MAY 31, 2016 AT 10:32 AM

https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2020/10/william-simon.jpg?w=101 101w, https://martinplaut.files.wordpress.com/2020/10/william-simon.jpg?w=202 202w" sizes="(max-width: 580px) 100vw, 580px" style="box-sizing: border-box; -webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 17px; font-style: normal; font-weight: 400; line-height: 1; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; height: auto; max-width: 100%;">Former Treasury Secretary William Simon, who served under President Richard Nixon and is shown in 1982, went on a trip to Europe and the Middle East with a secret goal: neutralize crude oil as an economic weapon and find a way to persuade a hostile kingdom to finance America’s widening deficit with its newfound petrodollar wealth. To do it, he leveraged U.S. debt. (Ira Schwartz / AP)

Failure was not an option.

It was July 1974. A steady predawn drizzle had given way to overcast skies when William Simon, newly appointed U.S. Treasury secretary, and his deputy, Gerry Parsky, stepped onto an 8 a.m. flight from Andrews Air Force Base. On board, the mood was tense. That year, the oil crisis had hit home. An embargo by OPEC’s Arab nations-payback for U.S. military aid to the Israelis during the Yom Kippur War-quadrupled oil prices. Inflation soared, the stock market crashed, and the U.S. economy was in a tailspin.

Officially, Simon’s two-week trip was billed as a tour of economic diplomacy across Europe and the Middle East, full of the customary meet-and-greets and evening banquets. But the real mission, kept in strict confidence within President Richard Nixon’s inner circle, would take place during a four-day layover in the coastal city of Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

The goal: neutralize crude oil as an economic weapon and find a way to persuade a hostile kingdom to finance America’s widening deficit with its newfound petrodollar wealth. And according to Parsky, Nixon made clear there was simply no coming back empty-handed. Failure would not only jeopardize America’s financial health but could also give the Soviet Union an opening to make further inroads into the Arab world.

It “wasn’t a question of whether it could be done or it couldn’t be done,” said Parsky, 73, one of the few officials with Simon during the Saudi talks.[Most read] Second stimulus check updates: Pelosi dismisses latest White House COVID-19 relief offer; GOP roasts Mnuchin on conference call »

At first blush, Simon, who had just done a stint as Nixon’s energy czar, seemed ill-suited for such delicate diplomacy. Before being tapped by Nixon, the chain-smoking New Jersey native ran the vaunted Treasuries desk at Salomon Brothers. To career bureaucrats, the brash Wall Street bond trader-who once compared himself to Genghis Khan-had a temper and an outsize ego that was painfully out of step in Washington. Just a week before setting foot in Saudi Arabia, Simon publicly lambasted the Shah of Iran, a close regional ally at the time, calling him a “nut.”

But Simon, better than anyone else, understood the appeal of U.S. government debt and how to sell the Saudis on the idea that America was the safest place to park their petrodollars. With that knowledge, the administration hatched an unprecedented do-or-die plan that would come to influence just about every aspect of U.S.-Saudi relations over the next four decades (Simon died in 2000 at the age of 72).

The basic framework was strikingly simple. The United States would buy oil from Saudi Arabia and provide the kingdom military aid and equipment. In return, the Saudis would plow billions of their petrodollar revenue back into Treasuries and finance America’s spending.

It took several discreet follow-up meetings to iron out all the details, Parsky said. But at the end of months of negotiations, there remained one small, yet crucial, catch: King Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud demanded the country’s Treasury purchases stay “strictly secret,” according to a diplomatic cable obtained by Bloomberg from the National Archives database.

With a handful of Treasury and Federal Reserve officials, the secret was kept for more than four decades-until now. In response to a Freedom-of-Information-Act request submitted by Bloomberg News, the Treasury broke out Saudi Arabia’s holdings for the first time this month after “concluding that it was consistent with transparency and the law to disclose the data,” according to spokeswoman Whitney Smith. The $117 billion trove makes the kingdom one of America’s largest foreign creditors.[Most read] Security guard for TV station in custody after fatal shooting at dueling protests in Denver »

Yet in many ways, the information has raised more questions than it has answered. A former Treasury official, who specialized in central bank reserves and asked not to be identified, says the official figure vastly understates Saudi Arabia’s investments in U.S. government debt, which may be double or more.

The current tally represents just 20 percent of its $587 billion of foreign reserves, well below the two-thirds that central banks typically keep in dollar assets. Some analysts speculate the kingdom may be masking its U.S. debt holdings by accumulating Treasuries through offshore financial centers, which show up in the data of other countries.

Exactly how much of America’s debt Saudi Arabia actually owns is something that matters more now than ever before.

While oil’s collapse has deepened concern that Saudi Arabia will need to liquidate its Treasuries to raise cash, a more troubling worry has also emerged: the specter of the kingdom using its outsize position in the world’s most important debt market as a political weapon, much as it did with oil in the 1970s.

In April, Saudi Arabia warned it would start selling as much as $750 billion in Treasuries and other assets if Congress passes a bill allowing the kingdom to be held liable in U.S. courts for the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, according to the New York Times. The threat comes amid a renewed push by presidential candidates and legislators from both the Democratic and Republican parties to declassify a 28-page section of a 2004 U.S. government report that is believed to detail possible Saudi connections to the attacks. The bill, which passed the Senate on May 17, is now in the House of Representatives.[Most read] WGN weather anchor Paul Konrad lists Near West Side condo with rooftop penthouse for $2.95 million »

Saudi Arabia’s Finance Ministry declined to comment on the potential selling of Treasuries in response. The Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency didn’t immediately answer requests for details on the total size of its U.S. government debt holdings.

“Let’s not assume they’re bluffing” about threatening to retaliate, said Marc Chandler, the global head of currency strategy at Brown Brothers Harriman. “The Saudis are under a lot of pressure. I’d say that we don’t do ourselves justice if we underestimate our liabilities” to big holders.

Saudi Arabia, which has long provided free health care, gasoline subsidies, and routine pay raises to its citizens with its petroleum wealth, already faces a brutal fiscal crisis.

In the past year alone, the monetary authority has burned through $111 billion of reserves to plug its biggest budget deficit in a quarter-century, pay for costly wars to defeat the Islamic State, and wage proxy campaigns against Iran. Though oil has stabilized at about $50 a barrel (from less than $30 earlier this year), it’s still far below the heady years of $100-a-barrel crude.

Saudi Arabia’s situation has become so acute the kingdom is now selling a piece of its crown jewel-state oil company Saudi Aramco.[Most read] The Columbus statues are gone, and there’s no parade or CPS holiday this year. But Chicago Italian Americans say Columbus Day will live on. »

What’s more, the commitment to the decades-old policy of “interdependence” between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, which arose from Simon’s debt deal and ultimately bound together two nations that share few common values, is showing signs of fraying. America has taken tentative steps toward a rapprochement with Iran, highlighted by President Barack Obama’s landmark nuclear deal last year. The U.S. shale boom has also made America far less reliant on Saudi oil.

“Buying bonds and all that was a strategy to recycle petrodollars back into the U.S.,” said David Ottaway, a Middle East fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center in Washington. But politically, “it’s always been an ambiguous, constrained relationship.”

Yet back in 1974, forging that relationship (and the secrecy that it required) was a no-brainer, according to Parsky, who is now chairman of Aurora Capital Group, a private equity firm in Los Angeles. Many of America’s allies, including the U.K. and Japan, were also deeply dependent on Saudi oil and quietly vying to get the kingdom to reinvest money back into their own economies.

“Everyone-in the U.S., France, Britain, Japan-was trying to get their fingers in the Saudis’ pockets,” said Gordon S. Brown, an economic officer with the State Department at the U.S. embassy in Riyadh from 1976 to 1978.

For the Saudis, politics played a big role in their insistence that all Treasury investments remain anonymous.[Most read] Couple seeks to block sale of ‘Windy City Rehab’ host’s Bucktown home »

Tensions still flared 10 months after the Yom Kippur War, and throughout the Arab world, there was plenty of animosity toward the U.S. for its support of Israel. According to diplomatic cables, King Faisal’s biggest fear was the perception Saudi oil money would, “directly or indirectly,” end up in the hands of its biggest enemy in the form of additional U.S. assistance.

Treasury officials solved the dilemma by letting the Saudis in through the back door. In the first of many special arrangements, the U.S. allowed Saudi Arabia to bypass the normal competitive bidding process for buying Treasuries by creating “add-ons.” Those sales, which were excluded from the official auction totals, hid all traces of Saudi Arabia’s presence in the U.S. government debt market.

“When I arrived at the embassy, I was told by people there that this is Treasury’s business,” Brown said. “It was all handled very privately.”

By 1977, Saudi Arabia had accumulated about 20 percent of all Treasuries held abroad, according to The Hidden Hand of American Hegemony: Petrodollar Recycling and International Markets by Columbia University’s David Spiro.

Another exception was carved out for Saudi Arabia when the Treasury started releasing monthly country-by-country breakdowns of U.S. debt ownership. Instead of disclosing Saudi Arabia’s holdings, the Treasury grouped them with 14 other nations, such as Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Nigeria, under the generic heading “oil exporters”-a practice that continued for 41 years.[Most read] Chicago Cubs roster outlook for 2021: Who will return and who will be gone? »

The system came with its share of headaches. After the Treasury’s add-on facility was opened to other central banks, erratic and unpublicized foreign demand threatened to push the U.S. over its debt limit on several occasions.

An internal memo, dated October 1976, detailed how the U.S. inadvertently raised far more than the $800 million it intended to borrow at auction. At the time, two unidentified central banks used add-ons to buy an additional $400 million of Treasuries each. In the end, one bank was awarded its portion a day late to keep the U.S. from exceeding the limit.

Most of these maneuvers and hiccups were swept under the rug, and top Treasury officials went to great lengths to preserve the status quo and protect their Middle East allies as scrutiny of America’s biggest creditors increased.

Over the years, the Treasury repeatedly turned to the International Investment and Trade in Services Survey Act of 1976-which shields individuals in countries where Treasuries are narrowly held-as its first line of defense.

The strategy continued even after the Government Accountability Office, in a 1979 investigation, found “no statistical or legal basis” for the blackout. The GAO didn’t have power to force the Treasury to turn over the data, but it concluded the U.S. “made special commitments of financial confidentiality to Saudi Arabia” and possibly other OPEC nations.[Most read] The 25 best pizzas in Chicago — from scrappy newcomers to beloved classics »

Simon, who had by then returned to Wall Street, acknowledged in congressional testimony that “regional reporting was the only way in which Saudi Arabia would agree” to invest using the add-on system.

“It was clear the Treasury people weren’t going to cooperate at all,” said Stephen McSpadden, a former counsel to the congressional subcommittee that pressed for the GAO inquiries. “I’d been at the subcommittee for 17 years, and I’d never seen anything like that.”

Today, Parsky says the secret arrangement with the Saudis should have been dismantled years ago and was surprised the Treasury kept it in place for so long. But even so, he has no regrets.

Doing the deal “was a positive for America.”

Source=https://martinplaut.com/2020/10/12/ever-wondered-why-the-americans-are-so-close-to-the-saudis-heres-an-answer/

ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብጻይ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ዝመርሖ ኣብ ኣወስትራልያ ናይ ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ኣኼባ፡ ብ10 ጥቅምቲ 2020 ብመንገዲ ማሕበራዊ መራኸቢ ዙም ተኻይዱ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ኣብ ኩሉ ከባቢታት ኣወስትራሊያ ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ሰልፍን ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ተሳቲፎም።

ኣቦ-መንበር ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል ንተሳተፍቲ “እንኳዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም” ድሕሪ ምባል፡  ኣወስትራልያ ብኣቀማምጣኡ ምስቲ ናይ ካልእ ከባቢ ብዘለዎ ናይ ሰዓታት ፍልልይ ነዚ ኣኼባ ብፍሉይ ምስራዕ ከም ዘድለየ ሓቢሩ። ድሕርዚ ነቶም ካብ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰዲህኤ ንነጀው ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ካብ ዝተዓሙ ስረሓት ቀንዲ ቀንዶም መብርሂ ሂቡ። ኣብ መብርሂኡ ድሕሪ ሰልፋዊ ምዕባለታት ምጥቃሱ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ተጠርኒፎም ብሓባር ክቃለሱ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ጻዕሪ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብዛዕባ ምጥርናፍ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ከኣ ብፍላይ ገሊጹ።  ነዚ ንምዕዋት ግደ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ከም ዝርከብ’ውን ጠቒሱ። ኣተሓሒዙ ንመጻኢ እውን፡ ሰዲህኤ ንጉዳይ ሓድነት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ቅድሚት ሰሪዑ፡ ክደፍኣሉ ምዃኑ ገሊጹ። ምስዚ ኣተሓሒዙ ከኣ ግደ ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኣወስትራልያ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ኣዝዩ ዕዙዝ ምንባሩን ንመጻኢ እውን ትጽቢት ሰልፊ ካብ ኣባላቱ ኣብ ኣወስትራልያ ዝለዓለ ምዃኑ ሓቢሩ።

ድሕሪ መብርሂ ኣቦ-መንበር ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዝተሳተፉ ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሓለፍቲ ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ውደባ፡ መንእሰያት፡ ፋይናንስን ዜናን ብዛዕባ ምንቅስቓስ ናይተን ዝመርሕወን ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ሓጸርቲ መብርህታት ኣቕሪቦም። ናይተን ዝተረፋ ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ምንቅስቓስ ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ከም ዝርከብ ከኣ፡ ነቲ ኣኼባ ብዝመርሐ ኣቦመንበር ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል ሓጺር መብርሂ ተዋሂቡ።  ብዛዕባ ሃለዋት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኣወስትራልያ ከኣ፡ ብሓለፍቲ ዞባ  ጸብጻብ ቀሪቡ።

ድሕሪዚ ተሳተፍቲ ብዛዕባ ምድልዳል ውሽጣዊ ሓድነት ሰልፊ፡ ሰዲህኤ ምስ ካለኦት ኣካላት ዘለዎን ንመጻኢ ክህልዎ ዝግባእን ዝምድና፡ ብዛዕባ ሰዲህኤ ምስ ውድባት ዘካየዶ ምሉእ ሓድነትን ዝተጓዕዘሉ መስርሕን፡ ኣድላይነት ምክያድ ቀጻሊ ኣኼባታት፡ ወሳኒ ተሳትፎን ግደን መንእሰይ ብዛዕባ ዝሕይለሉ፡ በብኹርናዑ ዝምዕብሉ ብዛዕባ ዘለዉ ከም ይኣክል ዝኣመሰሉ ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላትን ኣብ ከባቢና ሃገራት ዝረአ ዘሎ ንሃገርና እውን ዝጸልዉ ፖለቲካዊ ምዕባለታትን ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም ዝርዝር መልስታት ከኣ ተዋሂብዎም። ብዛዕባ ዝተፈላለዩ ጉዳያት ዘቕረብዎም ኣገደስቲ ለበዋታት ከኣ ተመዝጊቦም።

ኣብ መዕጸዊ ኣኼባ ኣቦ-መንበር ተስፋይ ንተሳተፍቲ ደጊሙ ኣመስጊኑ፡  ኣብቲ ንደልዮ ዓወት ንክንበጽሕ ናይ ኩልና ኣበርክቶ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ ብምጥቃስ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ ተሳትፎም ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ዝያዳ ክሐይሉ ተላብዩ።  ተሳተፍቲ ብወገኖም ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣኼባ ቀጻሊ ንክኸውን ኣድላይነት ከምዘለዎ ጠቒሶም፡ ብዘለዎም ዓቕሚ ሰልፎም ከሐይሉ ከም ወትሩ ቅሩባት ምዃኖም ብምርግጋጽ ኣኼባ ተደምዲሙ።

Saturday, 10 October 2020 23:39

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 10.10.2020

Written by
Saturday, 10 October 2020 23:25

New locust threat to Eritrea

Written by

OCTOBER 10, 2020  NEWS

Widespread breeding in Red Sea coastal areas of Eritrea and Sudan will substantially increase infestations in Eritrea in particular.

Source: Reliefweb

East Africa – Desert Locust Crisis, Fact Sheet #7, Fiscal Year (FY) 2020

Originally published

9 Oct 2020

Attachments

 FAO expects desert locust infestations to persist across Ethiopia and Somalia through at least March 2021.

 Yemen remains a reservoir for desert locust breeding, posing a continued threat to the Horn of Africa region.

 Widespread breeding in Red Sea coastal areas of Eritrea and Sudan will substantially increase infestations in Eritrea in particular.

 Since January, control operations have prevented 1.5 million MT of crop loss at harvest time, safeguarding the food security of 9.9 million people and protecting grazing areas for the livestock of 687,000 households.

KEY DEVELOPMENTS

Rains Support September Desert Locust Breeding in Much of East Africa

Desert locust infestations continue to threaten food security and livelihoods in northeastern Ethiopia and northern Somalia, where heavy rains have intensified breeding in recent weeks, causing increased bands of hoppers—immature, wingless locusts—and immature swarms to form, FAO reports. Similarly, unusually heavy rainfall has contributed to widespread breeding in Red Sea coastal areas of Eritrea and Sudan, with FAO expecting infestations in Eritrea to increase substantially in October.

Despite above-average rainfall in most East African countries in recent months, below-average rains are forecast for much of the Horn of Africa region between October and December, possibly reducing vegetation availability for locusts and limiting new swarm formation, according to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)’s Climate Predictions and Applications Center. However, FAO and IGAD expect desert locust infestations to continue threatening crop production and pasture regeneration significantly in most affected areas of Ethiopia and Somalia through at least March 2021.
Additionally, immature swarms in northeastern Ethiopia and northern Somalia—possibly supplemented by additional swarms from Yemen—will likely begin moving south toward Kenya as regional winds shift in October. Swarms are likely to migrate to Ethiopia’s Ogaden Desert and central Somalia in the coming weeks, potentially reaching northern Kenya—where only a few residual swarms remained as of September 30—by late October; continued surveillance will remain critical for detecting additional breeding and containing any new infestations in the coming months.

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኢሳያስን ጉጅለኡን ንስሙ ከም መራሕቲ ኤርትራ ይጸውዑ እምበር ብኣተሓሳስባን ተግባርንሲ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ዘይህልዉ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ብሓደ ዘይምህላዎም ንምርዳእ ድማ ድሌት፡ ባህግን ትጽቢትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንታይ ምዃኑ ተረሲዑ፡ መላኺ ስርዓት ናይ ጭቆና ስልጣኑ ከናውሕ ብዝገብሮ ዘሎ ወስታታት ሃገራዊ ክድዓት ዝሓዘ ውዲታት ዝግለጽ እዩ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ልኡላውነት ሃገሩን ክብሩን ክዕቀብ፡ ኣብታ ኣዝዩ ክቡር ዝዋጋኣ ሃገሩ፡ ኩሉ መሰላቱ ክሕለወሉ፡ ብሕገመንግስታዊ ስርዓት ክመሓደር፡ ዝመርሕዎ ሰባት ዘደይበሉን ዘውርደሉን ዲሞክራስያዊ፡  ትካላትን ኣሰራርሓን ክህልዎ ድሌቱ እዩ። ነብሱ ክኢሉ ሃገሩ ዘዕብየሉን ጸጋ ሃገሩ ብማዕረ ንኹሎም ዜጋታት ዝመቓረሓሉን ቁጠባዊ ፖሊሲ ክትልም  ይደሊ። ዘይተገደበ መሰል እምነት፡ ሓሳባካ ምግላጽን ምውዳብን ከረጋገጸሉ ይደልን ይብህግን። ባህግን ድሌትን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እቲ ዘካየዶ ነዊሕን መሪርን ቃልሱ እውን ምእንቲ እዚ እዩ ነይሩ። እቲ ሎሚ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ቃልሲ እውን ምእንቲ እዚ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ኢሳያስ ኮነ ኢሉ ኣንጻር እዚ ዝተዘርዘረ ድሌት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ ክሰርሕ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን። ኢሳያስ ጸረ ዲሞክራስን ልዕልና ሕግን ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ግሁድ ብቕትለት ዝተሰነየ ኣእዳዉ ብደም ዝተሓጽበ ዕሉል ገበነኛ እዩ። እዚ ተግባሩ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ዝምድና ክሳብ ክንደይ “ሕቖን ከብድን” ብዝበሃል ደረጃ ርሕቀት ከም ዘለዎ ዘመልክት እዩ።

ምስዚ ኩሉ ውረድ ደይብ፡ እቲ  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ዘስምዖ ዘሎ ጥርዓንን ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ቃልስን፡ ዋላውን በቶም ኣብ ሃሃገሮም ብዲሞክራስያዊ ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓ ኢና ንመርሕ ዝብሉን ንመሰረታዊ መሰላት ህዝቢ ክሕለቑ ዝስምዑን ወገናት ክንድቲ ዝድለ ኣይተሰምዐን። እቲ ዝገደደ ከኣ ዋላውን ኣብ ሕገመንግስታቶም “ስልጣን ብዘይ ናይ ህዝቢ ናጻን ዲሞክራስያውን ምርጫ ኣይተሓዝን” ዝብል ዓንቀጻት ዘለዎም ነቲ ን30 ዓመታት ሕድሪ ህዝቢ ጠሊሙ ብዘይሕገመንግስቲ ብኢደወነኑ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝተኾደጨ ዲክታቶር ኢሳያስ ተዓሚቶም ከም መራሒ ኤርትራ ክፈልጥዎ እንከለዉ እዩ። እዚ እምበኣር፡ ነቲ ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ኩነታት  ብድሕሪ መጋረጃ’ውን ሃሰስ ክንብሎ ዘገድደና እዩ። እዚ ክፍንፈን ዝግበኦ ዲክታተር መኻይዲ ክረክብ እንከሎ ከኣ “ንመን ኣለዎስ፡ መን ኣለዋ ኣላቶ” ዘብል እዩ።

ኢሳያስ ኣጋጣሚ ክረክብ እንከሎ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ግዕዘይ ምስሉ ንምዕራይን ኣብ ሃገሩ ዝሰኣኖ ደገፍ ካብ ግዳም ንምቕራም ሃንደፍደፍ ካብ ምባልን ንድሕሪት ዝብል ኣይኮነን። “ቀጽል” ዝብል ናይ ርሑቕ ደፋኢ ሓይሊ ዘለዎ ብዝመስል ኣገባብ፡ ንብዙሓት ብዘገረመ ሃንደበት ብ9 ሓምለ 2018 ምስቲ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ ረቂቕን ሕቡእን ርክብ ነይርዎም ዝበሃል ዘሎ፡ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ናይ “ሰላም” ስምምዕ ከቲምና ኢሉ። ጌና እዚ ስምምዕ ቁሩብ ፍሑሕ ከይበለ ከኣ ካብ ብዙሓት ኣድብዮም ክከታተልዎ ዝጸንሑ ዝመስሉ ወገናት ዘይግበኦ ክነሱ “ናይ ሰላምን ልምዓትን ባእታ” ክበሃል ሰሚዕና። በዚ መጸ ዘይበሃል ካብ ዝተፈላለዩ መራሕቲ ሃገራት መዳልያታት ተዋሂብዎ። ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ከደ “መጺእካለይዶ፡ ክጽበየካ” ተባሂሉ። ብህያብ እውን ዝተረፈ የለን። ካብ እንስሳ ዘቤት ክሳብ ባህላዊ ክዳውንትን ናይ ሓርበኝነት መለልይ ዋልታን ኩናትን ተዋሂብዎ። ናይ ቃል ኪዳን ካትም እውን ወድየምሉ። ኢሳያስ በዚ ዝተገብረሉ ኣቀባብላን ዝተዋህቦ ገጸ በረከትን ምስ ሰኸረ፡ ዘስምዖ ቃል ከኣ ካብ ሓደ ጥዑይ ተራ ሰብ እውን ዘይትጽበዮ ኮይኑ ንብዙሓት ኣደንጽዩ። እቲ ዘሕዝንን ኢሳያስ ናይ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውያንን ከም ዘይኮነ ዘረድአን ከኣ መደርኡ ደረት ሓሊፉስ ንኤርትራዊ ሃግርነትን ልኡላውነትን ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘውድቕ ምንባሩ እዩ። ኢሳያስ ምስዚ ኩሉ ጉያኡን ምልፍላፉን  ኣብቲ ዝተኻየደ ቁማር ብቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ተበሊዑ፡ ወያ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ባይታ ትርጉም ዝሰኣነትን ተዛርብ ዘላን ናይ 2019  ናይ ሰላም ኖበል ሽልማት ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ከይዳ።

ዝተፈላለዩ ኣብ ዞባ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ጸብለል ክብሉ ዝወጠኑ ሓይልታት፡ ንኢሳያስ ኣብ ናይ የመንን ሊቢያን ውግኣት ተለኣኣኺ ቆጺረምዎ። መልእኽቱ ከዕውት ከኣ ላዕልን ታሕትን ኢሉ። ኣብ መሬት ኤርትራ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ንዝኸፈቱ መንግስታት መሬት ንከካሪ ንኤርትራውያን ኣመዛቢሉ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ኣደዳ ስደት፡ ሞትን ድኽነትን ዝኾኑ ኤርትራውያን ብዙሓት እዮም። ዓስቢ ናይዚ ከኣ ዶላራት ሓቒፉ። እዞም ንኢሳያስ “እፍእፍ” ዝበልዎ ወግናት፡ ጉዳዮም ምስ  ኣብ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ  ጸላዊ ክሳዳዊ ኣቀማምጣ ዘለዋ ኤርትራ እምበር ምስ ህዝባ ከምዘይኮነ በሪሁ እዩ። ነቲ ቀደም ገዛእቲ “ኤርትራ መሬታ’ምበር ህዝባ ኣየድልየናን’ዩ” ዝብልዎ ዝነበሩ ዘኪርካ ከኣ ታሪኽ መልክዑን ተዋሳእቱን ቀይሩ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ይደግም  ኣሎ ዘየብል ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ተረኽቦ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ህልውናኡ ብቀንዱ ኣብ ኢዱ እምበር፡ ካብ ካልኦት ዝጽበዮ ከምዘይኮነ ዘረድእ እዩ። እዞም  ንኤርትራ ኣብ ረብሓኦም ከውዕልዋ ዝሓልሙ፡ እቲ ዋኒን ህዝቢ ዘይዋኒኑ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ስልጣን ክጸንሕ ስለ ዝደልይዎ፡ “ኣንታ ንበረልና” ክብልዎ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ብደሆ፡ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኢድ ንጉዳይ ህዝባ ኣብ ቅድሚት ዝሰርዕ ኣካል ከም እትኣቱ ምግባር እዩ።  እቲ ተተሓሒዝናዮ ዘለና ልኡላውነት ኣውሒስና ዲሞክራስያዊ ምምሕዳር ናይ ምስራጽ ቃልሲ ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ ኣንጻርቶም ብመንገዲ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ኤርትራ ከባብያዊ ረብሓኦም ከረጋግጹ ህርድግ ዝብሉ ብድሕሪ መጋረጃ ዘለዉ መወልቱ ምዃኑ ክንርዳእ ይግበኣና። ምናልባት እውን መን ይፈልጥ ረብሓኦም ንክሕልዉ እቲ ዲክታተር ብዝኸፍቶ ኣፍደገ ብግሉጽ ክጐብጡና ይሓልሙ ይኾኑ።

 ኢሳያስ ቀጻልነቱ ኣብ ኤርትራ ውሑስ ንክኸውን ከባቢና በቲ ናቱ ዘይጥዑይ ንፋስ  ክእዕብለኽ ካብ ምጽዓር ንድሕሪት ከምዘይብል ምግንዛብ የድሊ። ናብ ሶማል፡ ኢትዮጵያን ሱዳንን ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ተደጋጋሚ መገሻታት ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ህዝቢ ዝረብሓሉ ተልእኾ የብሉን። ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳይ ሱዳን ኣትዩ ኣብ ምብራቓዊ ክፍሊ እታ ሃገር ዝኣጉዶ ዘሎ ሓዊ፡ ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳይ ኣትዮጵያ ኣትዩ ኣብ ጉዳይ ትግራይ ዝወሰዶ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ መርገጽ ከኣ ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ። 

ስለዚ ንሕና ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲ፡ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታት ንምጽራግ፡ ኢሳያስን ውሑዳት ኤርትራውያን ደቂ መዛምርቱን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንተላይ ነቶም ብድሕሪ መጋረጃ “ኣንታ ንበረልና” ዝብልዎ ዘለዉ ናይ ቀረባን ርሑቕን መንደልሓቕቲ’ውን ኣርሒቕና ብምጥማት ኣብ ግምት ከነእትዎም ይግበኣና።

OCTOBER 9, 2020  NEWS

In addition to demanding the immediate release of Dawit and other political prisoners, the Parliament importantly takes these measures:

  • Calls on the Commission to ascertain whether the conditionality of EU aid is respected and to ensure that no financing for projects in Eritrea, particularly those that are carried out using national service labour, benefits the Eritrean Government; deplores, in this regard, the fact that the Commission continues to finance the ‘Roads Project’, and calls on it to strictly respond to the needs of the Eritrean people for development, democracy, human rights, good governance, security and freedom of speech, press and assembly, and to evaluate tangible outcomes regarding human rights that have resulted from the EU-Eritrea strategy and the so-called ‘dual track approach’
  • Condemns the use by the Eritrean Government of the extraterritorial ‘diaspora tax’; urges the government to respect freedom of movement and to end the ‘guilt-by-association’ policies that target the family members of those who evade national service, seek to flee Eritrea or fail to pay the 2 % income tax imposed by the government on Eritrean expatriates, including EU citizens;

European Parliament resolution on Eritrea, notably the case of Dawit Isaak

Source: European Parliament

(2020/2813(RSP))

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its previous resolutions on Eritrea, in particular that of 6 July 2017[1],

– having regard to the report of 11 May 2020 of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea,

– having regard to the statement of 30 June 2020 by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, delivered at the 44th session of the Human Rights Council,

– having regard to the UN Human Rights Council resolutions on the situation of human rights in Eritrea,

– having regard to UN Security Council resolution 2444 of 14 November 2018, terminating with immediate effect all UN sanctions against Eritrea (arms embargo, asset freezes and travel bans),

– having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2018/1944 of 10 December 2018 repealing Decision 2010/127/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Eritrea[2],

– having regard to Case 428/12 (2012) filed to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights on behalf of Dawit Isaak and other political prisoners,

– having regard to the Final Declaration of the 66th session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 22 May 2017,

– having regard to the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,

– having regard to the Constitution of Eritrea, adopted in 1997, which guarantees civil liberties, including freedom of religion,

– having regard to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights,

– having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1966,

– having regard to the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement (the Cotonou Agreement)[3], as revised in 2005 and 2010, to which Eritrea is a signatory,

– having regard to Rules 144(5) and 132(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas Dawit Isaak, a dual citizen of Eritrea and Sweden, and therefore a citizen of the European Union, a journalist and co-owner of Eritrea’s first independent newspaper, the widely distributed Setit, was arrested by the Eritrean authorities on 23 September 2001, along with 21 other persons; whereas the Eritrean Government accuses Dawit Isaak of being a ‘traitor’, although he has never been charged or brought to trial; whereas Dawit Isaak had returned from Sweden following Eritrea’s independence in 1992 to assist with the solidification of the country’s fledgling democracy;

B. whereas the imprisonments occurred after the publishing of an open letter condemning the regime and calling on President Isaias Afwerki to make democratic reforms; whereas on the day of the arrests, the government announced a ban on all independent media; whereas the detainees have not been charged with a crime;

C. whereas Dawit Isaak was released from custody on 19 November 2005 after significant interventions on his behalf by the Government of Sweden, among others; whereas he was re-arrested two days later while on his way to hospital, with the Eritrean authorities claiming that he had only been temporarily released in order to undergo medical treatment; whereas since then, Dawit Isaak has been held incommunicado by the Eritrean authorities, who refuse to disclose his exact location or details of his health and well-being;

D. whereas in December 2008, there were unconfirmed reports that Dawit Isaak was transferred to a maximum security prison in Embatkala, and that shortly after, on 11 January 2009, he was admitted to an air force hospital in Asmara, believed to be seriously ill; whereas the nature and extent of his illness remain unknown and the Government of Eritrea refuses to confirm his hospitalisation;

E. whereas Dawit Isaak’s family, including his three children, have faced huge distress and uncertainty since his disappearance, having little knowledge of their loved one’s well-being, whereabouts or future prospects; whereas Dawit Isaak’s daughter, Betlehem Isaak, continues to advocate for her father’s release; whereas Betlehem Isaak confirmed in 2020 that her father was alive;

F. whereas the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights ruled that journalists arrested in Eritrea in September 2001, including Dawit Isaak, were being held in arbitrary and unlawful detention, and urged the Eritrean authorities to release them or at least to hold a fair trial;

G. whereas the situation in Eritrea’s overcrowded and unsanitary detention centres amounts to cruel and inhuman treatment; whereas these conditions put detainees at increased risk of transmission of COVID-19; whereas access to healthcare, food and sanitation is extremely limited or lacking entirely, leaving detainees reliant on visitors for basic supplies; whereas prison lockdowns aimed at combating the pandemic have contributed to further malnutrition and corresponding mental and physical ailments; whereas many more prisoners are being held in shipping containers, where they are subjected to extremely harsh temperature conditions;

H. whereas, since gaining independence, Eritrea under Isaias Afwerki has systematically jailed thousands of people for their political views or their work as journalists, or for practising their religion; whereas enforced disappearances take place on a structural basis; whereas detainees are typically subjected to arbitrary and unlawful arrests and detentions without charge and are denied access to lawyers or family visits;

I. whereas Eritrea is ranked 182nd out of 189 countries in the Human Development Index for 2019, according to the 2019 Human Development Report of the UN Development Programme; whereas the Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index ranks Eritrea 178th out of 180 in 2020; whereas the Committee to Protect Journalists ranked Eritrea the world’s most censored country in 2019;

J. whereas the report of the UN Commission of inquiry on human rights in Eritrea, published on 9 May 2016, noted that crimes against humanity had been committed in a widespread and systematic manner in detention centres, military training camps and other places across the country over the past 25 years;

K. whereas according to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea of 16 May 2019, ‘the positive momentum for peace and security in the region has raised expectations in Eritrea and in the international community that the Government of Eritrea will implement political and institutional reforms’, however, ‘the Eritrean authorities have not yet engaged in a process of domestic reforms and the human rights situation remains unchanged’; whereas the UN Special Rapporteur has been denied access to Eritrea to conduct in-country visits since 2009;

L. whereas in May 2019, the Eritrean authorities carried out a crackdown on non-recognised Christian congregations;

M. whereas the President of Eritrea continues to refuse to hold elections and to implement the country’s constitution, in spite of the fact that it was ratified in 1997 and that Eritrea’s electoral law was ratified in 2002; whereas the interim legislature has not met since 2002 and the judiciary is controlled by the government;

N. whereas recent developments in regional peace and security were expected to lead to the introduction of reforms to national service and to the demobilisation of conscripts in Eritrea; whereas to date, there have been no official announcements of a reduction in the duration of national service or of any demobilisation plans; whereas national service continues to be involuntary in nature and of an open-ended duration; whereas national service places many citizens, including women and girls, in a situation of slavery, where their whole life is under the control of others and where they suffer, inter alia, physical, sexual and verbal abuses and may be forced to work as domestic servants;

O. whereas in July 2018, Eritrea and Ethiopia signed an historic peace agreement ending twenty years of conflict; whereas the July 2018 peace agreement opened new prospects for the country’s socio-economic development, linked with the advancement of regional economic integration in the Horn of Africa;

P. whereas following the peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia, the EU changed its approach towards Eritrea based on ‘principles of engagement’, which had previously allowed neither political dialogue nor EU development cooperation with Eritrea, to the so-called ‘dual track’ approach;

Q. whereas, the EU’s partnership with Eritrea is governed by the Cotonou Agreement, and whereas parties to this agreement are bound to respect and implement its terms, in particular respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law;

R. whereas despite gross and systematic violations by Eritrea of the essential and fundamental elements of the Cotonou Agreement regarding human rights, the EU never initiated consultations as provided for in Article 96 thereof, despite Parliament’s calls to do so;

S. whereas the EU is a significant donor to Eritrea in terms of development assistance; whereas following the 2018 peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a new Development Cooperation Strategy for 2019-2020 was agreed upon by the EU and Eritrea, under which the EU allocated EUR 180 million;

T. whereas the autocratic government attempts to control the Eritrean diaspora by means of a 2 % expat income tax and by spying on the diaspora and targeting relatives who remain in Eritrea;

1. Demands that all prisoners of conscience in Eritrea be immediately and unconditionally released, notably EU citizen Dawit Isaak and the other journalists detained since September 2001; demands immediate information regarding Dawit Isaak’s whereabouts and well-being; urges the Eritrean authorities to provide him with access to representatives of the EU, the Member States and Sweden in order to establish his healthcare needs and any other necessary support;

2. Condemns in the strongest terms Eritrea’s systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations; calls on the Eritrean Government to put an end to detention of the opposition, journalists, religious leaders and innocent civilians;

3. Appeals to the African Union, as a partner of the EU with an explicit commitment to the universal values of democracy and human rights, to step up its activity in relation to the regrettable situation in Eritrea and to work together with the EU to secure the release of Dawit Isaak and other political prisoners;

4. Demands that, given the current COVID-19 health crisis, the poor sanitary conditions in Eritrean prisons and the high risk of infection for detainees, adequate food, water, and medical care be promptly provided; expresses concern that the COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating the situation of famine and malnutrition that exists in parts of the country and is contributing to food shortages;

5. Demands that the Eritrean Government provide proof of life and detailed information on the fate and whereabouts of all those deprived of physical liberty; calls for fair trials for those accused, the immediate and unconditional release of any prisoners not charged with any crimes, and the abolition of torture and other degrading treatment such as restrictions on food, water and medical care; reminds the Eritrean Government of its obligation to address all human rights violations, including by investigating extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances as well as the capital punishment, which should be abolished in line with the recommendations presented in the UN Human Rights Council Annual Report 2020;

6. Deplores the fact that Eritrea provides no space for independent human rights defenders, members of the political opposition or independent journalists; calls, therefore, on the Eritrean Government to open civic space for independent civil society organisations and allow the creation of other political parties in the country; reminds Eritrea of its obligations under ILO conventions, with particular regard to the right of civil society organisations and trade unions to organise, peacefully demonstrate, participate in public affairs and campaign for better workers’ rights;

7. Demands that the Eritrean Government desist from using its citizens as forced labour through indefinite national service and put an end to the compulsory practice of all children undertaking their final year of schooling in a military training camp;

8. Calls on the Commission to ascertain whether the conditionality of EU aid is respected and to ensure that no financing for projects in Eritrea, particularly those that are carried out using national service labour, benefits the Eritrean Government; deplores, in this regard, the fact that the Commission continues to finance the ‘Roads Project’, and calls on it to strictly respond to the needs of the Eritrean people for development, democracy, human rights, good governance, security and freedom of speech, press and assembly, and to evaluate tangible outcomes regarding human rights that have resulted from the EU-Eritrea strategy and the so-called ‘dual track approach’;

9. Calls for the immediate implementation of Eritrea’s 1997 Constitution, which was drafted in full consultation with all stakeholders and civil society and duly adopted;

10. Condemns the use by the Eritrean Government of the extraterritorial ‘diaspora tax’; urges the government to respect freedom of movement and to end the ‘guilt-by-association’ policies that target the family members of those who evade national service, seek to flee Eritrea or fail to pay the 2 % income tax imposed by the government on Eritrean expatriates, including EU citizens;

11. Calls on Eritrea to lift the ban on independent media and to allow the creation of political parties, as a central tool for promoting democracy in the country; calls for human rights organisations to be allowed to freely operate within the country;

12. Demands that the Eritrean authorities put an end to detention of the opposition, journalists, religious leaders, civil society representatives and innocent civilians; urges Eritrea to fully respect and protect freedom of religion and to stop its ongoing persecutions on the basis of faith;

13. Reiterates its urgent request for a global EU human rights mechanism, the so-called European Magnitsky Act; calls on the Council to adopt this mechanism through a decision relating to the Union’s strategic interests and objectives under Article 22(1) of the Treaty on European Union;

14. Demands that Eritrea fully respect and immediately enact the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and fully uphold its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, both of which prohibit torture;

15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the African Union, the President of Eritrea, the UN Human Rights Council, and the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly.

[1] OJ C 334, 19.9.2018, p. 140.

[2] OJ L 314, 11.12.2018, p. 60.

[3] OJ L 317, 15.12.2000, p. 3.

Thursday, 08 October 2020 21:38

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 08.10.2020

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ሓድነት ክንገብር እንከላና በቲ ሓድነት ኣቢልና እነረጋግጾ ናይ ሓባር ዕማም ክህልወና ናይ ግድን እዩ። ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ንሓድነት ክንጣበቕ እንከለና ህልውና ናይታ ናይ ኩልና ኣደን ሓብሓቢትን ዝኾነት ሃገርና እንዕቅበሉ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ፍቱን መሳርሒና ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና። ህልውና ኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ዘየገድሶም፡ ምናልባት እውን “ኣብ ምፍራሳ ረብሓ ኣለና” ኢሎም ዝሓልሙ ናይ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ሓይልታት ከኣ ኣንጻርዚ ዋሕስ ህልውነኣ ዝኾነ ሓድነት ክዓጥቁ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ስለዚ ሓድነት ነቶም ህልውና ልኡላዊት ሃገርና ዘገድሰና ኮነ፡ ነቶም ከዳኽምዋ ዝሓልሙ ወገናት እምኒ ማእዘን እዩ።

ኤርትራ ህልውነኣ ዘውሓሰት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ሕገመንግስታዊት፡ ዲሞክራስያዊት፡ ሰላማዊትን ምዕብልትን ሃገር ንክትከውን ዝብህጉ ደቃ፡ ብመብጸዓ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ብግብሪ ንክሃንጽዋ ሓድነቶም ክዕቀብ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ስለዚ ሓድነት ጸረ ሃገር ዝኾኑ ገዛእቲ ንምንብርካኽ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ምዕብልትን ቅስንትን ሃገር ንምህላው እውን ወሳኒ እዩ። ብኣንጻርዚ ብስማዊ ሃገርነት እንዳጨርሑ፡ ብዛዕብ ናይ ህዝባ ማሕበረ-ቁጠባዊ ዕቤት፡ ሰላምን ምሉእ መሰል ህዝባን ዘይግደሱ፡ ብዛዕባ ሲንጋፖር እንዳጨርሑ ናብ ኣተሓሳስባ ሰሜን ኮርያ ዝገሹ ጐሓላሉ፡ ብባህሪኦም ናይዚ ሃገር ናይ ምህናጽን ምሉእ መሰል ናይ ምውሓስን ሓድነት ተጻባእቲ እዮም።

ሓድነት ናይቶም ዕማሞም ብሓባር ዘዕውቱ ወገናት ክቡር ዋጋ ዘኽፍል፡ ግዜ ዝበልዕን “ኣብዚ ኣኺልዎ እዩ” ዘይበሃል ኣብ ቀጻሊ መስርሕ ብሓደስቲ ምዕባለታት እንዳተገርሐ ዝጐዓዝ እዩ። እቲ ምእንቲ ሓድነት ዝኽፈል ዋጋ ብገንዘብ ዘይትመን፡ ግና ኣብ ኢድና ዘሎ እምበር ካብ ግዳም ብመልክዕ ሓገዝ ዝብርከት ውህብቶ ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ብሰንኪ ብኩራት ሓድነት ዘጋጥም ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤንን ብሳላ ሓድነት ዝርከብ ጸጋን ከከም ጣዕሙ ከነስተምቕሮን ክንግንዘቦን እንተዘይክኢልና ንሓድነት ክንበቅዕ ኣይንኽልን ኢና። ተመኩሮና እንተዳስሲናዮ ከኣ ሓድነት ኣብ ዝበኾረሉ  ድኽመት፡ ሓድነት ኣብ ዝሃለወሉ  ከኣ ኣሳልጦን ብርታዐን  ምዃኑ ምርዳእ ኣየጸግምን።

ንህግዲፍ ስዒርና፡ ነቲ ብሰንኩ ኣብ ሃገርና ወሪዱ ዘሎ ድሕረት፡ ጨንቂ፡ ድኽነትን ክሳራን ንምውጋድ እንቃለሰሉ መዳያት ብዙሕ እዩ። እንተኾነ ከምቲ “ንሽሕ ፈልጺ መእሰሪኡ ልሕጺ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ናይ ምዕዋትና ምስጢር ካብ ሓድነት ወጻኢ ዝምዘን ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ኢና ከኣ “ሓድነትና ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ኣጀንዳና’ዩ” እንብል። ወሳኒ ግብራውነት ናይዚ ኣጀንዳ ከኣ ኣብ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ተመኩሮ ቃልስናን ዓወትናን ተመስኪሩ እዩ። ገዛእትና እውን  ምስጢር ዓወትና ምዃኑ ተረዲኦም ዝተዓጥቁ እንተተዓጠቑ፡ ሓድነትና ክሳብ ዘየፍረሱ መግዛእታዊ ቀጻልነቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ ከረጋግጹ ከም  ዘይክእሉ ተረዲኦም ብዙሕ ሓድነት ዝፍሑቕ መጻወድያታት ዘርጊሖም እዮም። እንተኾነ ሳላ ጽንዓትን ኣርሒቕካ ምርኣይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ’ቲ ዘጻወድዎ መፈንጠርያታት ዋላ ሓንቲ ኣይሓዘሎምን። ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ እውን ምስቲ ሎሚ ዘለናሉ ምዕባለ ዝተፈልየ ምዃኑ ደኣ ብመልክዕ ይፍለ እምበር፡ ንሓድነትና ብኸምቲ ከገልግሎ ዝኽእል ንምልማሱ ካብ ምፍታን ዓዲ ኣይወዓለን። ዕድሜኡ ካብ ዘሕጽሩ እቲ ቀንዲ  ሓድነት ህዝብና ምድልዳል ምዃኑ ስለ ዝርዳእ ከኣ፡ ምእንቲ ቀጻልነቱ ካብ ምድኻም ሓድነት ህዝብና ንድሕሪት ከምዘይብል ርዱእ እዩ።

ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ንምስዓር ካብ ሓድነት ናይቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ  ወጽዓ ፈሪሱ ራህዋ ክህነጽ እንቃለስ ወጻኢ ካልእ ተኣምር ከምዘየለ ካብ እንርዳእ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ብፍላይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሃገርና ናብ ንቡር ክብራ ደይባ ንክትምዕብል ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣብ ቅድሚት ምስ ተሰርዐ፡ እዞ እዚ ብዘይሓድነት ኣብ ግብሪ ከምዘይውዕ ዝተረድኡ ወገናት ገለን ብውዱብ ገለን ከኣ ብውልቂ ምእንቲ ሓድነት ክምሕጸኑ ጸኒሖም። ውጽኢቱ ግና ኣይኮነንዶ ሽዑ ሎሚ እውን ትሕቲ’ቲ ንደልዮ ምህላዉ ርኡይ እዩ። ንሓድነት ክሳብ ክንድዚ እንዳበሃግናዮ እሞ እቲ ናብኡ ዘብጽሕ መንገዲ ኮነ ዝኽፈሎ ዋጋ ኣብ ኢድና እንዳሃለወ፡ ስለምንታይ ደኣ ከምቲ ንደልዮ ዝይሰለጠና? ዝብል፡ ብፍላይ ኣብዚ ወጽዓ ህዝብና እናዳኸበደ ዝኸደሉ ዘሎ እዋን ናይ መብዛሕትና ሕቶ እዩ። ከምቲ ሓድነት ንህግዲፍ ናይ ምስዓር ኣጀንዳናን ምስጢርናን’ዩ እብሎ፡ ናይዚ ሕቶዚ መልሲ ግድን  ክርከብ ዝግባኦ እምበር ጓሲኻዮ መሕለፊ ኣቋራጭ መንገዲ የለን።

ከምቲ ሓድነት መስርሕ እዩ ዝበልናዮ፡ ኣብቲ ናይ ምርግጋጹ ጉዕዞ እንዳጋላህካዮም ዝሕለፉ ዕንቅፋታት ኣለዉ። ነዚ ክንበቅዕ ከኣ ናይ ካለኦት ሃገራት ወይ ህዝብታት ተመኩሮ ከይተጸበና ናይቶም ፈቲናዮም ግና ዘይተዓወትናሎም ከም፡ ምሕዝነት ፖለቲካዊሕ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጥን ካልኦት ግንባራትን ልፍንትታትን ክንመሃረሎም ይግበኣና። ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኣብቲ ግዜቲ ተዋሳኢ ዝነበረ፡ ውድብ፡ ሰልፊ ኮነ ባእታ፡ “ሽዑ ክገብሮ ዝግበኣኒ ዝነበረ ዘይገበርኩዎ እሞ ሎሚ ክደግሞ ዘየብለይ እንታይ ኣሎ?” ኢሉ ክሓትት ግዜኡ እዩ። ክገብሮ ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ ዘይገበሮ ከም ዝረክብ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ምርካብ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናይ ግድን ሎሚ ከዕርዮ ክበቅዕ ይግበኦ። ከምዚ ዓይነት ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጥን ሕድገትን እንተዘየጥሪና ግና ወትሩ  ብሓድነት መከቲ ዘይኮና ናፋቕቲ ኮይና መፍቶ እቶም ሓድነት ክለዓል እንከሎ ርእሶም ዘሕምሞም  ክንከውን ኢና።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ  ጥርናፈ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ (ፖሓኤ) ፡ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ መንገዲ ሓድነት ቅኑዕን ተስፋ ዝህብን እዩ። ፖሓኤ ሓድነት ናይ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ዕማም እምበር ንዓኡ ጥራይ ከምዘይምልከት ተገንዚቡ፡  ካብ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ተመኩርና ኣብዚ መዳይ ይመሃር ከምዘሎ ዘርእዩ ምልክታት እውን ኣለዉ። እንተኾነ ካብቲ ኣብ መስርሕ ሓድነት ክዓሞ ዝግበኦ ቁሩብ እዩ ሰጒሙ ዘሎ።  ስለዚ ምትእምማን እንዳኣሕየለ ነቲ ጉዕዞ ዘብዘብ ክውስኸሉ መድረኽ ዝሓተቶ ዘሎ እዩ። ነዚ ንክበቅዕ ከኣ ኩልና ዝያዳ ንቕድሚት ነማዕዱ እምበር፡ ብዝሓለፈ ቅርሕንቲ ተጸሊና ብጐቦ ዓይኒ ኣይንጠማመት። ካብ   ብዝሓለፈ ንጸባጸብ ዝያዳ ንመጻኢ ነማዕዱ፡ “እቲ መዋጸኦ ንናይ ኩልና ኣተሓሳስባ ኣብ ግም ዘእትወ እምበር ኣባይ ዘሎ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን” ንበል። ማዕጾ እንካን ሃባን ምጽውዋርን ኣስፊሕና ንኽፈቶ። ነዚታት እንተርዒምናዮ  ኣብ ቅድሜና ጠጠው ዝብል ጸረ ሓድነት ተሰዓራይ እዩ። ኮታ ሎሚ ሓድነት ንኤርትራውያን ቀዳምነት ዝሕዝ ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ኣጀንዳ ምዃኑ ንካልኢት’ውን ኣይንዘንግዕ።

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