Wednesday, 25 November 2020 11:36

Tigray is not alone…Ethiopia’s other conflicts

Written by

NOVEMBER 25, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Analysts fear the conflict in Tigray could fuel violence in other parts of the country.

Source: New Humanitarian

Ethiopia’s other conflicts

Philip Kleinfeld

A family sits inside their shelter within a camp for internally displaced people in Chelelektu town of Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region (SNNPR) in Ethiopia, on 15 August, 2018
A family sits inside their shelter within a camp for internally displaced people in Chelelektu town of Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) in Ethiopia, on 15 August, 2018. (Tiksa Negeri/REUTERS)

The conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region has cost hundreds of lives and sent tens of thousands of people fleeing to Sudan over the past three weeks. But the region is just one of several in the country experiencing violent unrest amid a fraught political transition.

Some analysts fear the conflict in Tigray – which pits the northern region’s heavily armed leadership against the authority and forces of the central government – could fuel conflict in other parts of the country, which is divided into 10 ethnically-based regions. Armed violence may increase due to opportunism or a heightened sense of grievance.

Read more → Tigray refugees recount the horrors of Ethiopia’s new conflict

Pockets of conflict in Ethiopia are typically driven by identity and ethnic politics, and competition over land and natural resources. In a significant proportion of cases, as reported by media, human rights groups, and the UN, clashes also occur on the borders between different regions and communities, especially when control over territory is transferred from one authority to another.

Unlike the battles in Tigray, most incidents of non-governmental violence involve loosely-defined militia, according to records maintained by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a conflict monitoring group, while a minority of cases are attributed to organised armed groups.

The loosening of political controls under Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has seen violence increase across the country as different ethnic groups and regions push for increased power and autonomy.

Humanitarian needs have followed: About 1.2 million people are already estimated to be living displaced from their homes by conflict – a figure sure to rise once humanitarian agencies are able to properly assess the situation in Tigray.


Ethiopia's Regional Conflictshttps://i0.wp.com/eritreahub.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Screenshot-2020-11-25-at-07.19.37.png?resize=300%2C229&ssl=1 300w, https://i0.wp.com/eritreahub.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Screenshot-2020-11-25-at-07.19.37.png?resize=1024%2C781&ssl=1 1024w, https://i0.wp.com/eritreahub.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Screenshot-2020-11-25-at-07.19.37.png?resize=768%2C586&ssl=1 768w" sizes="(max-width: 840px) 100vw, 840px" data-recalc-dims="1" style="box-sizing: inherit; border: 0px; max-width: 100%; height: auto; clear: both; display: block; margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; margin-bottom: 1em; text-align: center;">


With attention currently focused on the northern region, here is a non-exhaustive list of some of Ethiopia’s other flashpoints.

Benishangul-Gumuz region

Armed men killed at least 34 people travelling on a passenger bus on 14 November, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission – the latest in a series of deadly attacks in the northwestern province. The identity of the attackers is often unclear, though some blame ethnic Gumuz militiamen for targeting members of other ethnic groups, in particular the Amhara. In October, Abiy said fighters from the region were receiving training and shelter in Sudan. Benishangul-Gumuz is home to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a massive hydroelectric dam on the Blue Nile that has caused tensions with downstream Nile users, Egypt and Sudan.

West Wollega zone

At least 54 civilians were killed on 1 November in Guliso, West Wollega, by suspected members of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a rebel group that operates in western and southern Oromia. The killings targeted members of the Amhara ethnic group, according to Amnesty international, and took place after Ethiopian troops abruptly left the area. The OLA is a breakaway faction of the Oromo Liberation Front, a once-banned separatist group that returned to Ethiopia from exile in 2018 with Abiy’s blessing. Government forces have been accused of extra-judicial killings and arbitrary detention of civilians during military operations against the OLA.

Afar-Somali border

Friction along the border between the Afar and Somali regions has flared into sporadic conflict and displaced over 125,000 people over the last two years. The disputed area straddles trade and transport corridors with the neighbouring port state of Djibouti and access to the Awash river. According to the government, about 50,000 people have been displaced on the Afar side, and 78,000 on the Somali side. A UN report in January 2020 said the humanitarian situation in the Siti zone on the Somali side was “dire”, and access for aid to get in was very restricted under the oversight of a heavy military presence. In late October 2020, dozens were reportedly killed in clashes in the area. Conflict monitoring group ACLED records the current phase of sporadic violence as starting after serious clashes between armed Afar and Somali gunmen in December 2018 that killed dozens. A 2014 agreement to grant special status to three administrative areas along the regional border did not end the tension.

Oromo-Somali eastern border

One of the largest concentrations of displaced people due to conflict in Ethiopia is in Fafan, part of the Somali region bordering Oromia region. According to the UN’s migration agency, over 160,000 people were living in 34 displacement sites in mid-2020. Violence flared in August 2018, with Somalis targeting “highlanders” in the regional hub of Jijiga at a period of high political tension involving the former president of the region, Abdi Illey. Another long-running source of friction and sporadic violence nearby involves rivalry and disputes between the Jarso and Gerri communities.

Oromo-Somali southern border

The southern border between Oromia and the Somali region is also a flashpoint for communal tensions and competition for access to land and natural resources. Conflict in the Borena and Dawa areas of southern Ethiopia had left 350,000 people displaced by mid-2020, according to the UN’s migration agency, IOM. In December 2018, 21 people were killed in one of many outbreaks of conflict in the border town of Moyale, particularly between ethnic Borana – related to the Oromo group – and the Somali Garre clan. Residents have in the past fled to Kenya and Kenyan security forces have occasionally become involved, making it a point of international concern.

Amhara-Tigray border

The border between Tigray and Amhara has been a long-running dispute since its redrawing in 1991, which enlarged the Tigray boundary. Sporadic skirmishes have been reported in recent years, especially in the western part of the border area. Intercommunal violence has also broken out in Amhara between ethnic Amhara and Qemant groups, following administrative changes in 2017 giving greater autonomy to the Qemant in areas populated by both. The situation displaced over 50,000 people from September 2018 to March 2019, according to the UN’s emergency aid coordination agency, OCHA. Amhara region officials claim the TPLF is backing the Qemant as part of the broader territorial dispute. Amhara militias are now supporting the federal government’s offensive in Tigray.

Gedeo and West Guji zones

Intercommunal violence along the border of Gedeo, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region Region (SNNPR), and West Guji, in Oromia region, displaced hundreds of thousands of people in 2018. Ethnic Gedeos were accused by their Oromo neighbours of trying to annex land and resources. The government limited humanitarian access to displaced people as part of a controversial effort to encourage the displaced to return home, which most eventually did. Local peace committees were set up across the area to facilitate dialogue between the two ethnic groups – who had lived together for decades – but tensions over land still linger.

Bench Sheko zone

Between 18 and 21 October, an unidentified armed group attacked civilians in the Bench zone of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). Reports say 31 people were killed, although police figures differed. The area is in the deep southwest of the country, about 75 kilometres from the South Sudan border. The incident, which included the burning of homesteads and food stores, happened in a location called Gura Farda. Some local media reports say the victims were ethnic Amhara. The area includes a mix of ethnicities, and a restructuring to form a new administrative grouping is currently being considered.

Wolaita zone

Security forces killed at least 17 people in Wolaita zone on 10 August, after protests erupted following the arrest of local politicians seeking to form an autonomous region for the Wolaita ethnic group. The zone is currently situated within the SNNPR. Wolaita officials are hoping to follow the lead of the Sidama – the largest ethnic group in the region – who voted to form their own self-governing territory in November 2019.

NOVEMBER 24, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Mark Eyskens, former prime minister of Belgium and Koos Richelle, former director-general of the EU, are among 55 senior Europeans who supported this appeal.  

Source: EUObserver

  • Axum airport in northern Ethiopia, in 2016. The airport was destroyed by forces from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front at the weekend, according to reports 

TILLBURG, BERLIN, STOCKHOLM, SALAMANCA, DUBLIN, TODAY, 07:06

Dear Excellencies Charles Michel (president of the EU Council), Ursula von der Leyen (president of the EU Commission) and David Sassoli (president of the European Parliament),

A call to the EU to urgently engage in peace efforts for the Horn of Africa.

The European Union must immediately appoint senior high-level envoys for the Horn of Africa to engage in and provide support to international, in particular African, efforts to curb the crisis in the Horn of Africa.

The UN has called for an immediate ceasefire of all hostilities.

According to the UN, 4,000 people a day are fleeing to Sudan from Ethiopia.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, has called for a humanitarian corridor to reach the 96,000 refugees and internally-displaced persons in refugee camps in Sudan and in northern Ethiopia.

The UN is already preparing to receive 200,000 refugees in Sudan. An old refugee camp, that served during the 1984 famine, is sadly brought in use again.

The UN secretary general, António Guterres, has stated the hope that “Ethiopia will be able to find the peace it needs for its development and the wellbeing of its people.”

This crisis rightly has the full attention of the African continent.

The chair of the African Union, Cyril Ramaphosa, has appointed three elderly statespersons as envoys: Joaquim Chissano, former president of the Republic of Mozambique; Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, former president of the Republic of Liberia, and Kgalema Motlanthe, former president of the Republic of South Africa – as special envoys of the African Union. Their efforts should be supported.

Unfortunately, the military interventions are not the only problem in the region.

After the lost harvest due to the destruction by locust swarms, food reserves are in severe jeopardy.

The conflict is now contributing to an already dire situation.

A new famine of most severe proportions is looming. The current crisis comes on top of the Covid-19 pandemic, leaving children out of school for six months already. It affects tens of thousands of children in precarious situations, often separated from parents and guardians.

Ethiopia is globally renowned for its world cultural heritage representing one of the oldest human civilisations of which Ethiopians and Africans are rightly proud.

The UNESCO world heritage site in Aksum, other heritage sites and religious centres are now under threat. This tragedy is compounded by a terrible loss of innocent lives, sexual violence and a destabilising refugee crisis.

This regional crisis in the Horn of Africa requires the immediate attention of the EU at the highest level. The EU should call on the experience of statespersons to contribute as high-level envoys to the efforts of the African Union and the UN.

Yours,

Professor Dr Mirjam van Reisen, professor of international relations, innovation and care, Tilburg University

Plus 51 other signatories, including:

Prof. Dr Mirjam van Reisen, Professor International Relations, Innovation and care, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Greet Vanaerschot, Secretary General, Pax Christi International

Agnes van Ardenne, former Dutch Minister for Development Cooperation and former Dutch Ambassador to the Food and Agri Organisations of the United Nations in Rome

Genoveva Tisheva, Director of the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria

Malgorzata Tarasiewicz, Director Network of East-West Women, Poland

Juan Santos Vara, Professor of Public International Law and Jean Monnet, University of Salamanca, Spain

Prof. Dr Conny Rijken, Professor of Human Trafficking and Globalization, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Koos Richelle, former EU Director General European Commission, EU

Prof. Dr Rik Van de Walle, Rector of Ghent University, Belgium

Prof. Dr Luc Sels, Rector of Katholieke Universiteit (KU) Leuven, Belgium

Lilianne Ploumen, MP, former Minister of International Trade and Development Cooperation, The Netherlands

Dr Gunnar Köhlin, Associate Professor and Director, Environment for Development Initiative, University of Gothenburg, Sweden

Ron Rijnbende, Edukans, The Netherlands

Simon Stocker, LDC-Watch

Klara Smits, Europe External Policy Advisors, Belgium

María Luisa Gil Payno, Economistas sin Fronteras, Spain

Ionut Sibian, Fundația pentru Dezvoltarea Societății Civile, Romania

Antonella Napoli, journalist, Italy

Prof. Dr Jan Nyssen, Department of Geography, UGent, Belgie

Dr Jan Nouwen, Coordinator Global Health Education, Erasmus University, The Netherlands

Prof. Dr Augusto Montixi, University of Cagliari, Italy

Dr Violeta Moreno-Lax, Queen Mary University of London, UK

Dr Réginald Moreels, Humanitarian surgeon and former minister for development cooperation Belgium

Paddy Maguinness, Europe External Programme with Africa, Ireland

Jens Martens, Global Policy Forum Europe, Germany

Stig Lundberg, Consultant Religious Affairs, Sweden

Benoit Lannoo, Consultant International & Interreligious Cooperation, Belgium

Jasper Kuipers, Director Dokters van de Wereld, The Netherlands

Florence Keller, Referente for platforme Citoyenne, Namur and Luxembourg regions, Belgium

Mehdi Kassou, Président de la Plate-forme citoyenne de soutien aux Réfugiés, Belgium

Susanna Henriksén, Act Church of Sweden, Sweden

Rudi Friedrich, Director of Connection e.V., Germany

William Grech, KOPIN Supporting Refugees in Malta, Malta

Valerio Giaccoia, journalist, Italy

Pierre Galand, Former Senator, Human Rights activist, Belgium

Mark Eyskens, Minister of State, Former Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of International Cooperation, Belgium

Anne Catherine de Neve, Referee Antenne Plate-forme Citoyenne de soutien aux Réfugiés for Brabant Wallon, Belgium

Prof. Ronald de Jong, Professor of Practice, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Halle Jorn Hanssen, Writer and former secretary General Norwegian Peoples Aid, Norway

Dr Daria Davitti, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Lund University, Sweden

Allan Bussard, Director, Integra Foundation, Slovakia

Prof. Dr Frans Bongers, Professor Tropical Forest Ecology, Environmental Sciences Group, Wageningen University & Research, The Netherlands

Roberto Bissio, Social Watch

Dr Andrés Bautista-Hernáez, Professor of Public International Law, University of Málaga, Spain

Dr Martin Barber, Chair, United Against Inhumanity (UAI), UK

Iliana Balabanova, President, Bulgarian Platform European Women’s Lobby, Bulgaria

Africa ExPress.info, Italy

Laura Albu, President, Romanian Women’s Lobby, Vice-President of the European Women’s Lobby, Romania

Prof. Dr Bas Arts, Universiteit van Wageningen, The Netherlands

Sara Arapiles, Nottingham University, UK

Matyas Benyik, Attac, Hungary

Kees Zevenbergen, Director CORDAID, The Netherlands

Ian White, Changing Perspectives, Ireland

Prof. Dr Lindsay Whitfield, Chair in Global Studies, Project Coordinator Decent Work and GVC-based Industrialization in Ethiopia, Roskilde University, Denmark

Prof. Dr Fulvio Vassallo, Avvocato e Vicepresidente A-DIF, Emeritus University of Palermo, Italy

NOVEMBER 24, 2020  NEWS

Source: US Embassy Asmara. Dated 23 November 2020

Location: Asmara, Eritrea

Event: The Embassy received reports today that neighborhood wardens in some areas of Asmara, at the instruction of Eritrean government officials, have advised residents to remain indoors this evening.  All U.S. Citizens in Asmara are advised to continue to exercise caution, remain in their homes, and conduct only essential travel until further notice.

Actions to Take:

  • Monitor local news.
  • Be aware of your surroundings at all times.

መግለጺ ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ነዚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ውግእ ብዕቱብ ንምምዛን ብዕለት 21 ሕዳር 2020 ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ።

ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ እቲ ብ2019 ዓ.ም ዝተኻየደ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ፡ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያት ኢትዮጵያ ኢድ ብምእታው፡ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ክልላትን ብሄራትን ኢትዮጵያ ዝተኸስተ ግርጭታት ንምብላሕ ዝኽተሎ ዘሎ ሻራዊ ፖሊሲ ኰኒኑ ምንባሩ ተመልከተ። ከምኡ’ውን፡ መንግስቲ  ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ዝገብሮ ዝነበረ ስዉር ውዕላትን ስምምዓትን ንዝሓለፍናዮ መሪር ተመኵሮ ዝደግም ከይከውን ጕባኤ ስግኣት ከምዘለዎን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ጐድኒ ልዑላውነቱ ደው ክብል ጸዊዑ ምንባሩን ዘኪሩ።

እንሆ እምበኣር ስግኣት 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጕባኤና ጋህዲ ኰይኑ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኣደዳ ህልቀትን ስደትን፣ ሃገርና መናሃርያ ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ህዝብና ድማ ግዳይ ናይ ዘይምልከቶ ውግእ ኰይኑ ኣብ ዲቕ ዝበለ ስቓይን ሓዘንን ይርከብ ኣሎ። ካብ’ዚ ሓቅታት’ዚ ብምንቃል ህጹጽ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ነዚ ዝስዕብ ውሳኔታት ኣሕለፈ።

  1. ናይ ዶር. ኣቢዪን ኢሳያስን ሽርክነት ውግእ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን መንግስትን ትግራይ ንዅንን። ኣብ ውሽጢ ኢትዮጵያ ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ውግእ መበገሲኡ ቅዋማውን ፖለቲካውን ስለዝዀነ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ፍታሕ ክግበረሉ ንጽውዕ።
  2. ብዝተፈላለዩ ኣህጉራውን ዞባውን ትካላት፡ መንግስታት፡ ሃይማኖታዊ ትካላትን ተጣበቕቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ዝዀና ማሕበራትን፡ ነዚ ውግእ ጠጠው ንምባል ዘቕርብዎ ዘለዉ ጻውዒት ሰላም እናደገፍና፣ ብፍላይ ድማ፡ እዚ ሕጂ ውድብ ሓድነት ኣፍሪቃ ወሲዱዎ ዘሎ ናይ ዕርቂ ተበግሶ ኩሎም ወገናት ክቕበሉዎ ነማሕጽን። ኣብ ክሊ’ዚ ምዕባሌታት ውግእ ተፈጢሩ ንዘሎ ኩነታት ስደትን ምዝንባልን፡ ኣህጉራዊ ማሕበረሰብ ዕቱብ ኣቓልቦ ክህበሉ፡ ንኹሎም ስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ሓልዮትን ሰብኣዊ ረድኤትን ድማ ከበርክት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ምሕጽንታኡ የቕርብ።
  3. እዚ ሕጂ ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ውግእ ሓደ ካብ ዕላማታቱ ነቲ ኣሽሓት ህይወት ከፊልና ዘረጋገጽናዮ ልዑላውነት ሃገር ኣሕሊፉ ዝህብ ስለዝዀነን ድሮ እውን ተጋሂሱ ስለ ዘሎን፡ ህዝብን ሰራዊትን ኤርትራ፡ ንምልኪ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ብዘየዳግም ንምምሓዉ ካብ ካልእ ግዜ ንላዕሊ ሎሚ እዋኑ ስለዝዀነ ክልዓል ንጽውዕ።
  4. ብዝሒ ዘለዎ ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ ብስርዓት ኢሳያስ ተፈቒዱሉ ብኣየር፡ ብምድርን ብባሕርን ናብ ሃገርና ኣትዩ ንልዑላውነትና ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣእትዩዎ ይርከብ። ስለዝዀነ ድማ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ንሃገርና ናብ ባዕዳውያን ኣሕሊፉ ብምሃቡ ክኹንኖን ኣብ መሬትና ዝርከብ ዝዀነ ይኹን ባዕዳዊ ሓይሊ ብቕልጡፍ ንኽወጽእ ጸቕጥታቱ ከሐይልን ንጽውዕ።
  5. ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንባዕዳውያን ሓይልታት ናብ መሬትና ከምዝኣትዉ ምግባሩ ከይኣኽሎ፣ ንሰራዊት ኤርትራ’ውን ብዘይድልየቱን እምነቱን ናብ ትግራይ ልኢኹ ኣብ ዘይምልከቶ ውግእ ኣእትዩ ንኸቢድ ሓደጋ ኣቃሊዕዎ ይርከብ። እዚ ሰራዊት እዚ ነቲ ዝተሰለፈሉ ድሕነት ህዝቡን ልዑላውነት ሃገሩን ኣብ ክንዲ ዝከላኸል፣ ካብ ሃገሩ ወጻኢ መዝሓል ጥይት ኰይኑ ይመውትን ይቘስልን ኣሎ። ስለ’ዚ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ፡ ብሓደ ወገን እቲ ሰራዊት ባዕሉ ካብቲ ኣትዩዎ ዘሎ ዘይቅኑዕ ውግእ ነብሱ ከውጽእ ክጽዕር፣ ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዞም ኣብ ዘይምልከቶም ውግእ ተኣጒዶም ዘለዉ ደቁ ብዝቐልጠፈ እዋን ናብ ሃገሮም ክምለሱ ብኹሉ ዝከኣሎ መገድታት ክቃለስ ጻውዒትና ነቕርብ።
  6. ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኵሉ ዓይነት ዓሌታዊ ምቅትታል ደው ክብል ንጽውዕ። ብማእከላይ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ብጅምላ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ጭፍጨፋ ድማ ብትሪ ንዅንን።
  7. ሰልፍና ንዝዀነ ይኹን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝግበር ዝምታን ሲቪላዊ ዓመጽን ኣይቅበልን። ስለዝዀነ ከኣ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ውግእ ጉልባብ ጌርካ ዝዝመት ንብረት ህዝቢ ምስዝህሉ ብገበን ዘሕትትን ውዒሉ ሓዲሩ እቲ ንብረት ናብ ዋንኡ ክምለስ ስለዝግባእን፤ ኣየናይ ሸነኽ ይገብሮ ብዘየገድስ ዝዀነ ሰብ ካብ ናይ ዝምታን ዓመጽን ተግባራት ክቑጠብ ኣጥቢቕና ነተሓሳስብ።
  8. ቅድም ክብል ብመግዛእቲ፡ ድሒሩ’ውን ብሰንኪ ምሕደራ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ብዝወረዶ ጭቆናን ኣደራዕን ተማሪሩ ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸር ህዝብና ኣብ ፈቐዶ ዓለም ፋሕ ኢሉ ኣብ ስደት ክነብር ተገዲዱ እዩ። ነዚ ህዝብና ወሪዱዎ ዘሎ ሕሰም ተረዲኦም ዓቕሞም ዝፈቕዶ ሓገዝ ካብ ዝገብሩ ገበርቲ ሰናይ ጐረባብቲ መንግስታት ኢትዮጵያን ሱዳንን ዝጥቀሳ እየን። ብፍላይ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ብዝሒ ዘለዎም ዜጋታትና ኣብ ዝተፈለየ ከተማታትን ዞባታትን ተበቲኖም ምህላዎም ዝፍለጥ ኰይኑ፡ እቶም ዝበዝሑ ድማ ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ ዝርከባ ዝተፈላለያ መዓስከራት ኢዮም ዝነብሩ ዘለዉ። ሎሚ ምስ’ዚ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ሓድሽ ናይ ውግእ ኩነታት ሃለዋት ዜጋታትና ኣብ ከቢድ ፈተና ከምዝወደቐ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኰነን። እዚ ኵነት’ዚ ኣብ ኣእሙሮ ኣባላትናን ህዝብናን ዓቢ ሻቕሎት ፈጢሩ ከምዘሎ ባይቶ መዚኑ።

ኣብ’ዛ ፈታኒት እዋን እዚኣ ነዞም ኣብ ሓደጋ ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ዜጋታትና ኣድላዪ ሓገዝን ሓለዋን ክግበረሎም ንኹሎም ብቐረባ ዝምልከቶምን ንኣህጉራዊ ሕብረተሰብ ብሓፈሻን ኣጥቢቕና ንሓትት። ነቶም ካብ ናይ ውግእ ዞባ ወጻኢ፡ ኣብ ካልእ ቦታታት ኢትዮጵያ ዘለዉ ድማ ንድሕነቶም ህጹጽ ኣቓልቦን ደገፍን ክግበረሎም ምሕጽንታና ነቕርብ።

  1. ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ’ዛ ሒዝናያ ዘለና ዓመተ 2020 ካብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ግዜ ንላዕሊ ተቐራሪቦም ክሰርሑ ይርኣዩ ብምህላዎም ሓደ ዓቢ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት እዩ። ጽምዶ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ምቅርራብ ዝተፈላለዩ ምንቅስቓሳትን ሲቪክ ማሕበራትን ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እናሓየለ ይኸይድ ኣሎ። ይኹን እምበር ምስ’ቲ ሕጂ ገጢሙና ዘሎ ብድሆታት ዝመጣጠን ኣይኮነን። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምስ ኩሎም እቶም ዛጊት ዝተፈላለየ ናይ ሓድነት ጻውዒት ዝገበሩ ይኹን ዘይገበሩ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ሓይልታት ተቐራሪቡ ክሰርሕ ድልው ምዃኑ እናኣረጋገጸ፥ እቲ መስርሕ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ብዝለዓለ ናህሪ ክቀላጠፍ ጻውዒቱ የቕርብ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህ

21 ሕዳር 2020

Monday, 23 November 2020 23:31

Stop War Crimes in Ethiopia Today

Written by

NOVEMBER 23, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: African Arguments

By Alex de Waal

On 10 December 2019, the same day that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received the Nobel Peace Prize, the 1991 winner of the prize, Aung San Suu Kyi was in court in the Hague, defending her government against accusations of genocide.

Abiy Ahmed is racing down that same road.

Over the weekend, the spokesman for the Ethiopian army, Colonel Dejene Tsegaye said that the army planned to encircle the Tigrayan capital Mekelle with tanks and begin shelling the city:

“We want to send a message to the public in Mekelle to save yourselves from any artillery attacks and free yourselves from the junta … After that, there will be no mercy.”

That would be a war crime. Abiy gave a 72-hour ultimatum to the residents of the city. Using artillery against a city (a civilian target) is a gross violation of international humanitarian law.

There is good reason to suppose that the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) may have committed war crimes too. In fact the casus belli for the offensive by the Ethiopian army is an alleged mass killing of Ethiopian army officers on 3-4 November as TPLF units overran army bases. In response, Abiy launched ground and air attacks.

The TPLF’s reported action was also reckless. Its military leaders may have believed too much in the myth of their own invincibility in the face of an all-out attack.

As the war has proceeded, government aircraft have bombed Mekelle town, including the university. The TPLF has fired rockets at cities outside Tigray. Amnesty International has reported large-scale killings of civilians by Tigrayan militia, and refugees entering Sudan speak of killings by Amhara militia. Violations by one side don’t excuse violations by the other. In a war the two sides are bound by the same standards.

Abiy has refused to call it a war and has instead called it a police action with the intent of bringing criminals to justice. That may have served him well in public relations in Ethiopia and have convinced the U.S. Ambassador and Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, but it’s not how the law works.

The Federal Government is at war with the TPLF. Airstrikes, tank battles, artillery barrages against a belligerent that controls territory and exercises command and control over armed forces, constitute a war. And in war, international humanitarian law and international criminal law apply. If the federal forces commit war crimes, the court won’t accept the plea that the other side fired the first shots.

The African Union has appointed envoys to mediate between the warring parties. The world should support them in calling for an immediate ceasefire and referring the case of the Tigray war for an independent international investigation.

Monday, 23 November 2020 23:29

A moral appeal to end hostilities

Written by

NOVEMBER 23, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Ethiopia Insight November 22, 2020

There will be no winners in a war fueled by a failure of political leadership.

 

It is a moral outrage and a sad irony that Ethiopia is at war with itself whilst actively engaged in peace-making elsewhere in the near-abroad.To add to the irony, the public watched the intense build-up with indifference only to feel perturbed as the nation dipped into a fratricidal bloodshed of a frightening scale, unfamiliar to the present generation of enlisted men and women.

From here on, not even the wisest pundits can predict what the raging conflict has in store for this nation of nationalities, once at war against poverty, the only enemy with which no compromise is possible.

What is certain, however, is that, in the absence of compromise, this country is in for a seismic humanitarian crisis far beyond its meager shock-absorbing capacity.

In this hour of peril, the moral imperative, as it were, is to mobilize public opinion and leverage mediation, rather than bickering over which side planned and instigated the bloody conflict.

As “truth is the first casualty of war”, it is for an impartial inquiry panel to sort out the claims and counterclaims and identify the guilty party that was most responsible for the debacle.

In the meantime, it must be said with righteous indignation that both sides bear responsibility for a as much baiting on a premature foreclosure of peaceful dialogue  and escalating the conflict thereafter.

If nothing else, the haste with which each side upped the ante goes to show the moral failings of the former allies in the now defunct EPRDF coalition. But if decency still matters, the only prudent course of action is to stand down and begin peace talks without preconditions.

That said, it remains to call upon religious leaders, peace advocates, and other influential public figures to bring their combined moral weight and broker cessation of hostilities as a prelude to comprehensive peace talks.

There is no shame in extending an olive branch if the alternative is worse than the momentary flack one must take for daring the opposite side to reciprocate in kind.

Surely if both sides lack the moral courage to budge, the human toll of the tragic conflict is bound to bulge and severely diminish the prospect of a post-conflict reconciliation.

In this hour of peril, saner voices with reputed pedigree also bear responsibility to encourage dialogue and remind the war-mongers that, by its very nature, the kind of conflict Ethiopia is in rarely lends itself to a military solution.

If proof is needed, suffice to recall the case of Yugoslavia, where zealous pursuit of a unilateral settlement quickly degenerated into mindless ethnic cleansing and broke apart the republics into EU-dependent mini-states overnight.

This is not to suggest that Ethiopia is doomed to go the way of Yugoslavia, but instead to draw attention to the possibility of a no less calamity should, by some consequential mishap, the conflict spill over to other regions with a recent history of violent flare-ups.

To end on a positive note, one cannot but hope that, sooner rather than later, everyone, not least those in charge, will realize that there can be no victory to celebrate after the fratricidal slaughter—but only a vigil to hold for the dead and injured from a war waged in vain.

NOVEMBER 22, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Bloomberg

By , 22 November 2020, 17:25 GMT

The United Arab Emirates called on Ethiopian leaders to return to talks and end a military conflict that’s pitting the country’s central government against the dissident northern Tigray state, the UAE’s official news agency WAM reported.

UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed “stressed the need to return and implement the rule of law” in Ethiopia, which is “key to security and stability in the Horn of Africa and the region,” WAM reported on Sunday.

The minister said the UAE has been in contact with many of its partners in Africa and the region to help put an end to the conflict by peaceful means, according to the statement.

The hostilities in Ethiopia erupted on Nov. 4 after months of tension between the federal and regional governments and have triggered a humanitarian crisis.

Tigrayan authorities say 100,000 people have been displaced, and the United Nations has warned that an additional 1.1 million people may need aid. No official figures of the number of people who’ve been killed are available.

ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ሰዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣቶ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ዝመረሖን ኣባላት መሪሕነት ዝተሳተፍዎን ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ መሰረታት ሰዲህኤ ብ22 ሕዳር 2020 ተኻይዱ። ናይዚ ኣኼባ ዕላማ፣ ብዛዕባዊ ህልዊ ምዕባለታት ሰዲህኤ፡ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራን፣ ዞባዊ ኩነታትን ዝምልከት መብርሂ ንምሃብን መድረኻዊ ዕማማት ንምኽዕባት ካብ ሰረታት ሰልፊ ዝቐርብ ርእይቶታትን ሓሳባትን ንምጥርናፍ ዝዓለመ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ፣ ተስፋይ ነዚ ኣኼባ ኣብ ምጅማር፡ ድሕሪ ናይ “እንኳዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም” ቃል ምቕራቡ፡ ነቶም መንቀሊ ናይቲ ኣኼባ ዝኮኑ  እዋናዊ ዛዕባታት ዝምልከት፤ መበግሲ ሓሳብ  መብርሂ ኣቕሪቡ።

ኣብዚ ኣኼባ መብርሂ ዝተዋህበሎም ዛዕባታት፡ መስርሕ ምጥርናፍ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራን በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃን፡ ኣገዳስነት ምሉእ ሓድነት ናይቶ ኣዝዮም ዝቀራረቡ ሓይልታት፡ ብዛዕባ ብሓፈሻ ኣብዚ ዞባ ዝረአ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ምዕባለታት ብፍላይ ከኣ ብዛዕባቲ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየደ ዘሎ ውግእን ገለ ካብ  ሰልፋዊ ምሕዳራዊ ጉዳያትን እዮም። ነዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ዘዕባታት ብዝምልከት በቶም ኣብዝተፈላለያ መዳያት ናይቲ ዕማም  ክሰርሑ ዝጸንሑ ሽማግለታት ዝርዝር መብርህታት ተዋሂቡ።

ኣብቲ ዝተዋህበ መብርሂ ናይቲ ምጥርናፍ ላዕለዋይ ኣወሃሃዲ ኣካልን ሓይልታት ዕማምን ስረሓቶም ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ከም ዘሎ ሰፊሕ መብርሂ ሂቦም። ብዘካይዚ እቲ ዝሰፍሐ ምጥርናፍ ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ ናይተን ፖለቲካዊ መደባተን ዝሰማመዓ ውድባት ምሉእ ሓድነት ንምግባር ዘለዎ ኣገዳስነትን ሰዲህኤ ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ከይተሓለለ ክሰርሕ ከም ዝጸንሐን ንመጻኢ እውን ከም ዝቕጽሎ በቶም ነቲ ጉዳይ ብቐረባ ክከታተልዎ ዝጸንሑ ኣባላት ሽማግለ ዝርዝር ሓበሬታ ቀሪቡ። ነቲ ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ መንጐ ፈደራላዊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ክልላዊ መንግስቲ ትግራይን ዝካየድ ዘሎን ዞባዊ መልክዕ ከይሕዝ ዘስግእን ውግእ ኣብ ዝምልከት ከኣ ኣብቲ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ ብ15ን 22ን ሕዳር 2020 ዘካየዶ ፍሉይ ኣኼባ ንወድዓዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ፡ ግደ ኣዕናዊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን እዚ ውግእ ብኸመይ ክዓርፍ ከም ዝግባእን ዝእምቱ ኣገደስቲ ውሳነታት ወሲዱ ከም ዘሎን መገለጺ ተዋሂቡ። ንውሳነታት ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝምልከት መግለጺ  ኣብዚ ቀረባ ክስዕብ ምዃኑ’ውን ተሓቢሩ።

ድሕሪዚ ዝያዳ ክልተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ መግለጽታት፣ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ብሓፈሻ ኣብ ኩሉ መብርሂ ዝተዋህበሉ ዛዕባታት ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ኣገዳስነት ሓድነትን ምጥርናፋትን፡ ብዝያዳ ድማ ኣብዚ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ሓሊፉ ንልኡላውነት ሃገርና ኤርትራ ዘስግእን ንዞባና ንብ ዓውደ ውግእ ከይቅይር ዓብይ ስኽፍታ ኣሕዲሩ ዘሎ ምዕባለታት ዘተኰሩ ሕቶታት ቀሪቦም። ኣኼባ ብኣቦ-መንበር እንዳተማእከለ፣ በቶም ነቲ ኩነታት ክከታተሉን ክዋስኡን ዝጸንሑ ኣባላት ሽማግለ ሰፋሕቲ መብርህታትን መልስታትን ተዋሂብዎም። ብዘይካዚ ኩሉ ኣሰራርሓና ምስዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ምዕባለታት ዝሰማማዕ ብፍላይ ድማ ነቲ ብመስዋእቲ ዝተረጋገጸ ልኡላውነት ሃገርና ንዳግማይ ጎበጣ ዝመጣጠር ዝመስል ሓደጋ ዝገጥም ኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓ ክንቅይስ ከም ዝግበና ዘገንዝቡ ሃነጽቲ ርኢቶታትን ለበዋታትን  ካብ ብዙሓት ተሳተፍቲ ብጾት ቀሪቦም። ብዘይካዚ መላእ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ቀጻልነቱ ምስ ምትዕርራይ ናይዚ ኲነታት ዝተኣሳሰር’ውን ስለዝኮነ፡ ኩሉ ፍልልያቱ ኣወንዚፉ ንቀጻልነት ሃገረ ኤርትራ ዝጠመተ ሓባራዊ ዕማማት ከካይድ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ኣማሕጺኖም።

ኣቦ-መንበር ተስፋይ ድሕሪቲ ንዳርጋ 7 ሰዓታት ዝቐጸለ ኣኼባ ከጠቓልል እንከሎ፡ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ንዘቕረብዎም ኣዝዮም ጠቐምትን ኣገደስትን ሓሳባት፡ መሪሕነት ብግቡእ ገምጊሙ ኣድላይ ዝበሎም ውሳነታት ከም ዝወስደሎ ኣረጋጊጹ። ኣስዒቡ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣኼባታት ቀጻሊ ከምዝኸውን ብምጥቃስ፡ መሪሕነት ብናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኩሉ መዳያዊ ኣበርክቶ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ሕጉሱን ሕቡንን ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ፡ ኣባላት ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ሓድነት ሰልፎም እናዓቀቡ ኣበርክተኦም ከሕይሉ ሓደራ ኢሉ።

ብዕለት 21 ሕዳር 2020 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራንክፎርት ብኣማእት ዝቑጸር ህዝቢ ዝተሳተፎ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ተኻይዱ። ዕላማ ናይቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ነቲ ብሻርነታዊ ዝርያ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ውልቀ መራሒ ኤርትራን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ውግእ ደው ንኽብል፡ ብሰላምን ልዝብን ንኽፍታሕ ዝጸውዐን እዩ ነይሩ።

ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ፍራንክፎርት፣ ብኡቡንትን (Ubunt Jugendhaus)  ዩናይትድ ፎር ኤሪትርያን (United for Eritrea) ዝተባህሉ ናይ መንእሰያት ማሕበራት፣ ሽግር ሓደስቲ ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ንምቅላል ዝጽዕቱን ዝሳተፉን ክኸውን ከሎ፡ ምስ ይኣክል ፍራንክፎርት ብምስናይ ዝተጸውዐን ዝተዳለወን ሰልፊ እዩ ነይሩ።

ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ፍራንክፎርት፡ ናይቶም ሰብ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ ዝኾኑ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያንን ኢትዮጵያውያንን ተሳትፎ ዝነበሮ፣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ፣ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ጥራሕ ኮይኑ ዝተርፍ ዘይኮነስ፣ ኣብ መላእ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቓ ክልሕም ዝኽእል ምዃኑ ዝተገንዘቡ  ገለ ሶማላውያን፡ ሱዳናውያንን ናይጀርያውያን እውን ተሳቲፎሞ ነይሮም።

ውግእ መፍትሒ ፖለቲካዊ ሽግር ከምዘይኮነን፡ ፖለቲካዊ ፍልልይ ኣብ ጠረጴዛ ብልዝብን ብሰላምን ክፍታሕ ከምዝግባእ ዝኣምኑን ዝጸውዑን ሰልፈኛታት ምሉእ ጉዕዞ ሰልፎም ብዓውታን ብነድርን እንዳኣቃልሑ እዮም ኣብቲ ዝተወሰነሎም ቦታ ዝበጽሑ።

 ሰልፈኛታትካብ ዝሓዝዎን ዘቃልሕዎን ዝነበሩ ቀንዲ ጭርሖታት፡

  1. Stopp dem Krieg      ውግእ ደው ይበል!
  2. Nein zum Krieg
  3. Say No to war! Yes for Peace እምቢ ንውግእ! እወ ንሰላም
  4. Krieg ist keine Lösung  ውግእ መፍትሒ ሽግር ኣይኮነን!
  5. ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ይከበር!
  6. ሰራዊት ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ኤርትራ ይውጻእ!
  7. ኣብ ልዕሊ ንጹህ ህዝቢ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ግፍዒ ንኹንን!
  8. ኣህጉራዊ ትካላትን ናይ ረዲኤት ማሕበራት ድሕነት ስደተኛታት ከረጋግጽ
  9. መሰልን ድሕነትን ስደተኛታት ይታሓሎ!
  10. ዓልየት ተኮር፡ ቅትለትን ቅዝፈትን ንኹንን!
  11. መራሕቲ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ይውረዱ! ዝብሉ ካብቶም ብዙሓት ኣብቲ ሰልፊ ዝቃልሑ ዝነበሩ ጭርሖታት እዮም።

ሰላማዊ ሰልፊኛታት፡ ካብ ዝተወሰነሎም ቦታ ተበጊሶም  ኣብ ቀጽሪ ላዕላዋይ ምምሕዳር ከተማ ፍራንክፎርት ድሕሪ ምብጽሖም፡ ብዝተፈላለዩ ሰልፈኛታትን ኣዳለውትን ዕላማታት ሰልፍን ፖለቲካውን ማሕበራውን ኲነታት ናይቲ ውግእ ዝካየደሉ ዘሎ ክልል ትግራይን ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን  ዝምልከቱ መግለጺታት ብኤርትራውያንን ኢትዮጵያውያን ሓደ ናይጀርያውን ቀሪቦም።

ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ፡ ኣብዝተወሰነሉ ግዜ፡ ንተሳተፍቲ ሰልፍን ንኣኽበርቲ ስነ+ስርዓትን ሰላም ዝኮኑ ፖሊስ ጀርመን ኮነ ህዝቢ ጀርመን ብምምስጋን፣ ሰልፍና፣ ውግእ ደው ክሳብ ዝብል ክቕጽል ምዃኑ ብምርግጋጽ፡ ብሰላም ተደምዲሙ።  

ምስጋና ንኣሰናዳእቲ ሰልፊ