Musikalische Unterhaltung in Koeln
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Norwegian Body Includes Eritrea Priest in List of Nobel Peace Prize Candidates for Year 2015
Written by By prio.orgThe Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) conducts research on the conditions for peaceful relations between states, groups and people. The Director of PRIO annually lists candidates for Nobel Peace Prize. The Eritrean priest, Father Mussie Zerai is on top of such a list this year.
While the PRIO Director’s comments may be relevant on the issue, his speculations do not confirm, nor endorse, any candidate, and are not in any manner based on privileged access to the decision-making of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. Neither the Director, nor the Institute he leads, have any form of association with the Nobel Institute or the Norwegian Nobel Committee. ... Each year, PRIO Director Kristian Berg Harpviken presents his own shortlist for the Nobel Peace Prize. He offers his opinion on the most likely laureates, based on his independent assessment. The PRIO Director’s view on the most likely Nobel Peace Prize laureates is widely covered by international media, and it has been offered since 2002.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee bases its decision on valid nominations received by the 1 February deadline (in addition to potential nominations put forth by the Committee members at their first meeting after the deadline). Anyone can be nominated, but only a number of people have the right to nominate, including members of national assemblies and governments, current and former members of the Committee, Peace Prize laureates, professors of certain disciplines, directors of peace research and foreign policy institutes, and members of international courts. The Director of PRIO holds such a position, but, as a principle refrains from making nominations, given his active role as a commentator. The laureate is normally announced at 11 o'clock on the Friday of the first full week in October.
Harpviken's 2015 Nobel Peace Prize shortlist
1. Mussie Zerai
2. Novaya Gazeta
3. Iraq Body Count
4. Article 9 Association
5. Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege
In 2015, Harpviken’s favourite is Mussie Zerai, the Catholic Priest of Eritrean origin who resides in Italy, and whose widely distributed phone number has been the last hope for many desperate refugees aboard brittle boats crossing the Mediterranean. Number two is Novaya Gazeta, the newspaper that continues to challenge political developments in Russia and its immediate neighbourhood, despite the loss of several of its journalists in violent attacks. Third on the list is Iraq Body Count, for pioneering civil society monitoring of war casualties and proving its importance for ethical accountability. Number four is Article 9 Association, working to preserve Article 9 in the Japanese constitution, which renounces Japan's right to engage in war or to maintain military forces capable of engaging in war. The fifth and final suggestion is for a combined prize to Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege, who in their different capacities stand at the forefront of the global struggle against sexual violence.
About Father Mussie Zerai
Mussie Zerai
Mussie Zerai is a Catholic priest, who combines his duties for the Eritrean Catholic community in Switzerland, with running the Agenzia Habeshia, a charitable trust he set up in 2006 to campaign for the rights of North African refugees. His phone number is widely shared by migrants waiting for the risky trip across the Mediterranean, who call him if in distress, with Zerai conveying the reports to the rescuers. Occasionally, he appears in the media to place responsibility on those who could have prevented the deaths on sea. ‘I don't encourage anybody to come to Italy, or Europe in general…’, states Zerai, ‘these people must flee in order to save their lives’. The migration across the Mediterranean is an escalating humanitarian disaster, and Europe struggles with how to respond. Worldwide, migration caused by war, economic scarcity, and environmental change, is also increasing dramatically. A Nobel Peace Prize to reward the courage and moral integrity of a single person seems particularly timely this year. One alternative candidate, amongst many, who would speak to the same cause, is Giusi Nicolini, the mayor of Lampedusa, the Italian island which has impressed the world with its humble hospitality and insistence on the dignity of the refugees reaching its shores.
(It is to be recalled that a Swiss newspaper has also named Father Mussie of a busy mobile telephone to be considered for Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to save lives of so many Eritreans in the Mediterranean Sea – Harnnet.org).
Norwegian Body Includes Eritrea Priest in List of Nobel Peace Prize Candidates for Year 2015
By prio.org
The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) conducts research on the conditions for peaceful relations between states, groups and people. The Director of PRIO annually lists candidates for Nobel Peace Prize. The Eritrean priest, Father Mussie Zerai is on top of such a list this year.
While the PRIO Director’s comments may be relevant on the issue, his speculations do not confirm, nor endorse, any candidate, and are not in any manner based on privileged access to the decision-making of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. Neither the Director, nor the Institute he leads, have any form of association with the Nobel Institute or the Norwegian Nobel Committee. ... Each year, PRIO Director Kristian Berg Harpviken presents his own shortlist for the Nobel Peace Prize. He offers his opinion on the most likely laureates, based on his independent assessment. The PRIO Director’s view on the most likely Nobel Peace Prize laureates is widely covered by international media, and it has been offered since 2002.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee bases its decision on valid nominations received by the 1 February deadline (in addition to potential nominations put forth by the Committee members at their first meeting after the deadline). Anyone can be nominated, but only a number of people have the right to nominate, including members of national assemblies and governments, current and former members of the Committee, Peace Prize laureates, professors of certain disciplines, directors of peace research and foreign policy institutes, and members of international courts. The Director of PRIO holds such a position, but, as a principle refrains from making nominations, given his active role as a commentator. The laureate is normally announced at 11 o'clock on the Friday of the first full week in October.
Harpviken's 2015 Nobel Peace Prize shortlist
1. Mussie Zerai
2. Novaya Gazeta
3. Iraq Body Count
4. Article 9 Association
5. Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege
In 2015, Harpviken’s favourite is Mussie Zerai, the Catholic Priest of Eritrean origin who resides in Italy, and whose widely distributed phone number has been the last hope for many desperate refugees aboard brittle boats crossing the Mediterranean. Number two is Novaya Gazeta, the newspaper that continues to challenge political developments in Russia and its immediate neighbourhood, despite the loss of several of its journalists in violent attacks. Third on the list is Iraq Body Count, for pioneering civil society monitoring of war casualties and proving its importance for ethical accountability. Number four is Article 9 Association, working to preserve Article 9 in the Japanese constitution, which renounces Japan's right to engage in war or to maintain military forces capable of engaging in war. The fifth and final suggestion is for a combined prize to Zainab Bangura and Denis Mukwege, who in their different capacities stand at the forefront of the global struggle against sexual violence.
About Father Mussie Zerai
Mussie Zerai
Mussie Zerai is a Catholic priest, who combines his duties for the Eritrean Catholic community in Switzerland, with running the Agenzia Habeshia, a charitable trust he set up in 2006 to campaign for the rights of North African refugees. His phone number is widely shared by migrants waiting for the risky trip across the Mediterranean, who call him if in distress, with Zerai conveying the reports to the rescuers. Occasionally, he appears in the media to place responsibility on those who could have prevented the deaths on sea. ‘I don't encourage anybody to come to Italy, or Europe in general…’, states Zerai, ‘these people must flee in order to save their lives’. The migration across the Mediterranean is an escalating humanitarian disaster, and Europe struggles with how to respond. Worldwide, migration caused by war, economic scarcity, and environmental change, is also increasing dramatically. A Nobel Peace Prize to reward the courage and moral integrity of a single person seems particularly timely this year. One alternative candidate, amongst many, who would speak to the same cause, is Giusi Nicolini, the mayor of Lampedusa, the Italian island which has impressed the world with its humble hospitality and insistence on the dignity of the refugees reaching its shores.
(It is to be recalled that a Swiss newspaper has also named Father Mussie of a busy mobile telephone to be considered for Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to save lives of so many Eritreans in the Mediterranean Sea – Harnnet.org).
Eritrea
OVERVIEW:
President Isaias Afwerki’s personal authority was publically challenged in 2013 for the first time in more than a decade when, on January 21, more than 100 soldiers occupied the Ministry of Information, took over the state-run television channel, Eri-TV, and demanded democratic reforms, including the implementation of Eritrea’s constitution and the release of thousands of political prisoners. The revolt was quelled within hours, as the government reportedly negotiated with the soldiers. Their message was pulled off the air mid-broadcast, and calm was restored following negotiations in which the soldiers agreed to return to their barracks. Reports suggest there were between 60 and 200 arrests in the days following the incident, though details are vague due to the intense secrecy surrounding the Eritrean regime.
Several other incidents in 2013 suggested that, for some, discontent with the regime was reaching a breaking point. A number of high-profile defections were confirmed, including Eritrea’s former information minister, two senior Air Force pilots, and the national football team, all of whom left the country in late 2012. In October, more than 250 Eritreans and Somalis tragically drowned as they tried to reach the Italian island of Lampedusa in an overcrowded boat. Another 200 people were missing, and presumed dead. The incident illustrated to many the plight of ordinary Eritreans.
POLITICAL RIGHTS AND CIVIL LIBERTIES:
Political Rights: 1 / 40
A. Electoral Process: 0 / 12
Following Eritrea’s formal independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Isaias Afwerki was chosen by a Transitional National Assembly to serve as president until elections could be held. He has remained in charge ever since. His rule has become harshly authoritarian, particularly since the end of a bloody border war with Ethiopia in 2000.
A new constitution, ratified in 1997, called for “conditional” political pluralism and an elected 150-seat National Assembly, which would choose the president from among its members by a majority vote. This system has never been implemented, and national elections planned for 2001 have been postponed indefinitely. The Transitional National Assembly is comprised of 75 members of the ruling party—the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)—and 75 elected members. In 2004, regional assembly elections were conducted, but they were carefully orchestrated by the PFDJ and offered no real choice to voters.
B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 0 / 16
Created in 1994, the PFDJ is the only legal political party. The PFDJ and the military are in practice the only institutions of political significance in Eritrea, and both entities are strictly subordinate to the president.
C. Functioning of Government: 1 / 12
Corruption is a major problem. The government’s control over foreign exchange effectively gives it sole authority over imports, and those in favor with the regime are allowed to profit from the smuggling and sale of scarce goods such as building materials, food, and alcohol. According to the International Crisis Group, senior military officials are the chief culprits in this trade. The UN Eritrea and Somalia Monitoring Group has accused senior officers of running a lucrative criminal network smuggling people and arms out of the country.
The government operates without public scrutiny and few outside a small clique around the president have any insight into how policy and budget decisions are made and implemented.
Civil Liberties: 2 / 60
D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 0 / 16
The law does not allow independent media to operate in Eritrea, and the government controls all broadcasting outlets. A group of 10 journalists arrested in 2001 remains imprisoned without charge, and the government refuses to provide any information on their status. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 28 journalists were in prison in Eritrea at the end of 2012. In September 2013, a dissident group drawing inspiration from January’s army mutiny said it had begun circulating an underground newspaper in Asmara written by a team based inside and outside the country.
The government controls the internet infrastructure and is thought to monitor online communications. Foreign media are available to those few who can afford a satellite dish.
The government places strict limits on the exercise of religion. Since 2002 it has officially recognized only four faiths: Islam, Orthodox Christianity, Roman Catholicism, and Lutheranism as practiced by the Evangelical Church of Eritrea. Members of Evangelical and Pentecostal churches face persecution, but the most severe treatment is reserved for Jehovah’s Witnesses, who are barred from government jobs and refused business permits or identity cards. According to Amnesty International, members of other churches have been jailed and tortured or otherwise ill-treated to make them abandon their faith. As many as 3,000 people from unregistered religious groups are currently in prison because of their beliefs. Abune Antonios, patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, has been under house arrest since speaking out against state interference in religion in 2006.
Academic freedom is constrained. Students in their last year of secondary school are subject to obligatory military service. Academics practice self-censorship and the government interferes with their course content and limits their ability to conduct research abroad. Eritrea’s university system has been effectively closed, replaced by regional colleges whose main purposes are military training and political indoctrination. Freedom of expression in private discussions is limited. People are guarded in voicing their opinions for fear of being overheard by government informants.
E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 0 / 12
Freedoms of assembly and association are not recognized. The government maintains a hostile attitude toward civil society, and independent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are not tolerated. A 2005 law requires NGOs to pay taxes on imported materials, submit project reports every three months, renew their licenses annually, and meet government-established target levels of financial resources. The six remaining international NGOs that had been working in Eritrea were forced to leave in 2011. The government placed strict controls on UN operations in the country, preventing staff from leaving the capital.
The government controls all union activity. The National Confederation of Eritrean Workers is the country’s main union body and has affiliated unions for women, teachers, young people, and general workers.
F. Rule of Law: 0 / 16
The judiciary, which was formed by decree in 1993, is understaffed, unprofessional, and has never issued rulings at odds with government positions. Most criminal cases are heard by the Special Court, composed of PFDJ loyalists chosen by the president himself. The International Crisis Group has described Eritrea as a “prison state” for its flagrant disregard of the rule of law and its willingness to detain anyone suspected of opposing the regime, usually without charge, for indefinite periods. In 2013, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that there were between 5,000 and 10,000 political prisoners in Eritrea. They include surviving members of a group of ruling party-members who publicly criticized Afwerki in May 2001. Eleven of them were arrested for treason, along with a number of journalists, but were never charged. Many of the jailed dissidents and journalists were subsequently reported to have died in custody, but the government refuses to divulge information about them.
Torture, arbitrary detentions, and political arrests are common. Prison conditions are harsh, and outside monitors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross are denied access to detainees. Juvenile prisoners are often incarcerated alongside adults. In some facilities, inmates are held in metal shipping containers or underground cells in extreme temperatures. Prisoners are often denied medical treatment. The government maintains a network of secret detention facilities.
The Kunama people, one of Eritrea’s nine ethnic groups, face severe discrimination. LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) individuals face legal and social discrimination due to the criminalization of same-sex sexual relations.
G. Personal Autonomy and Individual Rights: 2 / 16
Freedom of movement, both inside and outside the country, is tightly controlled. Eritreans under the age of 50 are rarely given permission to go abroad, and those who try to travel without the correct documents face imprisonment. The authorities adopt a shoot-on-sight policy toward people found in locations deemed off-limits, such as mining facilities and areas close to the border. Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers who are repatriated from other countries are also detained. These strict penalties fail to deter tens of thousands of people from risking their lives to escape the country each year.
Government policy is officially supportive of free enterprise, and citizens are in theory able to choose their employment, establish private businesses, and operate them without harassment. In reality, a conscription system ties most able-bodied men and women to obligatory military service and can also entail compulsory labor for enterprises controlled by the political elite. The official 18-month service period is frequently open-ended in practice, and conscientious-objector status is not recognized. The government conducted raids in several cities in October 2013, detaining young men of fighting age and sending them to military training camps. Reports suggest as many as 1,500 men were seized in Asmara alone. The government imposes collective punishment on the families of deserters, forcing them to pay heavy fines or putting them in prison. The enforced contraction of the labor pool, combined with a lack of investment and rigid state control of private enterprise, has crippled the national economy. The government levies a compulsory 2 percent tax on income earned by citizens living overseas, and those who do not pay place their relatives back home at risk of arrest.
Women hold some senior government positions, including four ministerial posts. The government has made attempts to promote women’s rights, with laws mandating equal educational opportunity, equal pay for equal work, and penalties for domestic violence. However, traditional societal discrimination against women persists in the countryside. While female genital mutilation was banned by the government in 2007, the practice remains widespread in rural areas.
The U.S. State Department’s 2013 Trafficking in Persons Report ranks Eritrea at Tier 3, describing it as a source country for individuals subjected to forced labor and sexual exploitation.
Scoring Key: X / Y (Z)
X = Score Received
Y = Best Possible Score
Z = Change from Previous Year
Source=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/eritrea#.VNKFBNLF8TE
Voice of Assenna: Panel Discussion on Constitution
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ ናይዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ዓመት ምምሕዳር ኢስያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብ ሰላሳ ዘይውሕድ ሓድሽ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ሰዓት ሕሙሽተ ንግሆ ብሆሊከፕተርን ታንክታትን ዝተሰንዩ ኣፍረስቲ ሊኢኹ ከም ዘዕነወ ኣብ ዜናታት ተቛወምቲ ምልኪ ከም ዝተቓለሐ ዝዝከርዩ። ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብተን ኣብ ከባቢ ማእከላይ ቤት ጽሕፈት ርእሰ መራሒ ጥፍእት እትርከብ ዓዲያ። ምምሕዳር ማዛጋጃ ቤት ኣስመራ ካብ ሱሳታት ከተማ ኣስመራ እናሰፍሐ ኣብ ዝኸደሉ ዝነበረ ጽርግያን መዛናግዒ ቦታታትን ካልኦት ህዝባውያን ትካላትን ድሕሪ ምቕያስ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንመደብ ህንጻ ኣስመራ ብምኽታል መሬቶም ኣዋሪዶም ገዛውቶም ክሰርሑ መምርሒ ምስ ተዋህበ: ብሰፊሕ ምርድዳእ ዓድን ምምሕዳር ማዛገጃ ቤት ኣስመራን: መሬቶም ብምክፋል ምሉእ ዓቕሚ ዝነበሮም ቪላታት ሕጽረት ገንዘብ ዝነብሮም ከኣ ፍርቁ ሸይጦም ፍርቂ መሬት ብጺሒቶም ሰሪሖም፡፡ እዚ ጽፉፍ ባህሊ ንምቕጻል ድሕሪ ቀጻሊ ዕብየት ከተማ ብ 2005 ኣብ መንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ብዝተገብረ ውሳኔ ቀጻሊ ምክፍፋል መሬት ብምግባር ኣብ መሬቶም ገዛውቲ ክሰርሑ እብ ዝተዋፈርሉ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣይኮንኩምን ዝበልዎም 120 ዝኣኽሉ ሰባት ምንባሮም ምስሓሓብ ተፈጢሩስ ፎዝያ ኑርሑሰን ብዝሃበቶ ፍርዲ ክካፈሉ ኪኢሎም። መሪሒነት ህግደፍውን ንዝቐርብዎም ሰባት ብዶላራት ሸይጦም ዝዓደልዎ መሬት ናይዚ ዓዲ ኣሎ።
ኢስያስን መምሪሑኡን ኣብዚ ጠጠው ኣይበለን። ምርድዳእ ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ዓዲ ኣብ ውሳኔ ምስ በጽሐ ዝኾነ ገዛ ኣብ ኣስመራ ንኸይስራሕ ኣውጁ። ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ብሕቡእ ግን ዋላ ኣብ ጥቓ ቤት ጽሕፈትን መቐመጥን ኣይተ ኢሳይስ ቀጺሉዩ። ገለ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ኸኣ ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ትጽቢት ኣብ መሬቶም ከባቢ ቤት ክርስትያን ኪዳነ ምህረት ክሰርሑ ጀሚሮም። መብዛሕትኡ ዝተሰርሐ ገዛውቲ ቆልዑ ብዘለውዎም ስድራ ቤታት ዝተስርሐዩ። ምዕናው ናይዚ ገዛውቲ እምበኣር ክንደይ ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጎልጎል ኣጻጢሑ ምህላው ብሩህዩ። እዚዩ እቲ ማሕበራዊ ኲናት ምልካዊ ስርዓት እሳያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ። ኣብ ምምሕዳር ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዘይተነግረ እምበር ዘይተገብረ የለን።
ብንጹር ድሕሪ ኲናት ዶብ ምስ እትዮጵያ ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ምስዚ ሕጂ ምዕናው ገዛውቲ ህዝቢ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጥመትን ዘርምዘርሞን ስደትን ዝንቖተ ካልእ ፍጻመ ኸኣ ዝስዕብ ዛንታሎ። ኩሉ ህዝቢ ዝፈልጦ ውጽኢት ኲናት ኢትዮ ኤርትራ ብፍሽለት መሪሒነት ኢሳይስዩ ተዛዚሙ። ስዕረቱ ንምጉልባብ ከኣ ኣብ ምእሳርን ምጭዋይን ጠለብቲ ሕግን ቁዋምን ተዋፊሩ። ፍርሒ ኢሳይስ ብጽላሎቱውን ስለዝኾነ ፍሉይን ኣብ ጽንኩር ቦታን ዝበሎ ከጥፍኦም ነይርዎ። ሳይበርያ ኢስያስ። መእሰሪኦም ንህግደፋዊት ኩባንያ ሰገን ኣብ ሰሎሙና መደበር ሃኒጹ: ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ዝብል ወፍሪ ሽፋን ገይሩ: ንሱ ዝሃንደሶ መጀር ጀነራል ገርዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያን ዝመርሖ ብብርጋደር ጀነርል ሚኪኤል ዩውሃንስ- ወዲ ሃንስ ዝምራሕ ኣተግባሪ ሰራዊት: ሓደ ብርገድ ኣብ መግኦ ካልኣይ ብርገድ ኣብ ፍልፍል ሳልሳይ ብርገድ ኣብ ሰሎሙና ብምዕራድ መስራሕ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዒራዒሮን መገዲ ሰራዊትን ተሃኒጹ። እዚ ስርሒት ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ ቅድሚኡን ባዶ ሰለስተ ሰሜናዊ ባሕሪ መናፈሻ ህዝብን፡ንትሩዝምን ክሕዛእዩ ዝብል ኣእምሮ ህዝቢ ዝኸፋፍል መናፍሕ ተኻይዱ። ምስዚ መስርሕዚ ካብ ቢብዮ ጀሚሩ (ቢብዮ ካብ ውኪ ወሪድካ ዓናጉለ ሓሊፍካ ቀራና ቦታ ንሰመናዊ ምዕራብ ማለት ንፍሾይን ምራራን ንሰሜናዊ ምብራቕ ንሞግኦን ሳቡርን ፍልፍልን ካብኡ ቀጺልካን ዘማሓልፍ ቦታዩ)። መስርሕ ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ኣብዚ ቦታታትዚ ቀንዲ ስርሑ ምስጢራዊ ተግባራት ንምክያድ ንህዝቢ ካብ ማሕረሱን ጉሱነቱን ኣዛናቡሉ ዝሕረስ መሬትን: ቡንን ካልን ኣትክልትን ዘራእትን ዝቦቕለሉን ንብረትን ዘመናዊ ገዛውቲ ዒላታትን ኣስተሪናታትን ዝተሃንጸሉ ንመፍረን ማሕረድን ዝኾና እንሳታት ዝፈርያሉ ዓድታት: ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ጥልያን ኣትሒዘን ዝናበራሉ ዝነበራ መሬትዩ። መግኦ: ሳቡር: ፋጌና: ፍልፍል: ሰለሙና: መድሓኒት። ካብ 2004-2005 ኣትሒዙ ኸኣ ገባር ወይ ሓረስቶት ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ተወዝ ከይብሉ ስለ ዝተኸልከለ: ሓረስቶት ኣብኡ ተራእዮም ኣይፈልጡንዮም። ዓበይቲ ኣብ ደንቢኦም ተኾርምዮም ዝውለዱን ዝዓበዩን ዝጥምትዎ መጻኢ ሂወት ዝረኣዮም ናብ ሳዋ ብምዃኑ ንስደት ብምምራሕ ዓድታቶም ይጸንትዩ ዘሎ። ሳዕበን ወፍሪ ምልካውነት ምርጻም ህዝቢ ምስ ምልካውነት ኣብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ከባቢኡን ዝተጋህደ ፍጻመዩዚ። ዝያዳ ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ ዝተሃስየ ህዝቢ ወኪዩ።
ቀጻሊ ምፍንቓል ህዝቢ ብህግደፍ ካብ 2007-2008። ፍልፍል ዋና ቤት ጽሕፈት ብሪጋደር ሚኪኤል ዮሃንስያ ነይራ። ሰሎሙና ኣብ ኣገዳሲ መተሓላለፊት ንሰምሃር: ንሳሓልን ንሰንሒትያ። እዚ ኣብዚ ዝጥቀስ ካብ ታሕታይ ፈልሒት ጀሚርካ ንደብረመዓር ንጸጋም ተጸጊዕካ ንፈልሒት ላዕላይ ሓሊፍካ ነስሓቐት ንገብረምሓረን ደይብካ ንገምኒ ዘውጽእ ንየማን ገዲፍካ ንኽሳድ ኣልገና ንጽጋም ተጸጊዕካ ናብ ዊና: ንምድሪ እምባደርሆን ግራት ኣውሊዕን ሓሊፋካ ንርእሲ ዓዲ ትድይብ። እዚ ቦታታትዚ ካብ ርእሲ ዓዲ ብወገን ምዕራቡ ዝዘንብ ማይ ንሸባሕዩ ዝወርድ። ብወገን ምብራቕ ሰፋሕቲ ናይ ሕርሻ ቦታታት ዘለዎ ኮይኑ ግልዕን ባሕሪባራን ዘለዎ ቦታታትዩ። ካብ ዒራዒሮ ንጎድኒ ክሳብ ድርፎ 50 ኪሎመተር ዝኸወንዩ። ካብ ገማግም ዓድታት ንምብራቕ ማለት ካብ ዓዲ ንፋስ: በለዛ: ኳዜን: ዓዜን: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ወኪ ዘሎ ከም ኣብነት ካብ ዓዜን ተበጊስካ ናብ ባሕሪ ባራ ክትወርድ ብግምት 30 ኪሎመተር ይኸውን። ኣብ ከምዚ ጎድንን ቁመትን ዘለዎ ቦታታት ብማሕረስን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ዝነበሩ ካብ ዓድታት ዓዲ ቆንጺ: ሃዘጋ: ዓመጺ: ዕናናላይ: ጨዓረሺ: ገረሚ: እምባደርሆ: በለዛ: ዓድንፋስ: መስፍንቶ: ዓድሸኻ ኳንደባ: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ዓዜን: ዓደንጎዳ: ዓዲረጊትን ደቀጥሮስን ዝኣመሰላየን። ካብዘን ዓድታት እዚኤን ክሳብ 30 ሺሕ ዝኸውን ስድራ ቤታት ብመናባብሮ ሕርሻን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ነይሮም ክብሃል ይከኣል። ሂወት ዝነበረን እንሳሳ ዜቤት ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ንመጽዓኛ ዘገልግሉ ኣእዱግን ዝፈርዩሉን ዝራብሑሉን ኮይኑ ንመናባብሮ ሰባት ሂወት ኣብ ምሃብ ዝዓንገለ ቦታታትዩ። እቲ ኲናት ስርዓተ ምልኪ ኣብ መንባብሮ ናይዞም ሰባት ፈጢሪዎ ዘሎ በሰላ መዐቀኒኡ ኣብዚ ብቓላት ክግለጽ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። እቲ ስጉምቲ ምስጓጒ ክውሰድ ከሎ ቅልጡፍን ግዜ ዘይህብን ብምንባሩ: እቶም ሓረስቶት ዝነብረኦም ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ዓርቢ ንዓዶም ኣእትዮም ንጽባሒቱ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ቀዳም ዝሸጡ ብዙሓትዮም ነይሮም፡፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ዝብላዕ መግቢ ኣይነበረን ነተን እንስሳታት፡፡ እዚ ሕሱም ተግባርዚ ብ 2011ዩ ተዛዚሙ፡፡ እዝን ግፋ ንሳዋን ተሓዋዊሱ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ እርባዕተ ዓመታት ካብዘን ዕድታትዚኤን ሃጽ ኢሎም ናብ ወጻኢ ሃገራት ዝተሰዱ መንእሰያት ኣሽሓትዮም፡፡ ገለ ኸኣ መገዲ ተቓውሞ ክሓስቡ ጀሚሮም። ንኣብነት ሸውዓተ መንእስያት ደቂ ዓዜን ንህግደፍ ብሓበረታ ይምግቡዮም ኢሎም ንዝሓሰብዎም ደቂ ዓዶም ብለይቲ ኣብቲ ቀልቀል ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ገማግም ንዝነበረ ግዛውቶም ኣቃጺሎም ዘራእቶምውን መንቁሶም፡፡ እዚ ሓበረታዚ ዝሰምዐ ምምሕዳር ምልኪ ኮለነል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ዝመርሖ ሰራዊት መጺኡ ንደቂ ዓዲ ኣኪቡ: ነዞም ከምዚ ዝገበሩ ደቅኹም ኣረክቡኒ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝወስዶ ስጉምቲ ኣሎ ይብሎም። ዓዲ እዚ ዝብሃል ዘሎ ተግባር መን ከም ዝፈጸሞ ኣይንፈልጥን ኢና፤ ይኹን እምበር ተገይሩ ምህላው ስለ እንፈልጥ ነቶም ንብረቶም ዝጠፍኦም ክንክሕስ ድልዋት ኢና። ኣብ ምንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ዝተፈጸመ ስለዝኾነ ኸኣ ብምምሕዳር ዓድና ክንፈትሖ ቁሩባት ኢና እኳ እንተበሉ: ዓበይቲ ናይ ጽዕነት መካይን ኣምጺኡ 420 ደቂ ዓዲ ካብኦም 70- 80 ዓመት ዝገበሩ ናብ ምትካልኣቤት ዝበሃል ምብራቕ ካብ ደብሪመዓር ዝርከብ ኣጻምእ ቦታ ከም ዝእሰሩ ገይሩ። ዝብላዕን ዝስተን ኣይነበረን: ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ተዓገስ ተኽለግርጊሽ ዝብሃል ሰብ ይመውት። ኣብ ኣስመራ ዝነብሩ ደቂ ዓዜን ብዝዋጽእዎ መግብን መስትን ከኣዮም ክድሕኑ ዝኸኣሉ። ድሕሪ 40 መዓልቲ ነቶም ኣረግቶት ንዓዶም ክምለሱ ኣፍቂደሙሎም: ዝተርፉ ግን እቶም ገበርቲ ዝበልዎም ረኺቦም ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣቤቶ ምስ ዳጎንዎም ነቶም ብጃምላ ሒዘሞም ዝነበሩ ድሕሪ 6 ወርሒ ለቒቖሞም። ኣብዚ ኩነት ንህግደፍ ኣውራ ዘሻቐሎን ቀረባ መጽናዕቲ ዝገበሩሉን ካብ ሰራዊት ብሕቡእ ኣብቲ ተግባርን ሓሳባትን ከይህሉውዩ ዝነበረ።
ነዚ ዝተባህለ ህዝቢ ዘባሳብስ ተግባር ዝእዝዝ ኢስያስዩ። ላዕለዋይ መራሒ ናይ ኣተግበርቲ መጀር ጀነራል ገረዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያም፡ተወላዲ ኣፍደይዩ ዝነበረ። ኣተግባሪ ምፍንቃል ሓረስቶት ሰመናዊ ባሕሪ ብርጋደር ጀነራል ሚኪኤል የውሃንስ ተወላዲ ዓዲ ንፋስዩ: ኮለንል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ተወላዲ ኳዜንዩ። እዚ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ ዓድታትን ዝነብርሉ ዝነበሩ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ድሓር ህዝባዊ ግንባር ምስ ኩሉ ዝወርዶ ዝነበረ በደላት መብዛሕቱኡ ንቓልሲ ዘበረከተን ብዓቕሙ ዘገልገለን ልዕሊ ኹሉ ግን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ምዕባለን ክመጽእዩ ኢሉ ዝኣመነዩ ነይሩ። ጠላም መሪሒነት ምልካውነት ኢስያስ ኣፍወርቂ ግን ዋላውን ንዝኣምኖ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍጹም ምቁጽጻሩ ክረግጾ ንጥመትን ድንቁርናን ሕማምን ማሕበራዊ ምብትታንን ከም መሳርሒ ከዘውትሮ ኢና ንዕዘብ ዘለና። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ምወዳእታ ዓመትሞ ምልስ ኢልና ንዘክር: ”ዘራእቲ ጽቡቕዩ ነይሩ ኢሉ ኢሳያስ ሽማግለታት ሰባት ክሰርሑ ምርኣየይ” ብምባል ”ዝተኣከብ ቂሚጦ ርእየ: ክኽየድ ግን ኣይኮነን ሒዝናዮ ዘለና መደብ ምልመላዩ ቀዳምነት ዘለዎ: ርግጽዩ ካብ ማይ ሕዳር እንበጣ ሕዳርዩ ዝምረጽ” ከኣ በለና። ነዚ ዕርቃኑ ዝወጸ ጸላእ ሕግን ቁዋምን ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ገምገም ጥፍኣት ኣብጺሒዎ ዘሎ ዕሉል ምልካዊ ስርዓት ብሓደ ዓይኒ ክርእዮዩ ዝግባእ። ፍታውየዩ ዝብሎ ወገን የብሉን። ምሕዝነቱ ምስ ዘይዓግብ ስልጣን ጥራዩ።
ንባራበር።
The Sarcasm, Denial and Lies of the Eritrean authorities: a personal account on the National service, the closure of the University of Asmara and the Scholarship program in South Africa – Part III
Written by Zekarias Ginbot
Part III
February 3, 2015
……..in Part I, I described how the aspirations of the Eritrean people have been dashed by PFDJ over the last 20 years and how the national service has ended up becoming a modern day slavery. In Part II, I continued to reflect on my own experience while inside and outside Eritrea including the closure of the University of Asmara. This final part, Part III, is about my own escape and life experiences outside Eritrea.
Part III
The closure of the University of Asmara in September 2006 was the ultimate disappointment to the university’s staff and students and to any Eritrean who understood the value of education. The university did not have new admissions then for two years, so the closure was in the making. But some people thought second year students might be sent to the university from the MaiNefhi College. We thought those students especially the ones in the natural science fields would require practical laboratory training to qualify for the degrees and diplomas as there was no laboratory setting at MaiNefhi. It is worth to note here that there was no communication in advance between the ministry of education and the university community until the last minute. The plan to close the university was just a rumor. This is common under PFDJ administration rather than exception. They first propagate rumors to measure public response and their cynical directives follow. They also use these same methods to propagate fear among the people.
When I came back to Eritrea as a fresh master’s graduate from the University of Cape Town at the end of 2002, I had never thought all these could happen. I had big ideas and a big motivation to work at the University of Asmara and contribute my part. But PFDJ had its own plans for the University, and they still claim that the University was not closed. Some of my teachers, who became colleagues later, at the University of Asmara, who taught for years were forced to leave the country and some of them were put aside. It was a sad occasion to witness the University closed after about 50 years of turbulent existence. Even the Ethiopian rulers did not dear to close it during the war for independence. Instead of strengthening the existed and established university, PFDJ chose to close and substitute it with sub-standard, military-run colleges. This has not been heard of in any other country as it is difficult and takes a long time to establish an internationally accredited institute like the University of Asmara was. Its closure and the issues associated with it has been described by many colleagues; I have just raised the subject here as my own tribute to what happened.
I always defended my coming back from South Africa when friends challenged me, but I really regretted when the university was closed. As I indicated in part II, I actually went to MaiNefhi for a couple of days when ordered to do so and was given courses that I was supposed to teach. I saw the students being treated like prisoners in a compound surrounded by military check-points. There were reports of beatings and military punishment of students who tried to jump over the fences. The moral of the students was at its lowest point and the situation was getting worse day by day. In my meeting with my would-be-students at MaiNefhi, I actually told them that I was not going to continue to teach them. I gave them some course material to help them with whoever was going to take over the course. I felt very sorry for them but what else could I do! PFDJ made it difficult for all of us. By then, some close colleagues have already left the country. It was not an easy decision; I had to leave and my family had to re-locate. I had to find someone who could assist me to escape. All these had to take place in a short period of time and without attracting attention of security agents.
I arranged for my escape to the Sudan but then my guide-to-be, who lived in Keren, was identified and abducted the night before the planned departure date. When I called, his terrified wife picked up the phone but then she was scared to tell me what happened. I was forced to tell her the travel plans on the phone so that she could tell me the truth. Then I had to talk to the person who introduced me to the guide about the situation and to get an advice. This latter person confessed to me what he knew; he himself had suffered tremendously in the hands of PFDJ security agents before and that he had to safe his own life. He decided to leave with me and we had to leave the town immediately before security agents capture us. We observed suspicious movements of people around the place where we had an earlier appointment with the then-captured guide and we had to hide. We left the town of Keren, but after three days’ journey towards the west, we lost our direction and were captured in the town of Teseney. It was night; we approached the town thinking that it was Kessela, the Sudanese town near the Eritrean border and were captured by the security agents.
The border security agents took our ID cards and were taking us, I did not know where to, and I told my colleague that I had to escape (using my tribal language). He was a welder by profession in his 50’s and I was a 36 years old university lecturer at the time. I thought they were to kill me not because I have read more X’s and Y’s than him, but because they would consider me more threat. They would also think I would tell my story louder if I survive the punishment and above all, I was already black-listed in their books. I did not wait to hear my colleague’s response. I jumped over the fence into a compound and continued to run from one house to another until I got to the edge of the town. People in Teseney and in other towns in the lowlands of Eritrea sleep outside, in front of their house and when I jumped into their yardssome woke up and wondered around and their dogs barked. I believe this made it inconvenient for my pursuers to shoot me or re-capture me. I am sure I also out-run them as I was running to safe my life. I continued to run out of the town for a couple of minutes more and then laid down on the ground to avoid visibility as the moon was so bright. I could see, about 150 meters away, my pursuers searching the houses on the edge of the town.
I stayed laid on the ground for some time until my pursuers moved to the next neighborhood and then walked further away from the town. I did not know where I was and I had to stop and sit for a while to determine the direction from the movement of a shade of a stone against the moon light. It took me three more days to reach to safety. The distance between Teseney, the Eritrean near-border town and Kessela, the Sudanese town on the other side of the border was not that long but I was badly injured and dehydrated; and I had to travel at night only. I survived as I was able to drink water and eat some food on the second night when I met a farmer who was staying at his farm. He had a little left over from his dinner and I am very grateful to him to this day. It is in my wish-list to meet this person in the future and thank him for the water and food he provided me at the time of need.
I become very emotional and my body shakes when I remember my escape into the Sudan, but when I tell people about it including the details I left out in this written testimony; I get the feeling that some people might see it as a fiction. But when I tell this to fellow Eritreans who escaped in similar manner, they tell me of more horrific stories including the friends they left dead on the way. These days, I started to think of the kind of determination in the Eritrean youth to get away from the unjust PFDJ regime and I am struggling to find the reason as to why we do not show that kind of determination and take the risk to defy the regime inside Eritrea!. Wouldn’t the latter be more effective in solving the country’s problems like what has happened recently in some Arab countries? Is it possible that PFDJ, through the obligatory national military service and dirty propaganda, has instilled fear in us to see them as untouchable? I have my own assumptions on how PFDJ would react to an uprising, but I still need help to understand this and readers’ feedback will be invaluable.
In Eritrea, I heard many people cursing the ministers and local officials for all the misery but not Isayas Afeworki, the president. They thought that these officials were the spoilers and that if the president knew of the issues he would have solved them. I asked people in high office and found out that the president actually gets every detail of what happens in the country by a special group of people. So, he knows everything. But I also found out that the ministers and higher officials who chair meetings in the country and listen to people’s questions and grievances actually do not dear to tell the president what the people are complaining about. They just want to be seen as capable of decision making but talking to them can only put you in trouble. They can make you arrested and you can be forgotten there.
After leaving Eritrea, I meet Eritreans in the diaspora who blindly support the Eritrean government regardless of what is happening in that country. This undermines efforts by individuals and organizations who are working hard to awaken the people working for the system back home. There are also some ex-government officials who have abandoned PFDJ recently and claim that they themselves were in danger while in Eritrea. Some of them were terrorizing the people there. They now raise ethnical and tribal issues to indicate that PFDJ works on these bases and that they were discriminated against. We knew about these claims but they were the enforcers of such practices and they should have acknowledged and asked for forgiveness first. Furthermore, their ethnical and tribal disclosures are not helping others who are working hard to unify opposition against PFDJ, the dictatorial regime at home. It is worth to note that PFDJ itself is doing its best to divide the diaspora so that there could be no united opposition. Their supporters in the diaspora also pursue propaganda to show that there is no better option for Eritrea other than PFDJ.
I want to revisit here is the exodus of young people from Eritrea. It is shame that, despite our population size, we make up the second highest percentage of asylum seekers in the world at the moment. I do not believe that the Eritrean government is willing to address the root cause to stop it any time soon as they have already blamed other parties for promoting it. This issue will continue to affect us all for the foreseeable future. What I would recommend is to increase public awareness on the Eritrean situation wherever we are so that other countries could exert pressure on the Eritrean authorities to respect the rule of law. We need to make it clear to the world that there is no rule of low in Eritrea and our people are suffering in the hands of PFDJ government. Some European countries, such as Denmark, are getting the wrong information about the situation in Eritrea, primarily by talking to the Eritrean authorities or third parties that are not directly affected or involved. They are not talking to the right people and that we are not doing enough to expose the PFDJ regime. We need to convince these countries that the information they are getting from the Eritrean authorities is wrong and that they should investigate properly. We know what happened to those who were deported before.
Today, I am an associate professor with a PhD degree, trying to hold onto the passion I had in education despite being an asylum seeker in Europe. I believe I would have done a better and morally satisfying job in Eritrea than what I am doing now if PFDJ did not create the obstacles. The purpose of my testimony is to contribute to the efforts undertaken by other Eritrean individuals and organizations in increasing public awareness of the evil PFGJ. I believe a lot has been done to challenge the ‘Hade Wdib, Hade Hizbi, Hade Libi’ (One-Party-One-People-One-Heart) false propaganda of PFDJ. But we need to do more to convince Eritreans inside and outside the country that PFDJ can no longer deceive us and use the stalemate in the border issue with Ethiopia as an excuse to chock the Eritrean people. The Eritrean people deserve better. PFDJ should understand that there will be a time when they will face the consequence of their actions. In this regard, there is not going to be a better lesson in life than what has happened in Libya. There are still better options PFDJ could pursue rather than arrogance, deception and intimidation. The situation is already close to no turning point. The Eritrean people want real freedom, and they paid a huge price for it.
Peace, Freedom and Prosperity to the Eritrean people!!
EPDP Voice of Liberty- broadcast Jan 31 2015
Written by EPDP Radio Demtsi Harnnet
ቃልስና ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ቃልሲ እዩ። ለውጢ ክንብል እንከለና ካብዚ ዘለናዮ መትሓጃ ዘይብሉ ኩነታት ናብ ራህዋ ዘስግር ለውጢ ማለት እዩ። ኮታ ካብ ኣሉታ ናብ ኣውንታ ዝግበር ጉዕዞ ሒዝና ኢና ሰለይ ንብል ዘለና። እዚ ጉዕዞና ንክዕወት ክንስዕሮ ዝግበኣና ንለውጢ ዝዕንቅጽ ኣካል ኣሎ ማለት ምዃኑ ኩላትና ዘይንስሕቶ እዩ። እዚ ጉዳይ ከይገፍሓና ናብቲ ናይ ቀረባ ጉዳይና ክንምለስ። ቃልስና ኣንጻር እቲ ንህዝብና ታሪኹ መንዚዑ፡ ንመስዋእቱ ክሒዱ ደም ዘንበዖ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህደፍ ክለዓል እንከሎ ከም ርዱእ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስን ደቀ መዛምርቱን ዝዝውርዎ ጉጅለ ማለትና ምዃኑ ከይደቀስካ ዝተሓልመ እዩ። ኣብ ልዕሊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ተዋሳእቱን ካብ ዘለና ጽልኢ ዝነቐለ ኢሳይያስን ሰዓብቱን ከም ሰባት ብዝኾነ መንገዲ ካብዛ ዓለም ንክእለዩ እንጽልን እንምነን ብዙሓት ኢና። ምናልባት እውን ናይ ኩላትና ደለይቲ ለውጢ ሕልምን ጸሎትን እዩ እንተበልና ምግናን ኣይኮነን።
ንኢሳይያስን ሰዓብቱን ከም ሰባት ሕማቖም ምምናይና ጌጋ ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ብሰንኮም እያ ሃገርና ኣብ ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ቀራና መንገዲ ኮይና ውድቀት ወይ ድሕነት እትጽበ ዘላ። ኣብዚ ግና ሓደ ከነስተውዕለሉ ዝግበኣና ጉዳይ ኣሎ። ንቀንዲ መራሕቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ወሲኽካ ንሰባት ብሰብነቶም ዘይኮነስ ብመንጽር እቲ ዝምርሕሉ ኣተሓሳስባ ኢና ክንመዝኖም ዝግበኣና። እዚ ነቶም ንጸልኦም”ሞ ክውገዱልና እንደልዮም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ነቶም እንድግፎምን ነዊሕ ዕድመ ንምነየሎም እውን ዝምልከት እዩ። ሰባት ብሃይማኖቶም፡ ብጾታኦም፡ ብዕድሚኦምን ብቦታዊ መበቆሎምን ዝተፈላለዩ ክኾኑ እንከለዉ፡ እቲ ኣብ ከምዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲ ንምምዛኖም ክንጥቀመሉ ዝግበኣና መለክዒ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባኦም እዩ። ንሕና “ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ይወገድ” ክንብል እንከለና ነቲ ነዊሕ፡ ሓላኽ፡ ተንኮለኛ፡ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ቅድም ንህግሓኤ ደሓር ድማ ንህግደፍ ዝመረሐን ዝመርሕ ዘሎን ዘይግራኡ ዝኾልል ውልቀሰብ ሰብ ዘይኮነስ፡ ነቲ ንሱ ኣብዚ ነዊሕ ናይ ምምራሕ ግዜኡ ክምረሓሉ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ዘየናሕሲ ኣተሓሳስባኡ ኢና። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኢና ድማ ጉጅለ ህግድፍ ዝምዘን ብመንጽር ስብእና ናይቶም ዝዝውርዎ ዘለዉ ባእታታት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ብመንጽር እቲ ዝምርሕሉ ዝነበሩን ዘለዉን ለውጢ ዘይቅበል፡ ጸዋግ፡ ጸቢብን ጸረ-ህዝብን ኣተሓሳስባኦም ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እዞም ንዛረበሎም ዘለና ሰባት ካብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ እኩይ ኣተሓሳስባ ነጻ እንተዝኾኑ ምስኣቶም ኣብ ተጻራሪ ደንበታት ንስለፈሉ ምኽንያት’ውን ኣይመሃለወን። እቲ በብግዜኡ “ቃልስና ናይ ሰባት ዘይኮነስ ናይ መሰረታዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ምርግጋጽ እዩ” እንብሎ ኸዓ ካብዚ እዩ ዝነቅል።
ዕድሚኦም፡ ናይ ቃልሲ ድሕረባይተኦም፡ ቋንቋኦም፡ ዜግነቶም ካባና ዘይፍለዩ ኣብ ጓይላ ህግደፍ ዘኹድዱ ሒደት ኤርትራውያን ኣለዉ። ንሳቶም በቲ ሓደ ወገን፡ ንሕና ድማ ኣብቲ ካልእ ወገን ተሰሊፍና ንክንተፋነን ቀንዲ ምኽንያትና እምበኣር ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልያትና እዩ። ስለዚ ንህግደፍ ከም ጉጅለ ክንመዝኖን ክንትንትኖን እንከለና ቀንዲ መለክዒናን ቆላሕታናን የንቀሳቕስዎ ናይ ዘለዉ ሰባት ስብእና ዘይኮነስ እቲ እዚ ጉጅለ ዝምረሓሉ ዘሎ ዘይቅርዑይ ኣተሓሳስባ ክኸውን ይግበኦ። ምናልባት እዚ ኣተሓሳስባኦም ካብቲ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ባይታ ከይተጓሕፈ፡ እዞም ናይ ሕጂ ተዋሳእቱ ብዝኾነ መንገዲ እንተ ተወገዱ’ውን፡ ጽባሕ እውን ኣብዚ ዝጐደፈ ባይታ ካልኦት ዲክታቶራት ናይ ምፍራዮም ዕድል ክፉት እዩ ዝኸውን። እቲ ባይታ ዲክታቶርን ዲክታተርነትን ብዘይቅበል ኣገባብ እንተ ተመድሚዱ ግና ጽባሕ ካልእ ወጻዒ ዘይበቝሎ ውሑስ እዩ ዝኸውን። ስለዚ እነመዝግቦ ናይ ለውጢ ዓወት ውሑስ ዝኸውን ንዲክታተራት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ቀንዲኳ ደኣ ንዲክታተርነት ክንስዕር እንተኽኢልና ጥራይ እዩ።
እዚ ሕጂ ኣንጻሩ ንቃለስ ዘለና፡ ግዜኡ ዝሓለፈ ጸረ ለውጢ ኣተሓሳባ፡ ብኻብኡ ዝማዕበለ ህዝባዊ ኣተሓሳስባ እምበር፡ ከም ወተሃደራዊ መዛግብ ብሓይሊ ኣጽዋር ኣይኮነን ዝፈርስ። ኣተሓሳስባ ንወዲ ሰብ እንተ ናብ ጥፍኣት ወይ ናብ ልምዓት ዝመርሕ ረቂቕ መሳርሒ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ነቲ ግጉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣወጊድካ ብቅኑዕን ህዝባውን ኣተሓሳስባ ንምትክኡ፡ ኣብ ኣእምሮ ሰባት ብዝሰርጽ ረቂቕ ቃልሲ እዩ ዝትግበር። ነዚ ለውጢ እዚ ከተዕውት ከምቲ ናይ ዓውዲ ውግእ ቅልጽምን ድፍረትን፡ ወይ ዘመናዊ ወተሃደራዊ ዕጥቂ ኣይኮነን ዘድሊ። ኣብዚ መዳይዚ እቲ ቀንዲ መዕወቲ መሳርሒ እምበኣር፡ ቅሩብነት፡ ተወፋይነት፡ ዘይስስዑነት፡ ርትዓውነትን ሕድገትን ዝሕመረቱ እሞ ካብ ገዛእ ርእስኻ ዝጅምር ተወፋይነት ዝሓትት እዩ። ኣብ ዝኾነ ኣጋጣሚ “ንገዛእ ርእሱ ነጻ ዘይኮነ ንካለኦት ነጻ ከውጽእ ኣይክእልን እዩ” ንብል ኢና። እዚ ሓቂ እዩ። “ኣብ ገዛእ ርእሱ ወይ ኣብቲ ዝዋሰኣሉ ፖለቲካዊ ትካል ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ዘየረጋገጸ ኣካል፡ ናይ ለውጢ መሪሕ ወይ ሓይሊ ክኸውን ኣይክእል እዩ” ምባል እውን ቅኑዕ እዩ። ጸገም ክፍጠር እንከሎ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ንነብስኻ ካብቲ ጸገም ኣርሒቕካ ናብ ካልኦት ከተላግቦ ምፍታን፡ ንገዛእ ርእስኻ ቅድም ኣካል ናይቲ ጸገም ኮይንካ ምፍታሽ፡ ደሓር ከዓ ፍታሕ ካብ ካልኦት እትጽበ ዘይኮነስ ኣካል ናይቲ ፍታሕ ኮይንካ ምውሳእ ኣዝዩ ኣድላዪ እዩ።
ኩልና ከም ዘይንዝገዖ ኣብዚ እዋን ንኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ኣሰላልፍኡን ዝጸልውዎ ዝንባለታት ብዙሓት እዮም። ብዛዕባ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ናይቲ ጸላዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልያትን ኣሰላልፋኡን በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ምዝርዛሩን ብዛዕባ ነፍሲ ወከፉ ምዝራብን ስለ ዝሰፍሕ፡ ጃንዳ ህግደፍን ደንበ ተቓውሞን ጠቒሰ ጥራይ ክሓልፍ እየ። ኣብ መንጎ ክልቴና ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ደንበታት ሓደ መፍለይ መስመር ኣሎ። ናይ እዚ መስመርዚ ቀንዲ መግለጺ ናይቶም ደደንበና ሒዝና ንጠማመት ዘለና ኣካላት ሰብእነት ዘይኮነስ ሐሒዝናዮ ዘለና ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ። ምስቲ ደቂ ሓንቲ ዜግነትን ሃገርን፡ ሰብ ናይ ሓባር ታሪኽን ምዃና ናይ መልክዕ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ኣብቲ ክልተ ደንበታት፡ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ምትሕውዋስ ከም ዘሎ ዝዝንጋዕ ኣይኮነን። ኣብቲ ሓደ ደንበ ናይቲ ካልእ ደንበ ጽልዋ ክህልው ባህርያዊ እዩ ንምባል ዝኣክል እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግዝኣተይ ኢሉ ኣጽኒዑ ሓጺሩ ዝሕልዎ ኤርትራዊ ክሊ ኮነ ፈቐዶ ከባቢ ማሕበረኮማተይ ዝብሎ እንዳተሸምረረ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ውዳበታት፡ እቲ ዝበዝሕ ብኣካል እምበር ብኣተሓሳስባስ ኣካል እኳደኣ ወሳኒ ዓቕሚ ደንበ ተቓውሞ እዩ። ምናልባት እቲ ፍልልይ ናይ ልብኻ ኣግሂድካ ክትዛረብ ምኽኣልን ዘይምኽኣልን እዩ ዝኸውን። እዚ ኩነታት ስለ ዝፈርሕ ዓው ኢሉ ኣይዛረበሉ እምበር፡እዚ ኩነታት ካብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ’ውን ዝተሰወረ ኣይኮነን።
ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ብዙሕ ጸገማት ኣለዉ። ካብዚ ጸገማት እቲ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ እንዳደለናን እንዳጨራሕናን ክንትግብሮ ዘይምኽኣልና እዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት እንታይ ምዃኑ ምርድኡ ዘጸግሞም “ናይዚ ጸገማትና ጠንቂ፡ ብዙሓት ውድባት ምህላውና እዩ ዝብሉ” ኣካላት ኣለዉ። እንተኾነ ብዙሕነትና ንክህሉ እንቃለሰሉ ደሞክራሲያዊ መርኣያና እምበር ናይ ጸገማትና ጠንቂ ኣይኮነን። ናይ ሃገርና ምንኣስን ሓዳስ ምዃንን፡ ናይ ህዝብና ዋሕድን “ጸገምና ብዙሓት ውድባት ምህላውና እዩ” ንዝብል መረጋገጺ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን እዩ። ነዚ ስለ ዝርዳእ እዩ ሰደህኤ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮኡ ዓንቀጽ 10፡2፡6 “ዝተፈላለየ ህዝባዊ ውደባታት ክህሉ እናተባባዕና፡ ንህዝብና ዝጥርንፍ ሓባራዊ ጭረሖ ንክህሉ ክንቃለስ ኢና” ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣስፊሩ ዘሎ። ኣድላይነት ሓድነት ስለ ዝርደኣና ንምርግጋጹ ብዙሕ ጻዕርታት ኣካይድና ኢና። ታሪኽ ተቓውሞና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ብዓብይኡ ታሪኽ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልስና፡ ታሪኽ ላዕልን ታሕትን ምእንቲ ሓድነት እዩ እንተተባህለ እውን ካብ ሓቂ ዝረሓቐ ኣይኮነን። እሞ ድማ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዘይተዓወተ። ሕቶ ሓድነት ክሳብ ክንድዚ ወሳኒ ካብ ኮነ ደኣ ስለምንታይ ዘይነዕውቶ? ዝብል ሕቶ ምልዓልና ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እቲ ሕቶ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እቲ መልሲ እውን ኣብ ኢድና ዘሎ እምበር ካብ ካልእ ኣካል ዘይንጽበዮ ምዃኑ ከዓ ኣይንረስዕ። ነዚ ዝወሃብ መልሲ ከከም መላሲኡ፡ ሕድገት ስለ ዘይንገብር፡ ምጽውዋር ስለ ዘየብልና፡ ካብ በበይኑ ድሕረ-ባይታ ስለ ዝመጻእና፡ ጸቢብነት ስለ ዘጥቀዓና፡ ካብ ክውንነት ንቕበል ናይ ኒሕ እሱራት ስለ እንኸውን፡ ናይ ግዜ ዝሑል ውግእ ኣተሓሳስባ ግዳይ ስለ ዝኾና፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ሓቢርና ንተዓወት ዓወት ንሓዴና ጥራይ እያ ኢልና ስለ ንኣምን፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ናይቲ ጸገም ይኹን መፍትሒኡ ኣካል ንኸውን ነብስና ስለ እነግልል፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ናብ ኣተሓሳስባኦም ናብ ሰባት ስለ እነተኩር .. ወዘተ ዝብሉ ይርከብዎ። እዚታት መልሲ ኣይከውንን እዩ’ኳ እንተዘይተባህለ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ መልሱስ “ናይ ሓድነት ፈተነታትና ኣብ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ሓድነት ስለ ዘይምስረት እዩ” ብዝብል እዩ ዝጠቓለል ዝብል እምነት ኣለኒ።
ኣብ ውሽጢ ብዙሓት ዘይበሰሉ፡ ምናልባት እውን ዘይተላዕሉ ኣገደስቲ ዛዕባታት ሓቢእካ፡ ንግዝያዊ መፈከሪ ኢልካ፡ ብደጊኡ ናይ ሓሶት ካባ ሓድነት ኣልቢስካ ምቅርራብ፡ ብዙሕ ከይሰጐመ ጸሓይ ከም ዝወቐዖ በረድ መኺኹ ከም ዝፈስስ ተመኩሮታትና ኣርእዩና እዩ። ከምቲ “ተሓቢአን ይጠንሰኦ’ሞ ሰብ ኣኪበን ይሓርሰኦ” ዝበሃል፡ ወዮ ንሓቂ ሓቢኡ ኣብ ዘይጥጡሕ ባይታን ቃለዓለማዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ንግዝያዊ ሃልኪ፡ ዝነቐለ ምቅርራብ ክፈርስ እንከሎ፡ ዝያዳ ዝጐድኦ ነቶም ተዋሳእቱ እዩ። ናይዚ በሰላ ቀልጢፉ ዘይሓውን ንቐጻሊ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ሓድነት ንድሕሪት ዝመልስን ምዃኑ ከዓ እቲ ካልእ ሃስያኡ እዩ።
ግደ ኣተሓሳስባ ከምቲ ናይ ለውጢ ሓያልነቱ፡ ምርግጋጹ እውን ግዜ ዝበልዕ መሪርን ቀጻልን ቃልሲ ዝሓትት እዩ። እዚ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ልዕልነትቃልሲ ኣብቲ መስርሕ ብውሽጣውን ግዳማውን ምዕብልናታት ዝጽሎ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ነዚ ምዕብልናታት እንዳተኸታተልካ፡ ኣብቲ ሓንሳብ ዝሓዝካዮ መንገዲ ከይደረቕካ፡ ነቲ ዝዕንቅፍ እንዳወገድካ ዝኽየድ ናይ ክብል ለጠቕ ጉዕዞ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ንምዕዋቱ ዝሓቶ ፖለቲካዊ ውሕልነትን ትብዓትን ቀሊል ኣይኮነን። ነዚ ጸዋር ውሕልነት ዝሓትት ፖለቲካዊ ጉዕዞ ናብ ምርግጋጽ ልዕልና ቅኑዕ ኣተሓሳስባ፡ ኣብዘየብጻሕካዮ፡ እቲ ጸገም ኣብቲ ዝመረጽካዮ ኣገባብ ውደባ መሲሉካ፡ ከምዚ ሓሓሊፉ ክንጸባረቕ ንርእዮ ዘለና፡ ናብ ካልእ ሸነኻዊ ኣወዳድባ ሃንደፍደፍ ምባል ከዓ ክሳራኡ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን’ሞ ከሎ ጋና ምስትብሃል ይሓትት።
1 ለካቲት 2015
Important Eritrea – Ethiopia debate in the British parliament
Written by Martin Plaut
Friday, 30 January 2015 23:01
This is a summary of an important debate in the House of Lords last night, which was held at a critical moment. Critical for three reasons:
- The scale of the suffering by the tens of thousands fleeing Eritrea demands action: they cannot be treated as “economic migrants.”
- The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea, Ms. Sheila B. Keetharuth, is about to visit the UK to collect evidence.
- Ethiopia is due to hold an election in May and international scrutiny of this is vital.
The full version of the debate can befound here.
What was impressive was that many of the speakers could draw on personal experience of both countries: Baroness Kinnock (Glenys Kinnock) recalled her visit to Eritrea, as did Lord Dubs (Alf Dubs) and Lord Avebury. Lord Rea remembered meeting Petros Solomon (one of those who has been jailed by the Eritrean government for the last 13 years). They also drew on their experiences during the debate.
Two flaws
Overall this was an important and well-informed debate. But there were two flaws.
Firstly, the government was not prepared to be frank about how the Khartoum Process would work. No details were really given of what it would mean or how British policy would change as a result of it.
Secondly, it is clear that if the Eritrean regime really reduces its conscription to 18 months, then far fewer Eritreans are likely to be given refugee status in the UK. It is because of the fear of returning to Eritrean after Eritreans have fled from conscription that has been the reason most refugee cases have been accepted. As the minister said: “That is why some of the figures of asylum grants by us to Eritreans look so high, because clearly there has been concern about them returning to that country given their reasons for leaving.”
Martin
Ethiopia
Most attention was paid to Eritrea, but there were important points made about Ethiopia, which I will deal with first.
- Baroness Kinnock (Glenys Kinnock – Labour and former development minister) criticised both regimes. “Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have a Marxist-Leninist heritage. Ethiopia is still effectively controlled by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, through a system of ethnic federalism. Although there has been some improvement we have to ask how it can be that, at the 2010 election, the EPRDF won 90% of the vote.”
- Lord Dubs (Labour) raised the question of freedom of speech in Ethiopia, in the context of the coming election. “Human Rights Watch said last week that 22 journalists, bloggers and publishers were charged with criminal offences in the past year, Six independent publications were intimidated and closed, with dozens of staff forced into exile. Three owners of publications also fled abroad to escape false charges that led to sentences of three years in prison in absentia. Six members of Zone 9, a bloggers’ collective, were charged under the counterterrorism laws and have been in custody for 274 days, sending a chilling message to online activists. Can the Government not make representations to Prime Minister Desalegn to relax the stringent controls on freedom of expression so that Ethiopians can have a genuine election in May?”
- Lord Avebury (Liberal Democrat) also called on Ethiopia to resolve its border dispute with Eritrea, and to abide by the Algiers Agreement by accepting the Border Commission’s findings. “Both countries had agreed to accept the commission’s decision as final, but when the details were published in April 2002, Ethiopia found one excuse after another to dispute the findings… The Ethiopians unlawfully occupied territory all along the border that should have been demilitarised under the settlement, and Eritrea has been forced to maintain large armed forces as a precaution against further military attacks by its bullying neighbour.”
Eritrea
The criticism of Eritrea during the debate was even stronger than of Ethiopia.
- Baroness Morgan (Labour spokeswoman in the House of Lords on Foreign Affairs) made this important point: “What is driving this mass exodus, which includes not just women and children but thousands of unaccompanied minors? The simple answer is that neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea is a functioning democracy. Although both Ethiopia and Eritrea are suffering real problems, there is more scope to influence activities in Ethiopia. In the past, there seems to have been a modicum of free speech and a free press in Ethiopia, although the Government’s intolerance of dissent seems to be increasing significantly in the face of general elections in May. There have been large-scale arrests of protesters and a crackdown on opposition opponents. This is particularly true in the Oromo region, where at least 5,000 people have been arrested as a result of their opposition to the ruling party. But if we think that the situation is bad in Ethiopia, it is truly catastrophic in Eritrea, where all freedoms were suppressed in September 2001. There is no religious freedom, as the right reverend Prelate underlined, no political pluralism, and no independent press in the nation. The forced and interminable military service to fight the unending border war with the neighbours in Ethiopia is clearly a real problem that is driving people from the country.”
- Baroness Kinnock described Eritrea in these terms: “The cruelty, tyranny and oppression of Isaias Afewerki and his regime know no bounds. Eritrea is isolated politically, regionally and internationally and it is under UN sanctions because of its alleged support for al-Shabaab in Somalia. The country is often described as Africa’s North Korea. All rights and freedoms are denied. There is no religious freedom or political pluralism, and no freedom of the media or of speech.”
- Baroness Kinnock went on to ask what the aim of the British government was in visiting Asmara and follow an apparent willingness from the European Union to have a “new beginning with Eritrea”. “ Does the Minister agree with the suggestion made by some European Governments that it is necessary now to offer additional support and engagement to Eritrea, arguing that additional aid will lead to more openness and to change? Surely there can be no “new beginning”, as has been suggested, with this regime. As history proves, concessions to regimes such as Eritrea will achieve absolutely nothing. I ask the Minister to give some detail on the apparent willingness of the UK to have discussions with the Eritrean regime on, “drivers of irregular migration and ways to mitigate it, asylum and returns, and potential areas for joint co-operation”. [Official Report, 6/1/15; col. WA 136.] What exactly does that mean? Will the UK delay any response on refugee policy until the UN commission of inquiry issues its report on the subject? European Governments should not make major Eritrean policy changes until they see the inquiry findings. Let us see if Eritrea is prepared to co-operate with the UN commission of inquiry before taking any hasty decisions. Now there are signs of unbelievable courage and determination in Eritrea on challenging Isaias Afewerki. The people are aware of the dangers of open protest, but we have to ask just how long they—and he—can hold on. We must urge the EU and others to make sure that the UN commission is given clear and urgent access. Isaias Afewerki’s agreement to co-operate would be the first test of whether he is ready to accept change. Whatever happens, if there is negotiation, the European Union and member states must not make quick concessions but use any momentum to ensure that there can be—and will be—fundamental change. The release of Dawit Isaak would be a welcome and symbolic victory.”
- Baroness Kinnock made the point that most Eritreans arriving in Europe should be considered as refugees, not ‘economic migrants’. “My final point relates to what are routinely called “irregular migrants”. These people arrive in Calais having endured a terrifying journey and are then treated as if they are economic migrants. This is clearly not what persuades them that they must leave Eritrea. Many other African countries are just as poor as Eritrea, but their citizens do not come to Europe in their thousands, as they do from Eritrea now. Will the UK argue for their right to stay and ensure that they are treated as refugees?”
Government policy
Replying to the debate for the government minister, Baroness Anelay (Conservative) accepted some of the points raised, but was naturally more cautious in what she had to say.
- UN Eritrea Monitoring Group: “I understand that Eritrea denies any support for al-Shabaab but continues to refuse entry to the monitoring group. We urge it to co-operate fully with the group’s work. I am entirely at one with the noble Lord in this matter.”
- EU-African Union Khartoum process, designed to tackle people smuggling and human trafficking. “We welcome the fact that both Ethiopia and Eritrea have expressed commitment to the Khartoum process. It provides the best framework to drive this issue forward. Noble Lords have drawn attention to the tension between Ethiopia and Eritrea. I would say to them that if they are taking the Khartoum process seriously, they have to take negotiation on the basis of solving the differences between them seriously too. As a member of the core group of EU and AU member states steering the development of how we take this process forward, we as a country are keen to ensure that we maintain momentum and that the process leads quickly to concrete projects that combat the smuggling and trafficking.”
- Eritrean conscription: “Having left and broken the rules on conscription, people are—I cannot think of the right word—terrified to return. That is why some of the figures of asylum grants by us to Eritreans look so high, because clearly there has been concern about them returning to that country given their reasons for leaving.”
- The UK official’s visit to Eritrea in December 2014: “They looked at the drivers of migration and particularly discussed the matter of extended military service. I can say to my noble friend Lord Chidgey that this was a useful starting point for further co-operation. A similar visit to Ethiopia is planned for the near future. With regard the visit to Eritrea, the Eritrean Government representatives assured the officials from the FCO that military service will be strictly limited to 18 months and, indeed, I have been briefed by those officials today. The undertaking has been given. It is matter now of making sure that that is put into practice.”
- The Algiers Agreement:Pushed by Lord Avebury, the minister said: “My Lords, international agreements, once entered into, should be adhered to”
- Human Rights:There are human rights abuses across the board. The right reverend Prelate raised the issue of religious freedom. We will continue to look very carefully at the matters he raised because, clearly, those are abuses that have occurred and, as he rightly says, particularly against groups that are not registered under the Eritrean system. There was a reference to the detention of political prisoners and journalists. We certainly try to establish the facts. There are still journalists in detention despite reports that six have been released. There was a reference to the Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak, who is still under arrest. With regard to all these matters, we do not give up. Just because it is difficult, we do not give up in pursuing our relationship with these two countries. Walking away would leave those who are the victims of persecution and misbehaviour by Governments in a more perilous position than they currently face. The commitment of this Government is that this is a challenge that requires a global, long-term response to a difficult problem. We will all keep trying to ensure that, as an international community, we do our best to tackle it for the sake of those behind the traffickers and behind Governments who do not have good governance.
Eritrean Tv Demtsi Hezbi 1 February 2015
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ጽማቕ ናይ ዕለት 24-01-015 ብዶር. ኣደነ ገብረመስቀል ዝተካየደ መደረ ኣብ ፓል ሓርነት፡-
ሓው ኣዳነ ኣብቲ ብዛዕብኡ ክምድር ተዳልዩሉ ዝነበረ ኣርእስቲ ማለት ‘’ ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ኣብ ኤርትራ ‘’ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ቅድሚ ምእታዉ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ብሓው ተስፍኣለም ተዋሂቡ ዝነበረ መግለጺ ብዛዕባ እንታይ ማለት ኢዩ ዲሞክራስን? ኣየኖት ኢዮምከ ዓንድታት ዲሞክራሲን? ብሰፊሑ ከምዝተገልጸን ኣብዚ ገዛ ከኣ እኹል ምይይጥ ስለዝተገብረሉ እዚ ዓይነት ልዝባት ክቕጽልን ምሉእ ኣፍልጦ ንኽህልወና ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ እዋናት ነዛ እንደልያ ዲሞክራሲያዊት ሃገርን ድልዱል ሓድነት ህዝቢ ክህልዋ ዝግባእን፣ ልኡላውነታ ዘረጋገጸት ክትክውን ብፍላይ ከኣ ቅዋምን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ዝነገሳ ንምግባር ፍልጠትና ክዓብን ቅሩባት ክንከውን ምይይጥና ቀጻሊ ክኸውን ኢዩ።
ከምቲ ኣቐዲመ ዝሓበርክዎ ሓው ተስፋኣለም ክገልጽ ከሎ እንታይ ማለት ኢዩ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ንዝብል ከም ቃል ካብ ግሪኽ ዝመንጨወ ኮይኑ፡ ዲሞክራሲ ማለት ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ኢዩ። ነዚ ናይ ህዝቢ ስልጣን ንምርቃቕን ብግቡእ ክመሓደር ምእንቲ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ወይ ሕገ መንግስቲ ይሃንጽ። HANS KELSEEN ንሕጋውነት ክገልጻ ከሎ ከምዚ ይብል’’ እቲ ናይ እወንታዊ ሕጊ ዝለዓለ ጽፍሒ ቅዋም ኢዩ። ሓፈሻዊ ሕግታት ንምጥርናፍን ስርዓቱ ንምምድብን ቀንዲ ሓላፍነቱ ኢዩ።ሓፈሻዊ ሕግታት ተኣኪቡ ሕጋገ ይበሃል። ሕግታት ክሕገግ ከሎ ትሕዝትኡ ዝምድብን ዘፍቅድን ዝእግድን ነገራት ዝውስንን ቅዋም ኢዩ ይብል። እዚ ከም ስነ-ሓሳብ መሳርሒ ዜጋታት ካብ መግዛእታዊ ስነሓሳብ ናጻ ወጺኦም በብክእለቶምን ሓቢርካ ንኽትምዕብልን ፍልጠት ክትድልብን ቁጠባዊ መነባብሮኻ ክተመሓይሽን ማሕበራዊ ኣነባብራኻ ክተመዓራርይን ጥርኑፍን አርኑብን ምሐደራ ምእንቲ ክህልወካ ባዕልኻ ዘውጻእካዮ ሕግን ስርዓተ ምሕደራ ክህልውና እዚ እንገብሮ ዘለና ጻዕሪ ምይይጥን ሓቢርካ እትቃለሰሉ ባይታ ኣብ ምብቃዕ ምስክር ኢዩ። እዚ ከኣ ኩሉ ዜጋን ሓይልታትን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ምህናጽ ዝሰመረ ራኢን፡ ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን፡ መተካእታ ማሕበራዊ ቁጠባዊ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዕዞ ኤርትራ በቲ ዲሞክራሲያውን ምዕሩይ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ብዘተን ሓባራዊ ስርሓን እናኣማለአ ዕለት ዕለት ክእ ፍልጠቱ ንቕሓቱ ከማዕብል ከይተሓለለ ክጽዕር ይግባእ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ሓው ተስፋኣለም ነዚ ሎሚ ሕጽር ዝበለ መግለጺ መእተዊ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ነቲ ንክለተ መዓልቲ ዝወሰደ ሰሚናር መዘከርታ ክጠቕመና እውን ይኽእል።
እምበኣርከስ ካብ ዝሓለፈ ዝረአናዮ (CONSTITUTION) ቅዋም ማለት ሃገር ወይ ሕብረተሰብ ተኣርኒቡ ዝቐመሉ ኣገባብ የስምዕ። መብዛሕትኡ ቅዋማት (ሕገ-መንግስቲ) ካብ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ሕጊ ናይታ ሃገር ከም ዝኾነ ብግልጺ ወይ ብምእማት ይንገር። ግናኸ ልዕሊ ኩሉን ቅድሚ ኩሉን ኢዩ ምባል ጥራይ፡ እዚ ቅዱስ ሕገ-መንግስቲ እዚ ቅኑዕን ምስ ሕጊ ዝሰማማዕን ምኻኑ ዘረጋግጽ ዋሕስ ኣይክውንን ኢዩ። WALTER F. MURPHY ከም ዝበሎ’’ ሓደ ሃገር ነቲ ቅዋም ኢሉ ዝጽውዖ ኣብ ኩሉ ፖለቲካዊ ተበግሶ ዝለዓለ ኢዩ ከኣ ዝበሃል ጽሑፋት፡ ዝጽብጸብን እተጋነነን መደረ ካብ ምኻን ሓሊፉ ባዕሉ መረጋገጺ ኣይኮነን።’’ ስለዚ፡ ሓደ ቅዋም ኣብ ወረቐት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ተግባር እውን ስልጣን ኣለዎ ምእንቲ ክበህል ብጀካ ግኑን መድረ ናይ ሓቂ ስልጣን ክህልዎ ይግባእ። እዚ ክእ ሃገርን ህዝብን ትሓሪምዎን ትንፊግዎን ዘሎ ምኻኑ ናይ መታለሊን ኣደናጋርን ስርዓተ ኢሳያስ ዝገበሮ ብዘይ ሕፍረት ነቲ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ምትርጋም ኢና ዘለና ዝብልዎ ዝነበሩ ሎሚ ከይተወልደ ዝሞተ ክብል ዘስምዖ መደረ ናይ ኣደባባይ መካትዒ ኮይኑ እንሰምዖ ዘለና ኢዩ። ብመሰረቱ ቅዋም ኣይመውትን ኢዩ፡ ምስ ምዕባሌ ህዝብታቱ ክምሓየሽ ይኽእል ኢዩ። ግንከ ህዝቢ ፈጺሙ ስለዘይነድፍ ምስኡ እናወደቐን ተንሰኤን ዝጋዓዞ መስርሕ ኢዩ። ሰብ ከም ሰብ ሓላፊ ኢዩ። ሃገርን ደቂ- ሃገርን ግን ቀጸልቲ ኢዮም።
ኣብ ኣርእስትና ብምምላስ ሓድ ቅዋም ከም ዓንዲ ሕቐ ኮይኑ መሰረታዊ ስርዓታት ዝውሰኾ ቅርጺ ኢዩ ክበሃል ይከኣል። ቅዋም ሕጋዊ ወረቐት ወይ ሰነድ ኢዩ። ኣብ ልደት ሓንቲ ሃገር እተፈጥረ ቅዋም ዓወትን ሃረርታን ህዝቢ ኢዩ ዝገልጽ። ዝመጽእ ዝመናቱ ብሩህ ከምዝኸውን ድማ ይሕብር። እታ ሃገር ንሃረርታ ህዝቢ እንተጠለመት ግና ልክዕ ከምቲ ውልቀ መላኺ ዝገብሮ፣ ህዝቢ ነቲ ዝቖመ መንግስቲ ወይ ንስልጣን ሕግን ፍትሕን ከም ዝንዕቕ ዝገብሮ መንፈስ ክለዓል ይከኣል። እዚ እውን ህዝብና ዘርእዮ ዘሎ ባህርያት ኢዩ። ስለዚ ንሕና ክንገብሮ ዘለና ንህዝብና ሓያልን ፍልጠቱ ዘማዕበለን ካብ ቅዋም እተዋህቦ መሰላት ሓላዊ ንምግባር ኢዩ።
ልኡላውነት ቅዋም፡ ‘ልዕሊ ኩሉ ምኻን ወይ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ስልጣን፡ ልዑል ምልኪ ተባሂሉ ይትርጎም። ስለዚ ቅዋም ናይታ ሃገር ካብ ኩሉ ዝለዓለ ሕጊ ምስ ዝኸውን ነቲ ዝተኽሎ ዓንዲ ዝኾነ ዝምድናታትን መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ባዕሉ ይሕልዎ። ኣብ ርእሲኡ ነቲ ሕጋዊ መእረምታ ዝገብር ስርዓት ብምቓም፡ ኣብያተ ፍርዲ፡ ብስልጣኑን፡ ንሕግታትን ንተግባር መንግስትን ‘ኣንጻር ቅዋም’ ኢለን ክብይና ከምዝኽእላ ምግባር ኢዩ።
ልዕልነት ቅዋም ኣብቲ ‘’ መንግስቲ ሕጊ (ግዝኣተ ሕጊ) ዝብል መትከል እተጠርነፈ ከም ዝኾነ ኣህጉራዊ ልምዲ ይሰርዕ ‘መንግስቲ ሕጊ ወይ ልዑላውነት ሕጊ ዝእዝዞ፣ ሕጋዊ ውሳኔታት፡ ኣብ ፍሉጥ መትከላትን ሕግታትን ብምጽጋዕ ከምኡ እውን ናጻ ርእይቶ ዝተሓወሶ ክኸውን ይግባእ። ፕሮፍሶር Moor ብዛዕብ ‘’መንግስቲ ሕጊ ’ ከምዚ ይብል፡- ቀንዲ ኣገዳሲ ትርጉሙ፣ መንግስቲ እቲ ዝመደቦ ነገራት ኣብ ፍቓድ ህዝቢ እተሰረተ ክኸውን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ብመንግስቲ ጭቆና ከይግበር ዝኽልክል መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ሓርነትን ዝሕሉ ኣብ ቅድሚ ናጻ ዝኾነ ሕጋዊ ቤት ፍርዲ ክቐርብ ዝኽእል መዋቐርን ስርዓታትን ገይሩ ክዓዪ ይግበኦ። እዚ መትከል ውሳኔታት ብኢደ ወነና ዘይሕጋዊ ትእዛዝ ብፖለቲካዊ ጠቕሚ ብናይ ብሕቲ ረብሓ ምእንቲ ከይግበር ዝሕሉ ኢዩ።
ጥቅሲ ፕሮፈሶር MOORE ብዛዕባ ‘መንግስቲ’ ሓሙሽተ ሓሳባት ይህብ፡-
-መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ብህዝቢ ብህዝቢ
-ምፍላይ መዝታት፡ ቁጽጽርን ሚዛንን
-ናይ ህዝቢ ዲሞክራሲ መንግስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዜጋ ዘለዎ ስልጣን ዝውስን ስርዓት (ምሕላው ሕርነትን ክብርን ሰብ)
-ደረት ዘለዎ መንግስትን (ፈደራላዊት) ዘይምእኩል ምሕደራ
-ብዛዕባ ሕገ-መንግስቲ ኣተጋባብራኡ ዘርኢ ናጻ ቤት ፍርዲ
ህዝቢ በዓል ምሉእ ስልጣን ኢዩ ዝብል መትከል ብኣህጉራዊ ልምድታት ከም UNHCR ዝበሉ ቅቡል ዝኾነ መትከል ኢዩ። ቅድሚ ሓያሎ ዘበናት እውን ፍላስፋታትን ልቃውንትን ፖለቲካን፡ መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ምኻኑ ተዛሪቦምሉ ኢዮም። ከም ጸብጻብ ናይ መበል 357 ኣኼባ HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE ተገሊጹ ዘሎ። ‘’ ኣብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ኩነታት ፖሊቲካዊ ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ኢዩ። ሰበ- ስልጣን መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ወዳእቲ ነገር ጥራይ ኢዮም። ስለዚ ጸብጻቦም ናብ ህዝቢ ከቕርቡ ይግበኦም።’’
ልዕልነት ቅዋም ንምርግጋጽ፡ ብቐጥታ እካ እንተዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ዝለዓለ ስልጣን ናይ ህዝቢ ምኻኑ ብጋህዲ ምእዋጅ ኢዩ። መብዛሕትኡ ዲሞክራሲ ቅዋም ስልጣን ንህዝቢ ይህቦ፡ እዚ ከኣ ሕገ-መንግስቲ ሕጋውነቱ ካብ ህዝቢ ይርከቦ እምበር ካብ ፕረሲደንት ወይ ካብ ሓጋጊ ባይቶ ወይ ካብ ንጉስ ከምዘይኮነ ይሕብር። ከምዚ ዝበለ ምርግጋጽ ዓቢ ግደ ዘለዎ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ መንግስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ቅዋም ዝገብሮ ዝኾነ ይኹን ንዕቀት ከምዚ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ዝገብሮ ንስልጣን ህዝቢ ምዕምጻጽ ገበን ኣብ ርእሲ ህዝቢ ምፍጻም ማለት ኢዩ።
እቲ ካስብ ሕጂ ዝተገልጸ ብዛዕባ ቅዋም ምስኡ ተኣሳሲሩ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ንምብራህ ኮይኑ ብሓጺሩ ንምጽማቕ ዝኣክል፡-
ሀ- ቅዋም ልዕሊ ኩኩ ዝኾነ ሕጊ ሃገር ኢዩ ኢልካ ምእዋጅ።
ለ- ስልጣን ብምልኡ ናይ ህዝቢ ከም ዝኾነ ምእዋጅ
ሐ- መአረምታ ቅዋም ንምፍጻም ጽንዕ ዝበለ ስርዓትን ኣገባብን ከም ዝህሉ ምግባር።
መ- ባይቶ ኮነ መንግስቲ ንዝፍጽሞ ተግባራት ‘ኣንጻር ቅዋም’’ ኢዩ ክትብል ዘኽእል ስልጣን ምትካል።
ናይ መንግስቲ ኮነ ናይ ባይቶ ሕግታትን ፍጻሜታትን ዝምርምር ስልጣን ናጻ ቤት ፍርዲ ኢዩ። ሓያሎ ሃገራት ግና ንበይኑ ዝኾነ ካልእ ኣገባብ ኣለወን። ከም ደንማርክ፡ ነዘርላንድ፡ ሽውደን ዝኣመሰላ ሃገራት ንትግባረ መንግስቲ (ማለት ንፈጻሚ) ጥራይ እየን ብፍርዲ ቅዋማዊ ምኳኑክምርምራ ዝኽእላ። ባይቶ (ማለት ሓጋጊ ኣካል) ዝገብሮ ግና ካብ ምርመራ ፍርዲ ናጻ ኢዩ። እቲ ‘ዘይጽሑፍ’ ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ናይ ብሪጣንያ ሕገ-መንግስቲ፡ ኣብያተ ፍርዲ ንሕግታት ‘’ ኣንጻር ቅዋም ኢዩ’’ ክብላ ስልጣን ኣይህበንን ኢዩ። ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ቅዋም ብዛዕባ ፍርዳዊ መርመራ ኣይገልጽን ኢዩ። ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ግዜ ግና ኣካል ናይቲ ቅዋም ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ሓዲሽ ዘበናት እዚ ንተግባር ባይቶን መንግስትን ብመርመራ ፍርዲ “ሕጋዊ ኣይኮነን” ክብል ዝኽእል ስልጣን ኣብ ቅዋም ብንጹር ተዋሂቡ ኣሎ። (ከም ኣብ ፍሊፕን፡ ኤስያ፡ ታይላንድ፣ጃፓን፣ኢጣልያ..) እቲ ምስ እዚ ክዓብን ክከላኸልን ዘለዎ ህዝቢ ብናጻ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበራት፡ ሚድያን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰለ በርጌሳውያንን ማሕበራት ብንቕሓት ብህዝቢ ንዝጸደቐ ቅዋም ምክትታል ዓቢ ግደ ኣለዎም።
ቅዋም ክበሃል ከሎ ነባሪ ዝበሃል ነገር ከም ዘየልቦ ክዝከር ይግባእ። ቅዋም እውን ይልወጥ ኢዩ። ኣለዋውጣኡ ግና ብቐሊል መገዲ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። MERBEC ነዚ ዓሚቕ ሓሳብ እዚ ብፍኹስ ዝበለ ኣበሃህላ ገሊጽዎ ኣሎ። “ቅዋም ከምቲ ብግዜን ኩነታትን ዘይብሕጎግ ኣኻውሕ ጂብራልታርኣይኮነን። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ድማ፡ ቅዋም ሑጻ ደንደስ ባሕሪ ማዕበል በብቕሩብ ዝወስዶ እውን ኣይኮነን። ቅዋም ከም ሓደ ዘንሳፍፍ ጋራጅ መራኽብ ክመስል ይኽእል። ምስ መሬት ብቐይዲ ተታሒዙ ኩሉ ምስ ማዕበለ ግዜን ኩነታት ይድይብን ይወርድን።’’ ቅዋም ናይ ገሊኤን ሃገራት ኣዚዩዘገድስወይ ዘይትንከፍ ዓንቀጻት ኣለወን። ብፍላይ ኣብዘን ዓንቀጻት እዚኣተን መአረምታ ከይግበር ብጋህዲ ይገልጻ። ስለዚ ቅዋም ብስልጣኑ ዘይእረም ክፍልታት ይሕዝ ኢዩ።
ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ እውን ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣለዋ ብቅዋም ዝመሓደራ። ገሊኤን ህዝባዊ ቅዋም ዝሓዘላን ናይ ለውጢ ጉዕዞን ዲሞክራሲያዊ ባህርን ኣገባብን ብምጥቃም ኣብ ጎደና ምዕባሌ ዝርከባ ኮይነን ገሊኤን ግን ንሽሙ ቅዋም ሃልይወን ብኡኡዘይቅየዳ ኢየን። እቲ ዝገርም ከኣ ኣብ ውዕል ሕቡራት ኣፍሪቃ ኩለን እተን ኣብዚ ማሕበር ዝካፈላ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ቅዋም ክህልወንን ህዝቢ ኣብ ናይ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ተሳታፊ ክኸው ኢዩ ዝጠልብ። እቲ ሕጂ ዘሎ ግን ኣብ መብዛሕትኤን ዘገምታዊ ጉዕዞ ሒዘን ክጓዓዛ ከለዋ ገሊኤን ከኣ ናጻ ዓይነት ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ዘርእያ እውን ውሑዳት ኣይኮናን። ብወገና ነዚ ዓብላሊ--ገባቲ ነጻጊ -ኣግላሊ ዝኾነ ስርዓት ካብ ሱሩ ምሒና ዲሞክራሲን-ልኡላውነትን- ሓድነትን- ግዝኣተ ሕግን ክነስፍን ከይሰንከልና ብቅዋምን ግዝኣተ ሕግን ክንመሃሃርን ክንመያየጥን ኮታ እኹል ኣፍልጦ ክህልወና ንመላእ ዜጋታትና ወይ ከኣ ህዝብና ከነመሓላልፎ ጻዕሪ ከድልየና ኢዩ። ስለዚ ናይ ሎሚ መደረና ወይ ምይይጥና ብዛዕባ ቅዋም ኣብዚ ብምድምዳም፡ ብዛዕባ ክፍሊ ስልጣን መንግስቲ ከኣ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ክንዘራረበሉ ምእንቲ ባይታ ንገዛ ይገድፎ ክብል መደርኡ ደምደመ። ካብ ገዛ እውን ኣገደስቲ ሕቶታን መብርሂታትን ይወሃብ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ ፓልቶክ ስለ ዝተበላሸወ ንዝመጽእ ካብቲ ዝተቋረጸሉ ብምጅማር ክንቅጽል ምኻና ተረዳእና ተፋኒና።
ምምሕዳር ፓል ሓርነት
Issais’ New Year Interview: The Production of More Manipulations and Lies
Written by EPDP Editorial Board
EPDP Editorial
Part 2
The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime?
[For Part 1, please click here http://www.harnnet.org/index.php/news-and-editorial/epdp-editorial/item/1289-issais-new-year-interview-production-of-more-manipulations-and-lies-1]
Apart from the constitution talk, Issais also roared a lot of things in his New Year interview,among ofwhich were the so-called development plan for 2015, human resources development, five-year plans…etc. These were all rehashed Issais’ tyrannical policies from last year and the year before, and presented as if they were new. No new thing, unfulfilled promises and declaring further promises that would not be fulfilled, a scheme designed to manipulate Eritrean people into thinking that something good will take place in their lives next year.
For example, when asked…on realizing the objectives associated with making Eritrea a prosperous country…how do you assess our capacity to realize our aspirations? Do we have the human and material resources required to accomplish the tasks ahead? Issais said, “Human and material resources are what you can create. For example, everybody wants to live peacefully. However, peace is not something that is a heaven sent opportunity. Rather, one has to work hard to bring peace. We need to clearly identify the resources required for achieving our objectives. There are different resources such as technology, machinery, different raw materials, etc. However, human resource is the key of all the resources…work culture is also very important for materializing what you aspire (Eritrean Profile, January 14, 2015).
The above response is Issais’ fixative prayer for preserving his power. No matter how evil, atrocious, or deceptive the ends are as long as they justify the means, it is what Issais is doing – recklessly and without hesitation assault Eritrean people to empower his tyrannical power. Think about this: every year, Issais tells Eritrean people that they will be better off next year than the year before. He declares the problems and uncertainties of today will not be repeated next year. He claims that Eritrean people have learned lessons from past year and they would use those experiences to achieve their goals in the coming year. We will overcome them next year…etc. How many next years have Eritrean people gone so far without realizing their dreams - exactly over two decades now and still continuing. Simply put: by using unending promises and running a cynic campaign (usually in the name of Eritrean people), Issais managed to run an absolute system in the country for over two decades.
The fact is Issais can claim prosperity and development, but the reality is Issais is running one of the bloodiest governments on this planet: forced hundreds of thousands of Eritrean youth to exile; destroyed many Eritrean lives; altered Eritrean polities and institutions; eroded the living standard of the people; and committed widespread violation of human rights. Issais has it all, except freedom and democracy. Today, the Eritrean people are suffering from chronic shortages of basic consumer goods, water, electricity and fuel.
When asked … about the mass exodus of Eritrean youth…and if there are any tangible plans regarding their compensation or their future? Issais said, “I don’t want to talk about something that doesn’t exist. Many have been plunged into quagmires in consequence of their actions (motivated by their families and environments) to go somewhere where they would supposedly find riches and change their lives…Generally speaking, those who have gone to these “dream lands” will eventually regret their actions. Many of them mistakenly fled because their desired state of affairs didn’t come overnight in this country…” (Eritrean profile January 10, 2015). The content of the above statement simply recalls Issais’ contemptuous mockery when he said, “they are going for a picnic” in reference to the mass exodus of Eritrean youth few years ago. So, Issais did not shift ground on this; nothing new. He just doubled it down on his crusade to annihilate the Eritrean youth in order to continue his grip on power. Remember that this comment is made against the backdrop where hundreds and thousands of Eritreans are being forced to work in Party and military-owned businesses as unpaid laborers. The reality is that the mass exodus is the result and consequence of this form of forced labor imposed on the Eritrean people for the last two decades by Issaias and his dictatorial regime. The bigger picture here is that the exodus of Eritrean youth represents a major threat to Eritrea’s integrity and continuity as a nation. A country without a young generation has no future.
At this juncture, though, Issais and his cronies can roar as long as they want regarding drafting new constitution, development promises, foreign forces, war hysteria …etc. Eritrean people know the promises are empty and the development plans/projects are nonexistent; the war hysteria is a lie to keep Eritrean people in a state of war. The point is all this barrage of lies can no longer reverse the multitude crisis unfolding in Eritrea although Issais will continue to exploit such lies as a necessary strategy to muzzle and reduce the whole population to slavery. We know Eritrea is now a dilapidated, stagnated, and hungry place, with a life standard plummeting to abyss every day. Maybe this time the era of Issais’ manipulation is coming to an end. Eritrean people seem to be waking up because they are increasingly realizing that the entire edifice of Issais’ politics is based on lies and perpetual manipulations. In fact, we are witnessing Eritrean people slowly detaching if not divorcing their susceptibility to the regime’s unending lies and manipulations. They see it; and they are not buying it anymore. And there is nothing more inspiring than seeing Eritrean people finally searching their souls and beginning to withdraw their support from the PFDJ regime.
At the end, we should ask ourselves what is the lesson we can learn from Issais’ New Year long tirade and menacing interview against our citizens:
- One, Issais is spinning such an endless catalogue of lies and manipulations regarding drafting constitution, development plans, aggression of foreign forces, and others because of the increasing erosion of support base to his regime that began as a result of the crackdown on pro democracy decedents within his leadership and on journalist in 2001. This was reinforcedby the January 2013 (Forto mutiny), followed by the Eritrean Catholic priests (Where is Your Brother), and finally amplified by the excommunication declaration issued by the clergy of the United Eritrean Orthodox monasteries.
- Two, the above revelations are reinforcing Eritrean people’s confidence both in challenging and rejecting the propaganda that the mad dictator has been roaring like a wild animal for years on one hand, and in leading to a collective and united action on the other, all making Issais’ lies and unending promises more and more fragile, especially inside the homeland. We need to understand and exploit such development, and break it open to reveal the danger of Issais’ regime to our country.
- Three, we must understand that the strategy of Issais’ interview is to stifle the evolving internal opposition by conditioning Eritrean people to his own reality – a reality of fear and conformity that he knows would enable him to continue enslaving Eritrean people. Our role should be to deconstruct those realities as they are designed to perpetuate tyranny and submission to the power of Issais.
- Four, there is nothing that scares Issais than the emergence of factions within his own inner circle. We must target such a unity of the inner circle in a manner that amplifies the blunder of Issais and leads to the demise of his system. This is the major task of establishing and nurturing internal opposition.
- Fifth, we should understand that Issais will continue to lie in the face of mass exodus of the Eritrean youth. This is not an ordinary lie; this is a threat to the existence of our country. The message here is that whether ignorance or weakness not shattering such dangerous policy of Issais is strengthening his rule in Eritrea. The sad thing is there is nothing Issais has said or done that we do not know. The problem is every time, we encounter Issais’ speech, we denounce his insanity and we become delusional instead of systematically and collectively challenge it.
- Sixth, now the issue is no more about Issaias and his regime. Issaias’ contempt to the collective wisdom of the Eritrean people is boundless. His disrespect and disregard to the interest of the Eritrean people is deep and profound. His declaration of the 1997 Eritrean Constitution as “dead and nonexistent” is another in a series of blunders that exposed issais’ inner motive and evil intent. The real culprit and enemy are known and it is up to the opposition and the people what to do with it. As the saying goes, ‘snake at your feet, a stick at your hand’ “በትሪኣብኢድካተመንኣብእግርኻ.”
Last, Issais does not care about democracy, constitution, and development in Eritrea. Why should he? After all, being democratic or accepting the sovereign right of Eritrean people denies his power. He is a malignant narcissistic dictator and that is the nature of dictators, conditioning the people to their own reality and fighting for their power until they are booted out from power. The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime? Where is our collective action?
In spite of Problems at Shagarab Camp, 3,667 Eritrean Refugees Arrive in December
Written by EPDP Information OfficeLocal office of UN refugee agency, UNHCR, in Eastern Sudan reported that 3,667 new Eritrean refugees have registered at the reception centre of Shagarab during the month of December 2014, showing an increase over the figure of 2,128 refugee arrivals in previous month of November.
This increase in the number of refugee arrivals at the camp of Shagarb was registered in spite of the insecure situation of the reception camp located near the Eritrea-Sudan border. It is to be recalled that Eritrean refugees at Shagarb were subjected to inhumane treatments in the hands of local villagers assisted by state security personnel.
According to the report for December, 555 of the new refugees were below the age of 18. It was also made clear that, out of the total arrivals 457 were female and 3,210 male, including children below the age of 5.
The ever deteriorating situation in Eritrea is reflected by the ever increasing number of refugees escaping from the unbearable political, economic, social and human rights condition in the country. This was well reflected in the UNHCR briefing on Eritrea last November in Geneva. A 14 November 2014 report entitled “sharp increase in number of Eritrean refugees and asylum-seekers in Europe, Ethiopia and Sudan” was a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. The must read report follows:
During the first ten months of 2014, the number of asylum-seekers in Europe from Eritrea has nearly tripled. In Ethiopia and Sudan, neighbouring Eritrea, the number of Eritrean refugees has also increased sharply. So far this year, nearly 37,000 Eritreans have sought refuge in Europe, compared to almost 13,000 during the same period last year. Most asylum requests have been lodged in Sweden, Germany, and Switzerland, with the vast majority of the Eritreans having arrived by boat across the Mediterranean. Our office in Italy reports that 22 per cent of the people arriving by boat are Eritrean, a total of nearly 34,000 people this year. This makes Eritreans the second largest group to arrive in Italy by boat, after Syrians.
Most of the Eritreans arriving in Europe have travelled, initially, via Ethiopia and Sudan. These countries have also experienced a dramatic increase in arrivals, including large numbers of unaccompanied children. More than 5,000 Eritreans crossed into Ethiopia during the month of October alone, compared to the average of some 2,000 arrivals per month since the beginning of the year. About 90 per cent of those who arrived in October are between 18 – 24 years old. Seventy-eight children arrived on their own, without an adult family member. The trend seems to continue with more than 1,200 Eritreans having arrived in Ethiopia during the first week of November.
In Sudan, we have also been witnessing a marked increase in the number of arrivals since the beginning of 2014. This year, more than 10,700 Eritreans have sought refuge in Sudan, an average of more than 1,000 arrivals per month.
There are currently more than 216,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia and Sudan. Sudan has been hosting Eritrean refugees for more than forty years, which makes it one of Africa's most protracted refugee situations. Eritreans started to arrive in Ethiopia in 2002, after the end of the conflict between the two countries. The recent arrivals told us that they were fleeing an intensified recruitment drive into the mandatory and often open-ended national service.
Growing numbers of the predominantly young refugees in Ethiopia and Sudan have become frustrated with the shortage of services and absence of self-reliance opportunities in the camps. Limited funding for the Eritrean refugee programme in both countries has resulted in a lack of secondary and post-secondary education, as well as vocational training and job opportunities. Deprived of any prospects for a better future and feeling that they have nothing to lose, many fall prey to unscrupulous smugglers and put themselves in danger by trying to cross the Mediterranean on overcrowded and unsafe boats. We are extremely concerned that the refugees crossing into Ethiopia today will eventually try to move on.
There is a need to boost education and livelihood opportunities for the refugees in the countries neighbouring Eritrea to prevent people moving on simply out of desperation. At the same time, we also call on Europe to step up efforts to provide credible legal alternatives to dangerous voyages, to protect people from the risks of traveling with smugglers. The collective response needs to maintain a strong capacity to rescue people at sea and increase safer ways for refugees to find safety, including enhanced resettlement, other forms of humanitarian admission and private sponsorship schemes. UNHCR is calling on European governments to do more to facilitate family reunification and use programmes such as student or employment visas to benefit refugees.
Additional Information:
During the first 10 months of 2014, 36,678 Eritreans sought refuge in 38 European countries in 2014, compared to 12,960 during the same period last year. Most asylum requests were presented in Sweden (9,531), Germany, (9,362) Switzerland (5,652) and the Netherlands (4,113). Authorities in Italy recorded 342 asylum applications by Eritreans thus far this year.
Sudan is the main country of asylum for Eritreans with 109,594 refugees at the end of October 2014. 10,701 people have arrived since the beginning of the year, including 1,259 during the month of October. The majority of the refugees are in refugee camps in the arid eastern part of the country (Gaderef and Kassala), with smaller numbers in the capital Khartoum.
Ethiopia is the second largest country of asylum with 106,859 Eritrean refugees, including 1,591 unaccompanied children at the end of October. They mostly live in four refugee camps in Tigray region and two in Afar region in north-eastern Ethiopia
ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ኮይኖም ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ንምንጋስ ዝቃለሱ ዘለው ኤርትራውያን ነቲ ዝሓለፈ ረቡዕ ካልኣይ ዓመቱ ዘቑጸረ ስርሒት ፎርቶ ብኽብሪ ከምዝዘከርዎ ኣባላት ፕሮጀክት ዓርቢ ሓርነት ካብ ኤርትራ ሓቢሮም።
እቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝተኻየደ ናይ ዝኽሪ ስነ-ስርዓት፡ “ቪቫ ፎርቶ 2013” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ቴማ ዝተኻየደ ምዃኑ'ውን ዝበጽሓና ዜና ይገልጽ። እቲ ዝኽሪ ካብኣብደገእንርከብኣባላ ዓርቢ ሓርነት ዝረኸብዎም ደርፍታት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ቴፕ ብምእታው ኣብ ብዝሒ ሰብ ዝርከቦ ቦታ ብዓውታ ብምውላዕ ሞራል ሰማዕቲክብከም ዘበሉሓቢሮም። ነዚ ንምግባርእታቴፕኣብናይህዝባዊመደወሊቴሌፎንብኮላ ኣላጊቦም ኣብ ልዕሊኣ ድማ "ካልኣይ ዓመት ዝኽሪ ስዓድ ዓሊሕጃይ(ወዲዓሊ)፡ ዓርቢሓርነት፡ቪቫፎርቶ2013” ዝተጻሕፎካርቶንለጊባከም ዝተገድፈትሓቢሮም።
እዚናይዝኽሪስርሒትቀዳም24 ጥሪ2015 ካብሰዓት10፡30-11፡45 ቅ.ቀ ኣብ ማእከል ከተማ ኣስመራ ኣብ ከባቢ ዕዳጋ ሓራጅ ከምዝተፈጸመን፡እቲብረዚንመልእኽቲእቶምዝተደርፉደርፍታትንተባዕስጉምቲናይቶምነዚዘካየዱኣባላትዓርቢሓርነትንዝተደነቐሰማዒህዝቢከተማኣስመራ፡እቲዝተኻየደናይዝኽሪስርሒትነቲዝድለዘሎለውጢግብራዊኣብምግባርሓደስጉምቲንቕድሚትምዃኑይዛረብኣሎ።ብፍጻሜናይዚጉዳይዝሰንበዱኣባላትጸጥታህግደፍከኣኣብቦታፍጻሜተረኺቦምነታቴፕከምዝወሰድዎእቲዝበጽሓናሓበሬታወሲኹየረድእ።እቶም ዝተደርፉዝተፈላለዩ ደርፍታት ነዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዳግማይ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ናይ ሓርነት ቃልሲ ዝገልጹን ህዝቢ ሓቢሩ ኣንጻር ምልኪ ንኽቃለስ ዝጽውዑን እዋናዊ ደርፍታትእዮም ነይሮም። እዘን ዝስዕባ ማለት “ሸጥመዓንጣና" ናይወዲትካቦ፡"ማማትሓመናላ" ናይምሕረተኣብ፡"ኣይትዓንቅፉኒ" ኣልማዝ ኣረጋይ (ለሚን)፡ "ትም" መምህር ሑሰን መሕመድ ዓሊ፡"ደቀይደቀይበሊ" ሃኒምሕረተኣብ ገለ ካብተን እተደርፋ ደርፍታት እየን።
እዚ ከምዚ ኢሉ እንከሎ ኣብወጻኢውንከምቲናይቅድሚሕጂብሓገዝናይተክኖሎጂብፓልቶክተሰንዩዝኽሪመበልካልኣይዓመትከምዝተኻየደንሕብር። ክብርቲ ጋሻናይቲመደብኮይናዘምሰየትብዓልቲቤትሓርበኛስውእኮ/ ስዒድዓሊሕጃይውይዘሮበኪታ እድረስ ዑመር ኣብቲ ኣጋጣሚ ተረኺባ ናይ ምስጋናን መተባብዕንምልእኽቲኣመሓላሊፋ፡፡ብዘይካ እዚ ሓደካብቶምኣብኤርትራዝርከቡኣባላትዓርቢሓርነት ውን ንመጀመርያ ግዜብቐጥታ ብቴለፎን ብምድዋል ነቲኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝካይድዘሎናይለውጢምንቅስቓስዝምልከትን ሓበሬታን ናይ መተባብዒ መልእኽትን ኣስሚዑ። ሕመረት ናይቲ ንታህዲድን ፈኸራንስርዓትህግደፍበዲሁካብውሽጢኣስመራዝተፈነወመልእኽቲ ከኣ ኩሎም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ሓቢሮም ክሰርሑን ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝካየድዘሎናይለውጢምንቕስቓስክድግፍዎንዘዛኻኸረእዩነይሩ። ቅዳሕ ናይ'ቲ ዝኽሪ ንምስማዕ ኣብ'ዚ ጠውቑ፡https://www.youtube.com/watch?x-yt-ts=1421914688&x-yt-cl=84503534&v=QHdrOV650HY&list=UUNkqhfPUpW4HS7Bvqu2NNOg
እቲ ኣብወጻኢዝተኻየደናይዝኽሪስነስርዓትብምትሕብባርፕሮጀክትዓርቢሓርነትን፡መእዲዘተ ፖልቶክ ስመርን ካልኦት ግዱሳትዜጋታትንዝተወደበእዩነይሩ።
24 ጥሪ2015
ፕሮጀክትዓርቢሓርነት
ሓበሪታ፡ እዛ ስእሊ ተጠቂምናላ ዘለና ምድላዋት እንዳተገበረ ዝተሳእለት እያ።
