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Monday, 21 May 2018 11:52

ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ!

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“ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ።” እዚ ጭረሖ እዚ ወርትግ ክቡር እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እነሆ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን መደረና ኮነ ጽሑፍና ክንዛዝም እንከለና ነዘውትሮ። ምኽንያቱ ብስም ክቡር ህይወቶም፡ ንመሰልን ናጽነትን ህዝቢ ብዘወፈዩ ወገናትና ዝጭራሕ ስለ ዝኾነ። እዚ ጭረሖ ንመጻኢ እውን ህያውን ዘይሃስስን እዩ። ኣብ ፍሉይ ከም “ዝኽሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ” ኣብ ዝኣመሰለ ኣጋጣምታት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ፡ በብዕለቱ ከም ጸሎት ከነድምጾን ክንደግሞን ዝግበኣና ምዃኑ’ውን ዘዳዲ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ከምዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ቅነ ዝኽሪ መበል 27 መዓልቲ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ክቃላሕ እንከሎ ከኣ ፍሉይ ትርጉምን እዋናውነትን ከምዝህልዎ ውሁብ እዩ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይኮነንዶ ሎሚ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ሃገሩ ምስተረጋገጸ ቀደም ኣብ ግዜ ገድሊ እውን ሓደ ኣካል ካብ ሕጋዊ ቀይዲ ክወጽእ እንከሎ “ዝባን ስዉኣት ከምዚ ከይትገብር” ምስ በልክዮ ፍዩኽ ዝብል ኣይነበረን። እዚ ከኣ እዚ ጭረሖ ኣዝዩ ዓሚቕ መግለጺ ክብሪ ንስዉኣት ምንባሩን ምዃኑን ዘረድእ እዩ። ሕጂ እውን እቲ ዕምቆት ናይዚ ሓረግ ኣብ ሕልና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ቦታኡ ከም ዘሎ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ሕልና ናይቶም ቅድም መራሕቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ነበር ናይ ሎሚ ህግዲፍ ኣሎ ድዩ የለን ግና ኣፍካ መሊእካ እትምልሶ ሕቶ ኣይኮነን። ንህልዊ ኤርትራዊ ኩለመዳያዊ ባይታ እንተዳህሲስና ግና እዚ ጭረሖ ብስም እምበር ብተግባርስ ከም ዝቐምሰለ ብብዙሕ መርተዖታት ክረጋገጽ ዝኽእል እዩ። ቃልስና ከኣ ነዚ ዝቐምሰለ ክብሪ ህይወት ምስኳዕ እዩ።

“መንዮም እቶም ብስሞም “ዝኽርን ክብርን” ጠቒስና እንምሕለሎም ስዉኣት?” ዝብል ሕቶ ይቐርብ እዩ። እቲ መልሲ ከኣ ከከም መላሲኡ ይፈላለ ይኸውን። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስሱዕ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እዚ ረዚን ክብሪ ዝወሃቦም ሰማእታት፡ ተጋደልትን ደገፍትን ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንዝነበሩ ጥራይ ገይሩ እንተወሰዶ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ስሱዕ ስሱዕ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ ሸፋጢ ስለ ዝኾነ ዘገርም ኣይኮነን። ስሰዐ ኣብ ንብረትን ስልጣንን ጥራይ ዝድረት ዘይኮነ ናብ ታሪኽ እውን ዝልሑኽ እዩ። ብእምንቶና እዚ ክብርን ዝኽርን ሰማእታት ንኹሎም ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ መዳያት ቃልሲ፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ውድባት፡ ኣብ በረኻን ከተማን ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግኣትን ሲቪላዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ንዝወደቑ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ዝወሃብ ክብርን መጐስን እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሓሓሊፉ ንኽብሪ እዞም ሰማእታት ዘርክስ ስምዒታት ክቀላቐል ምርኣይ ከኣ ዘሕዝን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንህሉዋት ከቢድ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክም እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ገለ ኣጋጣምታት፡ እንተላይ ኣብ እንዳ ህግዲፍ “ስጋ ስዉኣት” ወይ “ብስም ስዉኣት” ዝብል ማሕላ ይዝውተር እዩ። ማሕላ ከቢድ እዩ። ኣቶም ስም ስዉኣት እነልዕልከ ክሳብ ክንደይ ንባህግን ሕድርን ሰማእታት ነኽብር ኣለና ነፍሲ ወከፍና ምስ ሕልናና ክንላዘበሉ ዝግበኣና ዓሚቕ ሓላፍነት እዩ። ብእምንቶይ ኣብቲ ነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ቃልሲ ናብ ናጽነት ዝተኻየድ ግጥምያታት፡ ደረጃ ስፍሓቱ ካብ ሓደ ውግእ ናብቲ ካልእ ክፈላለ ከም ዝኽእል ርዱእ እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ንስርሒት ኣፍዓበት እንህቦ ትርጉም ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ እንተኾነ እዚ ፍሉይ ውጽኢት እኩብ ድምር ዓወታት፡ ተጐርባ፡ ተስነይ፡ ዓሊ ግዲር፡ ኣቑርደት፡ ከረን፡ ደቀምሓረ፡ ናቕፋ መንደፈራ፡ ምጽዋዕ፡ ዓዲ ዃላ፡ ሽዕብ፡ መረብ፡ ቆሓይንን ካለኦትን እምበር ሃንደበት ካብ ሰማይ ዝነጠበ ዓወት ኣይነበረን። ነዚ ሓቂዚ ንሕና እንተከሓድናዮ ወይ ሓደ ትሕቲ እቲ ካልእ ክንሰርዕ እንተፈተና፡ እዘን ዝተጠቕሳ ሰፋሕቲ ውግኣት ዝተኻየደለን ዕድለኛታት ዓውድታት እውን ኣፍ ኣውጺአን ባዕለን ዝምስክራ እየን።

ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብዘን ንኣብነት ዝተጠቕሳ ዓውዲ ውግኣትን ካለኦትን ጅግንነት ክፍጸም እንከሎ እቶም ተዓወትን ሰማእታታትን ብዙሓት እዮም። “መላኣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ” እንተንብል ከኣ ነቲ ኣገላልጻ ምልኣት ይህቦ። ሓቂ እዩ እቲ ብረት ዓጢቑ ንጸላኢ ዘጨንቕ ዝነበረ ተጋዳላይ ግደኡ መሪሕ እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ በሊሕ ጫፍ ናይቲ ግጥም በይኑ ክዕወት ከምዘይክእል ይፍለለጥ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ መተካእታ ዘይነበሮ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ደገፍ ካብ ምጽዋዕ ዓዲ ኣይወዓለን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ ኣይኮነንዶ ተጸዊዑ ከይተጸውዐ እውን ታሪኽ ዘይርሰዖ ብበበይኑ ኣገባብ ዝግለጽ መልሲ ሂብሉ እዩ።

ኣብቲ ናጽነት ንምውሓስ ዝተኻየደ ነዊሕን መሪርን ጉዕዞ፡ ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ እቲ ኣብ ሰውራ ዘሎ ብረት ዝዓጠቐ ተጋዳላይ በይኑ ከምዘይኮነ ምስ ተረድኡ፡ ከምቲ “ዓሳ ከተጥፍእ ባሕሪ ኣንጽፍ” ዝበሃል፡ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ሰውራኡ ጠቕሊሉ ምእንቲ ክርሕቅ ንዝፈራራሕ ኣፈራሪሖም እዮም። ንዘይተጻዕደ ከኣ ጨፍጪፎም እዮም። ናይዚ ሓለገት ክሳብ ሕጂ’ውን ኣይሃሰሰን። መግዛእታዊ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ ነቲ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨኪኑ “ሰውራ ወይ ሞት” ዝብለሉ ዝነበረ ማዕበል ክገትኦ ከምዝይክእል ክርዳእ ግዜ ኣይወሰደሉን። ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ስርዓት ከምቲ “ገረብ ብሓኽላ” ዝበሃል ንህዝብና ኣብ ሕድሕዱ ከናቑቶ ፈቲኑ እዩ። ኣንጻር ከምዚ ዓይነት ውዲታት ህይወቶም ዝሃቡ ኤርትራውያን ከኣ ኣካል ናይቶም ንዝኽሮምን ንክብረቶምን እነስተንትነሎም ጀጋኑ እዮም።

“ሳዕስዕሞ ሳዕስዕ ሓዳርካ ኣይትረስዕ” ከም ዝበሃል፡ ሕጂ’ውን ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምድሓን ዕማም፡ ስዉኣት ብምምጓስን ብምዝካርን ጥራይ ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኮነን። “ክብርን ዝኽርን ሰማእታትና ብኸመይ እዩ ዝግለጽ? ተተግቢሩ ዶኸ?” ኢልና ክንሓትት ግድን እዩ። እዚ ሕቶ ንዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ናጽነት ኤርትራ’ውን ዝምጥን እዩ። ምእቲ እዛ ለዋህን በዓልቲ ረዚን ታሪኽን ኤርትራ ዝሓለፉ ሰማእታትና ክንዝክር እንከለና፡ ንድሕሪት ምምላስ ንቡር ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ነዚ ዝኽሪ ናብ ህልዊ ኩነታትና ምምጻኡን ብኣኡ ደረጃ ምምዛኑን እዩ። ሎሚ ሰማእታትና ክንዝክርን ከነኽብርን እንከለና ዘሕጉሰናን ዘሕብነናን’ኳ እንተኾነ፡ ሕድሮም ኣኽቢርና ራህዋ ከነንግስ ዘይምብቃዕና ከኣ ክንሓብኦ እንተደለና’ውን ዘይሕባእ ድኽመትና እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ሕጂ ቅነ መበል 27 ዓመት ዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ናጽነት፡ ናጽነት ንምውሓስ ዝሓለፉ ሰማእታት ክንዝክር እንከለና ዓጽሞም ይወግኣና ቃሎም ከኣ ይወቕሰና ከምዘሎ ከቶ ክንዝግዕ ኣይግበኣናን። ምኽንያቱ ብሰንኪ ዓንቃጺ ባህሪ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ባህጎም ከነውሕስ ስለ ዘይበቓዕና። ስለዚ፡ እዚ ዘለናሉ ኣጋጣሚ ዝኽርን ክብርን ሰማእታትና ከነጽንዕ ቃል እንኣትወሉ እዩ።

ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ሓቢርና ንዛረብ ከነስምዕ!

ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ!

Monday, 21 May 2018 08:50

ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ምብጻሕ

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ትምህርቲታት ካብ ዑዉት ምስግጋራት

ብ

ኣብረሃም ኤፍ. ሎዌንዛልን

ሰርጅዮ ቢታርን

ቶርኋሚ

ሰመረ ተስፋሚካኤል ሃብተማርያም

ኣብረሃም ኤፍ. ሎዌንዛልን: ዘይተቐማጢ ዝለዓለ ኣባል ማሕበር ምሁራን ትካል ብሩኪንግስን፡ መስራቲ ኣመሓዳሪ ናይ ዝርርብ ኣብ ነንሕድሕድ ኣሜርካውያንን ‘ዩ።

ሰርጅዮ ቢታርን: ኣቦ-መንበር ናይ ቺለ መስረተ ዴሞክራሲን፡ ዘይተቐማጢ ዝለዓለ ኣባል ማሕበር ምሁራን ዝርርብ ኣብ ነንሕድሕድ ኣሜርካውያንን ‘ዩ። ካብ 1994 ክሳብ 2002 ድማ ኣባል ላዕለዋይ ባይቶ ናይ ቺለ ነበረ።

ክልቲኦም ከኣ ኣሳናዳእቲ ናይታ ዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋራት: ዝርርብ ምስ መራሕቲ ዓለም (ማሕተም መክበብ ጃን ሃብኪንስን፥ ኣህጉራዊት ሓሳብ 2015ን፡) እዚኣ ጽሕፍቲ ‘ውን ካብኣ ዝተወሰደት ‘ያ።

ሰመረ ተስፋሚካኤላ ሃብተማርያም: ቶርኋሚ ናይዛ ጽሕፍቲ እዚኣን: ዋና ፈጻሚ መድረኽ ሃገራዊ ዘተን: ደራሲ ናይ ክልተ ብእንግሊዝ ዝተሓተማ መጽሓፍቲ: “ልብታት ከም ረጋቢት” (ታሪኻዊት ልቢ-ወልድን): “መንጸብረቕታት ኣብ ታሪኽ ተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስትያን ሓበሻ (ኢትዮጲያን ኤረትራን)” (መጽሓፍ ታሪኽ) ‘ዩ።

ዳርጋ ሓሙሽተ ዓመት ኣቢሉ ይገብር፡ ማዕበል ተቓውሞ ሓፋሽ ንግብጻዊ ውልቀመላኺ ሑስኒ ሙባረክ ካብ ስልጣኑ ቦርቂቑ ባሕጎጎ። መብዛሕቲኦም ናይ ውሽጥን ናይ ወጻእን ተዓዘብቲ፡ ግብጺ ኣብ ጎደና ዴሞክራሳዊ መጻኢ ከም ዘላ ኣመኑ፡ ገሊኦም ‘ውን ካብኡ ሓሊፎም ዴሞክራሲ ኣብ ዝብጻሕ በጺሓ’ያ ኢሎም ኣወጁ። እንትኾነ እቲ መሓመድ ሙርሲን ሰልፊ እስላማዊ ሕውነታዊ ማሕበር ንናጽነትን ፍትሕን ዝተዓወተሉ ውድድር ምርጫ ጎንጽን ምግምማዕን ኣኸተለ፡ ኣብ 2013 ድማ፡ ድሕሪ ቡዙሕ ናይ ሓፋሽ ተቓውሞታት፡ ጀነራል ዓብደል ፈታሕ ኣልሲሲ ንስልጣን ብወተሃደራዊ ዕልዋ ኣቢሉ ተባሕቶ። ካብዛ እዋን ንደሓር ስርዓት ሲሲ ልዕሊ ሓደ ሽሕ ገባራት ቐተለ፡ ልዕሊ ዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ኣሰረ፡ ንመራኸቢ ቡዙሓንን በርጌሳዊ ሕብረተሰባትን ስረሓቶም ንኸየካይዱ ብዙሕ ጸቕጢ ገበረ።

ኣብ ጥቓ ግብጺ እትርከብ ቱንስ ግዳ ድሓን ከደት። እቲ ማዕበል ዓረባዊ ምልዕዓል ኣብ 2010 እዩ ጀሚሩ፡ እቲ በቲ ሰውራ ቱንስ ተመሪሑ ዝኣተወ ዲሞክራሳዊ መንግስቲ ከኣ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብሂወቱ ኣሎ። ኣብ ሓንቲ ካብተን ቀንዲ ኣገደስቲ ዝኾና ዕማማት ተዓዊቱ፦ ስምምዕ ኣብ ሓድሽ ቅዋም፡ ነዚ ጻማ ኣቓሊባ’ያ ‘ውን እታ ሽማግለ ኖቤል ነተን ኣብቲ ምስግጋር ንጡፋ ተራ ዝነበረን ኣርባዕታውያን በርጌሳውያን ሕብረሰባውያን ማሕበራት ናይ ሰላም ብልጨኣ ዝሰለመተን። ናይ ቱንስ ደሞክራሲ ግን ከይተረረ ለይለይ እናለ፡ ብስግኣት ፖለቲካዊ ጎንጺን፡ ጸቕጢ ኣብ ተቓወምቲ ዝወርድን፡ ምግሃስ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን እንዳተጠቐዐ ይርከብ። ኣብ ኲባ እውን ድሕሪ ክንደይ እቶም ዝኣርጉ ዘለዉ መላኽቶት ገዛእቲ ጽጋነታት ንምትእትታው ይጅምሩ ስለ ዘለዉ፡ እቲ ዲሞክራሳዊ መጻኢ ተስፋታት ይግበረሉ ኣሎ። ኣብ ምያንማር (ከምኡ እውን ብበርማ ትፍለጥ)፡ ዋላ’ኳ ብቡዙሓት ጸገማት ዝተሰነየ ይኹን እምበር፡ ሓደ ዘይምዕሩይ ምስግጋር ቀስ እናለ፡ ምናልባት፡ ካብ ወተሃደራዊ ግዝኣት ናብ መላእ-ኣሳታፊ መንግስትነት የብጽሕ ይህሉ እዩ።  

እንታይ እዩ ዝውስን እቲ ፈተነታት ዲሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ዑዉትን ዘይዑዉትን ክኸውን። ሑሉፍ ተሞክሮታት ገለ ኣስተብህሎታት ይህብ። ስፍሕ ዝበለ ቃለመጠይቓት ምስ 12 ፕረሲደንት ነበራትን ሓደ ቀዳማይ ሚንስተርን፡ ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነ ተራታት ዝተጻወቱ ኣብ ዑዉት ዲሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ኣብ ብራዚልን፡ ቺለን፡ ጋናን፡ ኢንዶኒዝያን፡ ሜክሲኮን፡ ፊሊጲንስን፡ ፖላንዳን፡ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃን፡ ኢስፓኛን ኣካይድና። ዋላ’ኳ ገሊኦም ኣብ መላኺ ስርዓት መራሕቲ ዝነበሩ እንተኾኑ፡ ንሃገራቶም ናብ ኣድማዒ ዲሞክራሲ መሪሖም ዝሓገዙ ኢዮም። ኤፍ. ዳብሊው. ዲ. ክላርክ፣ ከም ፕረሲደንቲ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ምስ ኔልሰን ማንዴላን ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ኣፍሪቃን (ሃ.ጉ.ኣ.) ተደራዲሩ ነቲ ዓሌታዊ-ፍልያ (ኣፓርታይድ) ኣብ መወዳእታ ከም ዝበርስ ጌርዎ። እቲ ምኽትል ፕረሲደንት፡ ኣብ ጥሕቲ ነዊሕ ግዝኣት መላኺ ኢንዶኒስያ ዝነበረ፡ ዳሕራይ በቲ ዘጋጠሞ ዓቢ ተቓውሞ ካብ ስልጣኑ ባዕሉ ዝተሳናበተ ሱሓርቶ፡ ቢ. ጀይ. ሓቢቢ ፕረሲደንት ኮነ፡። ሽዑኡ ሓቢቢ ነቶም ኩሎም ናይ ፖለቲካ ኡሱራት ፈተሖም፡ ዕዮ ማሕበራት ብዕሊ ኣፍቀደ፡ ፕሬስ ምምያ ጠጠው ኣበለ፡ ሓደሽቲ ፖለቲካውያን ሰልፍታት ክምስረታ ኣፍቀደ፡ ከምኡ ‘ውን እቲ ሕግታት ፖለቲካ ናይ ኢንዶኒስያ ቀይሮ፡ ንቅዋማዊ ዲሞክራሲ መንገዲ ጸረገ።

          ካልኦት መራሕቲ ‘ውን ጉሉሓት ነበሩ ኣብቲ ንምብራስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዘብቀዐ ምንቅስቓሳት ተቓውሞን፡ ኣስዒቡ ‘ውን ርጉኣት ዲሞክራሲታትን ንምህናጽ ዝሓገዘ። ኣብ 1990፡ ድሕሪ ምምላስ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ፓትሪሽዮ ኣየልዊን፡ መራሒ ተቓውሞ ኣንጽር እቲ ንነዊሕ ዝገዘአ መላኺ ቺለ፡ ጀነራይ ኣውጎስቶ ፒኖሸ፡ ናይ ሃገሩ ቦኽሪ ዝተመርጸ ፕረሲደንት ኮነ። ድሕሪ ዴሳዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ፖላንዳ፡ ታድዮሲዝ ማዞዊኪ፡ ካቶሊካዊ ሊቕን መራሒ ምሕዝነት ማሕበር ዕዮን፡ ቦኽሪ ቀዳማይ ምኒስተር ኮነ።

ከምኡ’ውን ምስ ናይ ድልድላት መራሕቲ፡ ክልተ ኣእጋሮም፡ ሓደ ኣብ ውልቀ-ምልኪ እቲ ካልእ ኣብ ዴሞክራሲ ዝረገጸ፡ ቃለመጠየቓት ኣካየድና፦ ከም ኣብ ደሳዊት መንግስቲ ፖላንዳ ካቢነ ምኒስተር ዝነበረን ከምኡውን ኣብታ ንፖላንዳ ዲሞክራሳዊት ማዕጾ ከተርሑ ዘምረሐት ከባብ ጠረፔዛ ዘተ ዝተሳተፈን ኣለክሳንደር ክዋስኒዊስኪ። ኣስዒቡ ‘ውን ከም ፕረሲደንት፡ ዲሞክራሳዊ ትካላት ፖላንዳ ክህነጽ ሓገዘ። ኣብ 1986 ፊዴል ራሞስ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ውልቀምልካዊ ስርዓት ናይ ፈርዲናንዶ ማርኮስ ዝለዓለ ማዕርግ ዝነበሮ ናይ ውትድርና በዓል መዚ፡ ነቲ ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕ ሰልፍታት ህዝባዊ ሓይሊ ተሓወሶ። ኣስዒቡ ድማ ከም ሚንስተር ምክልኻልን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኣብቲ ድሕሪ ማርኮስ ዝመጸ ደሞክራሲ ካልኣይ ፕረሲደንት ኮነ።

          ዋላእ’ኳ ዝሰፈሑ ማሕበራውያንን በርጌሳውያንን ፖለቲካውያንን ሓይልታት ኣገደስቲ ተራታት እንተተጻወቱ፡ እዞም መራሕቲ እዚኣቶም ግን ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ሃገሮም ኣብቲ ዑዉት ምስግጋር ቀንዲ (መፍትሕ) እዮም ኔሮም። እዞም መራሕቲ እዚኣቶም ኣብ ምብራስ ምልካዊ ስርዓታት ዘብቅዑን፡ ኣብ ቦትኦም ብዝተሃንጹ ቅዋማውያን ዲሞክራስታት፡ ብስሩዕን ኣብ ገግዚኡ ዝግበር ብመጠኑ ፍትሓዊ ዝኾነ ምርጫታት ዝተኸሉን፡ ኣድማዒ ዝኾነ ልጓማት ኣብ ፈጻሚ ሓይልን ተግባራዊ ዝኾኑ ዋሕሳት ናይ መሰረታውያን ፖለቲካውያን መሰላት ክትከኡ ሓጊዞምን፦ ካብዞም ለውጥታት እዚኣቶም ‘ውን ንድሕሪት ዝተገልበጡ የለውን። ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ገሊአን ሃገራት ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ምግስጋስ መሳርሕ ይርከብ፡ እዚ ምስግጋር ግን ነቲ ምቅርራሕ (ዝርጋሐ) ስልጣን ኣተግባርነት ፖለትካን ብመስረቱ ለዊጥዎ። ናይ ብሓቂ፡ ሓንቲ እኳ የላን ንኹሉ ዓቐናት ማዕሪኡ ክትከውን ትኽእል ኣርኣያ ዲሞክራሳዊ ለውጢ። እንተኾነ ዝሓለፉ ምስግጋራት፡ ገለ ብሓፈሽኡ ክትግበሩ ዝኽእሉ ትምህርትታት ይውከፉልና። እቶም ዴሞክራሳውያን ጸገንቲ እንካን-ሃባን ኢሎም ክጋደፉን፡ ነቲ ቀስ ኢሉ ዝስስን ግስጋሰ ካብ’ቲ መላእ-ኣጠቓላሊ ፍታሕ ብቐዳምነት ክሰርዑን ድልዋት ክኾኑን ኣለዎም። ልፍንትታት ክሃንጹ፡ ኢዶም ክዝርግሑ ንገለ ምስቲ ክግልብጥዎ ዝደልዩ ስርዓት ዘገልግሉ ዘለው፡ ከምኡ’ውን ምስ ሕቶታት ፍትሕን ፍዳን ክጠማጠሙ ይግብኦም። ከምኡ’ውን እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ኣብ ትሕቲ ምቁጽጻር ገባር ከእትውዎ ኣለዎም። እቶም ካብ ዑና ምልካዊ ስርዓታት ዴሞክራስታት ክሃንጹ ዝግደሱ፡ እዘን ዝስዕባ ዝበለጻ ተግባራት እናተኸተሉ ዕጫታት ዓወተም ከመሓይሹ ይኽእሉ።

ምምድማድ ‘ቲ ባይታ

ቅድሚ እቶም ዝተመርጹ ፖለቲከኛታት ኣብ ሰልጣን ምዕራጎም ኣቐዲሙ ግዜ ሓይኹ ኢዩ ሓደ ዕዉት ዲሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ዝጅምር። ብመጀመርያ እቲ ተቓውሞ እኹል ህዝባዊ ደገፍ ክረክብ ኣለዎ፡ እንድሕር ናይቲ ስርዓት ናይ ምግዛእ ዓቕሚ ክምክትን ንነብሱ ከኣ ከም ተኣማኒ ተዋዳደራይ ስልጣን ከቕርባን እንተኾይኑ። መራሕቲ ተቓውሞ ሰልፍታት (ሸብሮታት) ክሕብሕቡን፡ ምእሳርን ምስቓይን ምስጓግን ን ናይ ተቓወምቲ ክኹንኑን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ናይ’ቲ ስርዓት ሃገራውን ኣህጉራውን ወግዓውነት ክብሕግጉን ኣለዎም። እዚ መብዛሕቲኡ ግዜ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ተቕውሞ ዘሎ ዓሚቕ ፍልልያት ናይ ሽቶታትን፡ መሪሕነትን፡ ዕርድታትን፡ ሜላታትን ድልድላት ሰሪሕካ ምጽባቡ ይሓትት። እቶም መብዛሕቲኦም ቃለመጥይቓት ዝገበርናሎም መራሕቲ ምስግጋር፡ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ብትግሃት ነቲ ፍልልያት ንምፍታሕን፡ ሰፊሕ ልፍንትታን ናይ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ምህናጽን፡ ኣብ ሓበራዊ መደብ ንፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን፡ ማሕበራዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን፡ ሰራሕተኛን፡ ተምሃሮን፡ ሃይማነታዊ ትካላትን፡ ቀንዲ ናይ ውኒን ረብሓታትን ንምጥማሮም ዝሰርሑ እዮም። እቲ ምሕዝነት ማሕበር ዕዮ፡ ኣብ ፖላንዳ፡ ብቐረባ ምስ ናይ ተምሃሮ ማሕበራትን፡ ሊቃውንትን፡ ባእታታት ናይ ካተሊካዊት ቤተክርስትያንን ሰሪሑ። ተቓውሞ ብራዚል ነቶም ናይ ኢንዳስትርታት መራሕቲ ነቲ ጉዳይ ከምዝድግፍዎ ጌሮም። ኣብ ኢስባንያ እቶም ተቓወምቲ ጉጅለታት ነቲ ዝነበሮም ፍልልያት ናብቲ ናይ 1977 ዋዕላ ሞንክልዋ ዘብጸሐ ልዝባት ፈቲሖም፡ ኣብ’ቲ እዋን ምስግጋር ከመይ ጌሮም ነቲ ቁጠባ ከም ዘመሓድርዎ ተሰማመዑ።

          እቶም ተቓውሞ ንክሓብሩ እንድሕር ዝፈሽሉ ኮይኖም እቲ ትጽቢት ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ዝኾነ ቦታ ብኣንጻሩ ይህሰ። ኣብ ቨንዚወላ፡ ነቲ መንግስቲ ማዕረ ክንደይ ተፈጣጢ ኰንካ ትገጥሞ ኣለካ ዝብል ዑቱብ ፍልልያት፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ነቲ ተቓውሞ ዓንቂፍዎ ኣሎ፡ ነቲ ብልሹው ቁጠባዊ ምሕደራ ናይ’ቲ ስርዓት በዝቢዙ ከኣ ኣብ ራብሕኡ ከውዕሎ ኣይከኣለን። ኣብ ሰርብያ፡ ኢስሎቦዳን ሚሎሰቪክ፡ ድሕሪ ስልጥን ምሓዙ፡ በቲ እንዳነሃረ ዝኸይድ ዝነበረ ክገዝእ ዘብቅዖ ምልካዊ ባህሪ ገለ ከመስግኖ ዘለዎ፡ እቲ ብሓንሳብ ሓቢሩ ስሙር ግንባር ከቕርብ ዘይከኣለ ሰርብያዊ ተቓውሞ እዩ። ኣብ ዩክረይን፡ እቲ ናይ 2004-5 ሰውራ ቡርቱካን፡ ነቲ ውጽኢት ምርጫ ሰፊሕ ምድንጋር ኔርዎ ኢሉ ዝግመት ከም ዝክልበጥ ገበሮ። ዴሞክራስያውያን ትካላትን ግዝኣት-ሕግን ዝያዳ ከይምዕብሉ ግን እቲ ዝነበረ ፍልልያት ኣብ መንጎ ጸገንቲ ንቕድሚት ነቕ ከምዘይብል ጌሩ ቐፈዶ፡ ንዳግማይ ዓሰርት ዓመት እውን ናብ ምልከ ውሕዳንን ፖለቲካዊ ብልሽውናን ኣስዓበ። ከምኡ’ውን ምንቅስቓስ ዲሞክራሳዊ ተቓውሞ፡ ምስቶም ኣብ ዝሓለፈ እዋን ምስ’ቲ ስርዓት ዝተሓጋገዙ ዝነበሩ ሕጂ ግን ድልዋት ዝኾኑ ንመደብ ዲሞክራስነት ክሕግዙ ድልድላት ክሰርሕ የድልዮ። እምበኣር ደመክራሳውያን ጸገንቲ ብኣንጻሩን ብቐጻሊን ከመሓላልፍዎ ዘለዎም ራኢ ንቕድሚት ዝቕነዐን ኣወንታውን ኮይኑ፡ ነቲ ብምልካውያን ስርዓታት ዝንዛሕ ፍርሒ ኣብ ውሽጢ ህዝቢ ከይሓድር ክግጠምን፡ ኣብ ሑሉፍ ቅሬታታት ምትኳር ፋይዳ ዘይብሉ ዝገብርን ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ምስኡ ምስኡ ከኣ፡ ነቶም ጎንጺ ምኹናን ዝኣበዩን ወይ ድማ እንካን-ሃባን ዘየፍቅድ ኣውራጃውን ብሄራውን ጉጅላውን ርእሰ ምምሕዳር ጠለባት ዘቕርቡን፡ ኣብ ደረት ከም ዝውሰኑ ምግባሮም።

          ንተቓውሞ ምሕባር ግን ኡኹል ኣይኮነን፡ ደሞክራስያውያን ሓይልታት ነቲ ፍልልያት ኣብቲ ውሽጢ፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ዘሎ ስርዓት፡ ክርድእዎን ክብዝብዝዎን ይግባእ። ነቶም ኣብቲ ውሽጢ ስርዓት ዘለው ባእታታት ንለውጢ ርሕዋት ክኸኑ ምዕጋብን፡ ጸገንቲ ዝእመን ዝኾነ መብጽዓታት ክገብሩን፡ ሕነ ከይፈድዩን ንብረት ናይቶም ኣብቲ ስርዓት ሰብውሻጠ ዝኾኑ ከይግብቱን። ምንቅስቓሳት ተቓውሞ ኣትሪሮም ክሰርሑ ይግባእ ቁቡላት ተማጕቲ ናይቶም ኣብቲ ውሽጢ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኮይኖም መዋጽኢ ዕርዲ ዝድልዩን፡ ከምኡ ምስኡ-ምስኡ ‘ውን ነቶም ፈጺሞም ነቲ መልእኽቲ ለውጢ ዝነጸግዎ ክነጽልዎምን። ንኣብነት፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ዕርዲ ናይቲ ብራዚላዊ ጸጋኒ፡ ፈርዲናንዶ ሄንሪከ ካርዶሳ፡ ንባእታታት ናይቲ ውትህድርና ኢዶም ሰዲዶም መዋጽኦ ዝድህስሱሉ ዝስሕብ ነበረ።

          እቶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዘለው ግን ኣድላይነት ምርሓቕ ካብቲ ምልካዊ ግዝኣት ዘስተብሃሉ፡ ነቲ ናተይ ዝብልዎ ደጋፊ ብግዴኦም ኣለይመለይ እናበሉ፡ ምስኡ-ምስኡ ከኣ ምስቲ ተቓዋሚ ጊጅለታት ዝላዘቡ መገድታት ምርካብ የድይዮም። እቲ ደ. ክላርክ ብ1989ን 1990ን ምስ ኣባላት ካቢንኡ ዝገበሮ ናይ ቆጥቋት መናፈሻ (ቡሽ ርትሪት) ከም መርኣያ ናይዚ ክውሰድ ይከኣል። ኣብዚ ዝርርብ እዚ፡ ቅድሚ እቲ ድራማዊ ዝኾነ ስጉምትታት ምእዛዙ፡ ኣብ ውሽጢ ካቢንኡ ምስጢራዊ ሓበራዊ ስምምዕ ከጥሪ ክኢሉ፥ ንሃ.ጉ.ኣ. ሕጋዊ ምግባርን፡ ኔልሰን ማንዴላን ካልኦት ፖለቲካውያን ኡስራትን ምፍታሕን፡ ዘተ ብዕሊ ምኽፋትን። ኣብ መጀመርያ፡ ከም ኣድላይነቱ፡ እቲ ቀታዊ ርክብ ኣብ መንጎ ተቓውሞን ስርዓትን ብስቱር ክግበር ይከኣል፡ ልክዕ ‘ውን እቲ ፈለማዊ ርኽክባት ኣብ መንጎ ሰበ-ስልጣን መንግስትን ወከልቲ ሃ.ጉ.ኣ.ን ከምኡ ‘ዩ ኔሩ፡ ኣብ መፋርቕ 1980ታት ካብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ወጽኢ ኮይኑ ‘ዩ ዝተኻየደ። ዘይዕላዊ ዝርርባት፡ ከም ናይ ፖላንዳ ከቢብ ጠረቬዛ ምይይጥ፡ ንኣባላት ስርዓትን ዲሞክራሳዊ ተቓውሞን ንክራዳድኡን፡ ንክልሻት ምስዓሩን፡ ብሓንሳብ ኴንካ እትሰርሓሉ ዝምድናታት ምጥራይን ይሕግዝ። ከም ደ. ክላርክ ዘቕለበሉ “ዝኾነ ግርጭት ክትፈትሖ ኣይትኽእልን እንድሕር እቶም ሰብ ነገር ነንሕድሕዶም ክዘራረቡ ዘይከኣሉ…ኣብ ዝኾነ ንግግር ከትዕወት እንተደኣ ኮንካ ነብስኻ ኣብ ቦታ ናይቲ ካልእ ኣቐሚጥካ ክጥምታ ኣለካ፡ ሓደ ብዓይኒ ጉዳይ ናይቶም ካልኦት ጠሚቱ እተን ብመጠኑ ዝወሓዳ ጠለባት ክውስን ኣለዎ (ናይቲ ካልእ ሸነኽ) እንድሕር ናታቶም ምትሕግጋዝን ኣወንታዊ ተሳታፍነትን ኣብቲ መሳርሕ ንግግር ከረጋግጽ ኮይኑ።”

          ኣብዚ መላእ መሳርሕ፡ እቶም ጸገንቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ‘ቲ ስርዓት ጸቕጢ ክገብሩ፡ ቀጻሊ ዓወት ንምጭባት ከኣ ስግኣት ዘለዎም ስጉምትታት ክወስዱ ኣለዎም፡ ዋላ’ኳ ዘገም እናለ በብቑሩብ ዘተግብሩ ስጉምትታት ይኾኑ። እንካን ሃባን ኢሎም ማእከላይ ፍታሕ ንምርካብ ድልዋት ክኾኑ ኣለዎም፡ ዋላ’ኳ ‘ዚ ንገለ ኣገደስቲ ዝኾኑ ዒላማታት ፍርቂ ዓወት ጥራሕ ዘጨብጥን ንገለ ኣገደስቲ ደገፍቲ ዘባሳጩን እንተኾነ። መብዛሕቲኡ ግዜ፡ እቲ ዝያዳ ትብዓት ዘድልዮ፡ ነቲ ዝለዓለ መርገጻት ምንጻግ እምበር፡ ነቲ ሰሓቢ ክንሱ ግን ዘይተግባራዊ መትከላት ኣጥቢቕካ ምሓዝ ኣይኮነን። ምስግጋርራዊ-ምትግባር ዕማም ናይ ሃሜናዊ ኣይኮነን።

          ንኣብነት፡ ኣብ ጋና፡ መራሒ ናይታ ሓዳሽ ሓርበኛዊት ሰልፈ፡ ጃን ኩፈኦር፡ ነቲ ኣብ 1992 ምርጫ ዝነበረ ናይ ሰልፉ ኣብያ ነጺጉ፡ ነቲ ናይ 1996 ምርጫ፡ ሰልፉ፡ ዋላ ትሰዓር፡ ክትሳተፎ ከም ዘለዋ መጎተ። ኣብቲ ናይ 2000 ምርጫ ኣስዒቡ ዝመጸ ናይ ኩፉኦር ዓወት፡ ስልጣን ብምርጫ-ሳጹን ኣቢሉ ናብ ሰላማዊ ምስግጋር ንኸምርሕ ኣብቀዐ፡ እዚ ን15 ዓመት ዝቐጸለ ኣገባብ ‘ዩ።ከምኡ ‘ውን ኣብ መክሲኮ፡ ኤርኔስቶ ዘዲሎ፡ ዋላ’ኳ ጉሉሕ ኣባል ናይታ ንነዊሕ ዝገዘአት ትካላዊት ሰውራዊት ሰልፊ (ት.ሰ.ሰ.) ይኹን እምበር፡ ነቲ ምስ ተቓውሞ ተላዚቡ ዝተሰማምዓሉ፡ በብቑሩብ ዝመጽእ ጽገና መሳርሕ ምርጫ፡ ድሕሪ ናይ 70 ዓመት ኣብ ስልጣን ምህላው፡ ቅጽጽር ከስተልሙ ኢልካ ዘይትጽበየሉ ዝነበረ እዋን፡ ደገፉ ሃበ። ኣስዒቡ ‘ውን ከም ፕረሲደንት ዝያዳ ለውጥታት ክገብር ተሰማመዐ ብዛዕብ ኣማውላ መኸተ-ምርጫን፡ ከምኡውን ንምሕያል ናይ ምርጫ ሰበ-ስልጣናት ዝተለመ ጽገና ደገፈ፡ እዚዩ ከኣ ነቲ መንገዲ ዘርሓዎ፡ እቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዘይተረኣየ ምስግጋር ስልጣን ካብ ት.ሰ.ሰ. ናብ ተቓውሞ ኣብቀዐ።

          እቲ ኣብ ምንጻግ እንካን-ሃባን ኢልካ ዝርከብ ማእከላይ-ፍታሕ ተጠጅኡ ዝጸንሕ ሓደጋ ብንጹር ኣብ ናይ ግብጺ ጉዳይ ተራእየ። ኣብቲ ሓጺር ዝእዋኑ ግዝኣት ሕውነት ኣስላም፡ እታ ጉጅለ ኣብ ኣስላማዊ መደብ ኣጥቢቓ ጸቒጣ ሓድሽ ቅዋም ነደፈት፡ እዚ ከኣ ዓቢ ክፋል ናይቲ ሕብረተሰብ ኣነጸለ። ኣብ ቺለ፡ እቶም ሑሉፋት ጸጋማውያን ዝኾኑ ኣባላት ተቓውሞ “ኩሉ ዓይነት ቃልሲ” ዝብል እምነት፡ እንኮላይ ጎንጺ ዘጠቓለለ፡ ኣንጻር ስርዓት ፒኖሸ ደገፉ። ኣብ 1996 ኣቢሉ መብዛሕቲኡ ምንቅስቓስ ተቓውሞ ነቲ ውልቀምልክነት ካብ መንበር ስልጣኑ ብሓይሊ ከውርድዎ ከምዘይከኣል ተሰቆሮ፡ እቲ ዝነበረ ዝምድና ምስ ሑሉፋት ጸጋማውያን ግን ነቲ ምስሊ ተቓውሞ ኣባላሸዎ። ብኣንጻሩ ናብ ሰላማዊ ውድድራት ኣቕነዑ፡ ንኩሉ ትኸውን ሃገር ንክሃንጹ ከኣ ተመጻብዑ። እዚ ኣቀራርባ ነቲ ኣብ 1988 ዝተኻየደ ምርጫ፡ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኦጎስቶ ፒኖሸ ንክዕወቱ ሓገዘ፡ ነዚ ምርጫ ቡዙሓት ኣብ ተቓውሞ ክኣብይዎ ይደልዩ ኔሮም።

ገባራትን ጸታን

ምግልባጥ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ሓደ ነገር ‘ዩ፡ ምምሕዳር ግን ኣዝዩ ካልእ። መብዛሕቲኡ ግዜ፡ መራሕቲ ምስግጋር፡ ቅድም ቤቶም ከጽርዩን ከም ብሓድሽ ክጅምሩን፡ ጸቕጢ ይገጥሞም፡ ነዚ ግን ክነጽግዎ ይግባእ፦ ምኽንያቱ ምምሕዳር ትርኢታትን፡ ሰራሕተኛን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ካብቲ ኣብ ተቓውሞ ዘድልዩ ፍልይ ዝበሉ ክእለታትን ስለ ዝጠልብ ። ተቓውሞ ሓንሳብ ስልጣን ምስ ጨበጠ፡ እታ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ኣገዳሲት ዝኾነት ተቓዳዲምካ ክትውሰድ ዘለዋ ስጉምቲ፡ ጎንጽታት ምቕሃምን ጸታዊ ስርዓት ምምላስን ክንሳ፡ ምስኣ ከኣ ጎኒጎና ኩሎም ሓይልታት ጸታ ካብ ሕጊ ወጻኢ ዝኾነ ንጥፈታት ከይገብሩ ምርግጋጽ እያ። እቶም ቃለመጠይቓት ዝገበርናሎም ብጣዕመ መሳጢ ዝኾነ ዝርዝራት ኢዮም ኣዘንትዮም ብዛዕባ ‘ቲ ንነዊሕ ዝጸንሕ ብድሆታት እቲ ኣብ ሞንጎ ገባርን ወተሃደራትን ዘጣጥሕ ዘሎ ዝምድናታት። ቀልጢፎም ጸገንቲ ብዝከኣል መጠን፡ ንኩሎም ኣገልግሎት ጸታ ኣብ ትሕቲ ዲሞክራሳዊ ገባራዊ ቁጽጽር ከእትውዎም ኣለዎም፡ ምስኡ-ምስኡ ከኣ ነቲ ዕላዊ ተራ ናይዚ ኣገልግሎት ክፈልጥዎን ከኽብርዎንን፡ እኹል ንዋታት ክህብዎምን፡ ነቶም መራሕቶም ከኣ፡ በቲ ኣብ ሑሉፍ ዝገበርዎ ምድቋሳት፡ ካብ ኩሉ ኣልማሚ ዝኾነ ሕነ ክከላኸልሎም ይግባእ። ነዚ ንምዕዋት እቲ ፖሊስን ውሽጣዊ ስለላ ኣገልግሎትን ካብቲ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ጠሪሹ ክፍለ ኣለዎ። መራሕቲ ኣብ ‘ቶም ፖሊስ ሓድሽ ኣረኣእያ ከስርጹ ኣለዎም ብዛዕባ ‘ቲ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ፡ ሓላፍነት ሓይሊ ጸታ ንምክልኻል እምበር ንምድቋስ ገባራት ኣይኮነን፡ ንተራጸምቲ ጉጅለታት ፈሕ ከተብል ዓቕሚ ናይዚ ሓይለ ከተዋሕዶ ኣይግባእን ኢሎም ከተኩርሉ ይግባእ። ጸገንቲ ነቶም ኣብ ሃስያንን ጨካን መጸቀጥቲን ዝወዓሉ ላዕለዎት ሰብመዚ ካብ ስልጣን ከርሕቕዎኦም፡ ነቶም ዓበይቲ ኣዘዝቲ ወተሃደራት ኣብ ትሕቲ ቀጣ ትእዛዝ ገባራዊ ምኒስተራት ምክልኻል ክኾኑ፡ እቶም ንጡፍ ግቡኣት ዘለዎም ወተሃደራዊ ሓለፍቲ ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ተሳተፍነት ክቕጠቡ ከም ዘልዎም ኣጥቢቕካ ምርግግጽ ይግባእ።

          ከምዚ ዓይነት ስጉምትታት ክትብሎም ይቐልል ካብ ከተተግብሮም፡ ኣብ ግብሪ ምውዓሎም ከኣ በሊሕ ፖለቲካዊ ፍርድን ትብዓትን ይሓትት። ኣብ ገለ ኩነታት እዚኦም ስጉምትታት ኣቐድምካ፡ ኣብ እግረ ተኽሊ፡ ክትዛረበሎም ትኽእል፡ ኣብ ገሊኡ ግን ፡ ንውሕ ዝበለ ግዜ ክወስዱ ኢዮም። ካብ መጀመርታ ግን ቀዳምነትን ከምኡ ‘ውን ቀጻልነቱን ዘረጋግጽ ሓለዋ ክወሃቦም ይግባእ። ከምቲ ሓቢቢ ዝገለጾ ብዛዕባ ዝምድና ገባርን ወተሃደራትን ኣብ ኢንዶኒስያ ክትንትን ከሎ፡ “እቶም ምስግጋር ዝመርሑ…ከርእዩ ኣለዎም፡ ብዘረባ ወይ ጽሑፍ ዘኮነስ፡ የግዳስ ብተግባር፡ ኣገዳስነት ገባራዊ ቁጽጽር።”

          እቶም ዓበይቲ ገባራውያን ሰብመዚ፡ ሓላፍነት ምቁጽጻር ሓይልታት ጸታ ዝሓዙ፡ ፈላጣት ክኾኑን ብዛዕባ ጉዳያት ጸታን፡ ከምኡ ‘ውን ኣኽብሮ ክህልዎም ይግባእ ኣብቶም ማዕሪኦም ዝኾኑ፡ ኣብ ወተሃደርነትን ፖሊስን ስለላዊ ኣገልግሎትን ዘለው መራሕቲ። እዚ ከቢድ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኣብተን ዲሞክራሳውያን ምንቅስቓሳት ብጎንጺ ምስ ኣገልግሎት ጸታ ዝተራጸማ፡ ኣብ ህላወ ሕድሕደ ዘይምትእምማን ዝቕጽል፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ገባራዊ ክእለት ብወተሃደራዊ ጉዳያት ቁንጣሮ ኣኽብሮ ምስ ዝህሉ።

          መራሕቲ ምስግጋር፡ ነቲ ዝሓለፈ ስርዓት ተሓተቲ ንምግባርን፡ ነቲ ናይ ሓይሊ ጸታ ፍናኑን ስነስርዓቱን ንምዕቃብ ዘሎ ድልየትን፡ ሚዛኑ ክሕልው ኣለዎም። ኣብ መንጎ ናይ ቀደም ርጉማት ተጻላእቲ ዝነበሩ ሰላማዊ ሕድሕደ ምቅብባል ክሕብሕቡ ኣለዎም--ቀሊል ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን። ሽዑ ጥራይ እዮም ዜጋታት ነቲ ተጻባኢን ኢወግዓውን ኢሎም ብዙሓት ብጠገለ ነጺገሞ ዝነበሩ መንግስቲ ክቕበልዎ ዝጅምሩን፡ ሽዑ ጥራይ ‘ዮም ‘ውን እቶም ሓይልታት ጸታ ምስ ዜጋታት፡ ምስቶም መነዓዓብቲ ኢሎም ዝሓስብዎም ዝነበሩ፡ ምሉእ-ብምሉእ ዝተሓጋገዙ።

          እቲ ሓደ ካብቲ ንሓደሽቲ ዴሞክራስታት ዘጋጥመን ኣዝዩ ግዜ ዝወስድ ብድሆታት ነቲ ጸታዊ ኣገልግሎት ኣብ ትሕቲ ገባራዊ ቁጽጽር ምእታው እዩ። እቲ ናይ ግብጺ ዲሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ዘፍሸለ፡ ከርሰ ነገሩ እቲ ዝቐጸለ ልዕልነት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ዝተመርጸ ትካላት ሓለፋ ዘለዎ፡ ናይ ግብጽዊ ወተሃደራዊነት እዩ። ኣብ ብዙሕ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት፡ ከም በዓል ጋምብያን ማይነማርን ታይላንድን፡ እቲ ዝያዳ ኩሉ፡ ኣብ ዕዉት ዲሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነ ዕንቅፋት፡ እቲ ገባራዊ ስልጣን ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓይልታት ጸታ ዘይምህላው እዩ።

እቲ ቅዋማዊ ብድሆ

ነቲ ወተሃደራዊ ኣብ ትሕቲ ገባራዊ ቁጽጽር ምእታው፡ ነቶም መራሕቲ ምስግጋር ንሃገራዊ እምነትን ኣህግራዊ ወግዓውነት ንኽረኽቡ ከተባብዕ ይሕግዝ። ከምኡውን፡ እቲ ምዕባለ ምርጫዊ መሳሪሕታት ድሌት ናይ ቡዙሓን ዘንጸባርቕን፡ ነቶም ኣብ ምርጫ ዝተሰነፉ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ሻቕለቶም ኣብ ትሕቲ ሕጊ ከም ዝኽበር ክረጋገጽ ከሎ ‘ዩ። ኣብ መብዛሕቲአን ሃገራት ምንዳፍ ሓድሽ ቅዋም ግድነታዊ ‘ዩ፡ ኢንዶኒስያ ግዳ፡ ነቲ ናይ 1945 ቅዋም ገለ ዓንቀጽት ጥራሕ ለዊጣ ዓቀበቶ፡ ፖላንዳ ‘ውን፡ ንምሉእ ሓድሽ ቅዋም ክሳብ ሓያሎ ዓመታት፡ ድሕሪ ምውዳቕ ዴስነት ዝሓልፍ ኣየጽደቐቶን።

          ሰፊሕ ቡዙሕነት ዘለዎም ተሳተፍቲ፡ ኣብ ምንዳፍ ቅዋም ክሳተፉ ይግባእ፡ እቲ ቅዋም ነቲ ዋና ዝኾነ ሻቕሎት፡ ናይ ቀንዲ ኣገደስቲ ዝኾኑ ክፋላት ሕብረተስብ፡ ምእታን ክፈትሕ፡ ዋላ‘ኳ ‘ዚ ንግዜያዊ፡ ንዲሞክራሲ ዝገትእ መሳሪሕታት ምቕባል እንተኾነ። ኣብ ግምት ክእቱ፡ እቲ ን25 ዓመት፡ ድሕሪ ምዕናው ስርዓት ፒኖሸ፡ ዘቐጸልዎ ኣድልዎ ዝነበሮ ምርጫዊ ኣገባብ፡ ነቶም ወተሃደራዊን ዓቃባውያን ጉጅለታትን ኣፎም ንምዕባስን ኢዶም ንምጥማርን ኢዩ ኔሩ፡ ከምኡ’ውን ምሃብ ቦታ ምኽትል ፕረሲደንት ንመራሒ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ። ሓድሽ ቅዋም ሰፊሕ ደገፍ ክረክብ እንተኾይኑ፡ ምናልባት ምስኡ ልኡላት ባህግታት ምሕባርን፡ ኣድሒሩ ከኣ ምስሓብን፡ ወይ ‘ውን ዘገም እናለ ክትግበር ምግባሩ የድሊ ይኸውን፡ ከም’ቲ ኣብ ናይ 1988 ቅዋም ብራዚል ሁንጡይ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባውን ስንዳአታት፡ ሰፊሕ ናይ ዕዮ መሰላትን ሕርሻዊ ጽገናን ኣድማሳዊ ኣገልግሎት ጥዕናን ዝጸወዐ።  

          ዋላ ‘ኳ ኣብ ሓደ ቅዋም እቲ ትኽክልኛ ኣጣቕማ ቃላት ኣገዳሲ ይኹን ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ኣገዳሲስ፡ ብከመይን መዓስን ብመንን ክጽድቕ ከሎ ‘ዩ። እቶም ተለምቲ እቲ ቅዋም ሰፊሕ ተቐባልነት ክረክብን፡ ከምኡ ‘ውን፡ ኣብ ኩነታት ብዘፍቅዶ፡ ንምጽጋኑ ኣጸቢቑ ቀሊልን ወይ ‘ውን ተግባራዊ ዘይኮነን ንኸይኸውን ክዕወቱ ኣለዎም። ቡዙሓት ‘ዮም ንናይ ኣይልዊን ቅዋም ዝነቐፉ፦ እታ ናይ ሓቂ ሽማግለ ኣብ ቺለ “ክሳብ ዝከኣል” ጥራሕ ‘ያ ፍትሒ ከተውህብ ዝሃቀነት፦ የግዳስ እቲ ሽዑ ዝተኻአለ፡ ዓመታት ምስ ሓለፈ ከኣ ዝያዳ ገፈሐ። እቲ ቀንዲ ሽቶ ክኸውን ዘለዎ ከመይ ጌርካ ሰፊሕ ተቐባልነት ብዛዕባ መሰረታውያን ሕግታት ዲሞክራሳዊ ምውሳእ ትምስርት ‘ዩ። ከምቲ ድሕሪ ዓሌታዊ ግዝኣት ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ካልኣይ ፕረሲደንት ዝኾነ ታቦ እምበከ ዝተገንዘቦ፡ “ኣገዳሲ ‘ዩ ኔሩ እቲ ቅዋም ብመላእ ህዝቢ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ክውነን፡ ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ ድማ እቲ ናብ ምትላም ቅዋም ዘብጸሐ መሳርሕ ንኩሉ ዘሳትፍ ክኸውን።”

          እቲ መሳርሕ ንደገፍቲ ናይቲ ሑልፍ ስርዓት ዘሳትፍ ከኸውን ኣልዎ፡ ውሕስነት ከኣ የድልዮም፡ መሰላቶም ኣብ ትሕቲ ሕጊ ከም ዝኽበር። ንኹሎም ሰበስልጣናት ነበር ብኣልማማ ምኽሳስ ለባም ኣይይኮነን። እቶም ሓደሽቲ መራሕቲ ክምስርትዎ ዘለዎም እምበኣር ግሁድ ሕጋዊ ኣገባባት ንምድህሳስ ሓቂ ብዛዕባ ሑሉፍ ዓመጻትን፡ ንግዳይ ኣደዳ ዝኾኑ ምፍላጥን፡ ምናልባት ‘ውን ካሕሳ ምሃብን፡ ኣብ ዝከኣለሉ ‘ውን ነቶም ዓቢ ገበን ዝፈጸሙ ኣብ ሕጊ ምቕራብ። ዋላ‘ኳ ሙሉእ ዕርቂ ዘይኸውን እንተኾነ፡ ሕድሕደ ምጽውዋር ግን ግድነታዊ ሽቶ ‘ዩ። እንካን-ሃባን ዘለዎ ማእከላይ ኣፈታትሓ፡ ደጊም-ደጋጊም ኣድላዪ ‘ዩ።

ሚዛን ዘሕልዉ ግብረታት

ዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር እግሪ እናተኸለ ከሎ፡ እቲ ህዝቢ ነቶም ዴሞክራሳውያን መራሕቲ ‘ዩ--ሓንሳብ-ሓንሳብ ‘ውን ንዴሞክራሲ ባዕላ—ንቁጠባውን ፖለቲካውን ትጽቢታት ከማልኡ ብዘይምኽኣሎም መብዛሕቲኡ እዋን ዝወቕሶም። ንውልቀመላኺ ስርዓት ክቃወማ ዝሓበራ ምንቅስቓሳት ክበታተና ይኽእላ። እቶም ሓደሽቲ ሰበስልጣናት ነቲ ዘይተርፍ ዓሚቕ-ዝስሩ ኣመላት ብልሽውናን ዘይምስላጥነትን ይወርሱ። እተን በርጌስ ሕብረተሰብ ውድባት፡ ንኣንጻር ምልኪ ዝተኻየደ ተቓውሞ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ዘበርከታ ሓንሳብ-ሓንሳብ ይቁንቁና ወይ ‘ውን ኣዕናዊ ዝኾነ መርገጻት ይኽተላ፡ ብፍላይ ድሕሪ ‘ቶም መብዛሕቲኦም ወሓላሉ መራሕተን ኣብ መንግስቲ ወይ ኣብ ሰልፊ ፖለቲካ ክኣትው ከለው።

          ምህናጽ ኣወንታዊ ዝምድናታት ኣብ መንጎ ‘ቲ ሓድሽ መንግስትን ‘ቲ ሓድሽ ተቓውሞን ቀጻሊ ብድሆ ‘ዩ። ውድድር ኣብ መንጎ መንግስትን ተቓውሞን ንዴሞክራሲ ጥዕና ይህቦ፡ ሙሉእ ዕግተት ብተቓውሞን ወይ ምድቋስ ነቐፌታ ብመንግስቲን ከኣ ብቕጽበት ንዴሞክራሲ የዕንዎ። ሓደ ነጻ ፈራዲ ኣካል፡ ብዘይ ምዕጋት ቡዙሓት ሓደሽቲ ተበግሶታት፡ ንፈጻሚ ተሓታቲ ክገብሮን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ሓደ ነጻን ሓላፍነታውን መራኸቢ ሚድያ ንሓዳሪ ዴሞክራሲ ክስረት ይሕግዝ።

          ፖለቲካውያን ሰልፍታት ውን ኣገዳሲ ተራ ይጻወታ፡ እንድሕር መጎዓዝያ ናይ ፍሉያት ውልቀሰባትን ኣዕሩኽቶምን ካብ ምዃን ተቖጢበን። ብኣገባብ ዝተወደባን በዓል መደባትን ዝኾና ዴሞክራስያውያን ሰልፍታት እቲ ዝሓሸ ካብ ኩሉ ደርቢ ዝመንጩ ህዝቢ ዝዋሰኣሉ ባይታ ዝህብ፡ ኣድማዒ ጸቕጢ ዝሕብሕብን፡ ንሕንጻጻት ዕንጋላዊ ሓግዝ ከውህብ ዝወዳድብን፡ ህዝባዊ ጠለባት ዝኣሊን፡ ክኢላታት መራሕቲ ዘለልን ዘማዕርግንን። ኣመዓባብላ ሓያላት ሰልፍታት ጡንቁቕ ጠመተ ኣብ መሳርሕታትን ተዋሕስነት ኣመራርጻ ተወዳደርቲን፡ ምምዋል መኸተ ምርጫን፡ ኣክሰስ ናብ መራኸቢ ብዙሕን። እቲ ንዲሞክራሳዊ ምሕደራ ኣብ ጋናን ኢንዶኒስያን ፊሊፒንስን ቀጻሊ ብድሆታት ኮይኑ ዘሎ ብሓደ ሸነኽ ህላውነት ድኹማት ፖለቲካውያን ሰልፍታት ‘ዩ።

          ዋላ‘ኳ ‘ቲ ንምስግጋር ዝውልዕ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ቁጠባዊ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ጠንጥታት ይኹን እምበር፡ ነቲ ሓድሽ መንግስቲ፡ ከይ ወዓሉ ከይ ሓደሩ፡ ቀዳምነት ዝኾንዎስ ቁጠባዊ ብድሆታት እዮም።   ድኽነትን ስራሕ-ኣልቦነትን ምቕናስ ምስ ዘድልዩ ቁጠባዊ ጽገናታትን፡ ንናይ ርሑቕ-ጠማቲ ዕቤትታን ማላእ-ቁጠባዊ ርግኣትን ዘጠንክሩ ክጋራጮ ይኽእል። ቅድሚ ‘ቲ ሓያል ህዝባዊ ደግፍ ምጽንፋፉ፡ እቲ መንግስቲ ከተግብሮም ዘለዎም ማሓበራዊ ስጉምትታት፡ እቲ በቶም ብቐረባ ዝጥቅዑ ክፋል ሕብረተሰብ ተጸሩ ዘሎ መከራታት ከቃልልን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ፈናንሳዊ ሓላፍነት ከተግብርን ‘ዩ። እቶም ብምልኦም ዘጽናዕናዮም መራሕቲ ምስግጋር ዕዳጋ ዝኣንፈቱ ኣቀራርባን ጥንቑቕ ማላእ-ቁጠባውን ገንዘባውን ፈናንሳዊ መምሪሒታትን እዮም ተኸቲሎም፡ ነዚ ብጥንቃቐ ዝገበሩ ከኣ ካብ ምንብድባድ ህዝባዊ ፍርሒታት ንምድሓን፡ እቲ ህዝባዊ ረብሓታት ከኣ፡ ነቶም ፉሉይ መሰል ዘለዎም ዝተሸጠ ከይኸውንን። ዋላ’ውን እቶም ኣብ መጀመርያ ንነጻ ዕዳግ ተጻባእቲ ዝነበሩ፡ ኣብዛ ብቐጻሊ ዓለምለኸ እንዳኾነት ትኸይድ ዘላ ቁጠባ፡ ዕዳጋታትን ከምኡ’ውን ምስኡ ጎኒጎኑ ኮይኑ ፍትሓዊ ቁጠባዊ ምዕባሌ ከምጽኣ ዝኽእላ ሓየልቲ ማሕበራዊ መምሪሒታት፡ ኣድለይቲ ምኻነን ተቐበሉ።

          ዴሞክራሲ ከም‘ዚ ብምልኡ ናይ ቀረባ ታሪኽ ምዕራባዊ ምትእትታው ኣብ ምእከላይ ምብራቕ ዘርእዮ፡ ዝስደድ ኣቕሓ ኣይኮነን። ናይ ደገ ተዋሳእቲ ግን ፡ መንግስታዎን ዘይመንግስታውን፡ ንዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ብኣድማዕነት ክሕግዝዎ ይኽእሉ እንድሕር ነቶም ናይ ውሽጢ ሓይልታ ኣኽቢሮምን፡ ኣብቲ ንሶም ዝዓደምዎም እንተተዋሲኦምን። እቶም ነቲ ስቕታዊያን ዲብሎማሲታት፡ ኣብ መንጎ መራሕቲ ተቓውሞንን ኣብ መንጎ ተቓውሞን ወከልቲ ‘ቲ ስርዓትን፡ ሓንሳብ-ሓንሳብ ኣድላዪ ዝኾነ ኩነታት ክቕርቡ ይኽእሉ። ማዕዳ ክህቡ ይኽእሉ ኣብ ቡዙሓት ተግባራውያን ዛዕባታት፡ ካብ ከመይ ጌርካ መኸተ ተካይድን፡ ክሳብ ከመይ ጌርካ ንመራኸቢ (ሚድያ) ኣድማዒ ጥቕሚ ትገብረሉን፡ ኣብ መውዳእታ ‘ውን ከመይ ጌርካ ንምርጫታት ትጓስዮን። ከም ኣብ ፖላንዳን ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃን፡ ቁጠባዊ እንገዳታት ንመጽቀጥቲ ክግታእ ክሕግዙ ይኽእሉ ይኾኑ። ንዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ንምሕጋዝ፡ ሓገዛትን ወፍሪታትን ክህባ ይኽእላ ወጻኢ ሃገራት፡ ከም’ቲ ኣብ ጋናን ፊሊፒንን ፖላንዳን ዝገበረኦ። ኣብ ምስግጋር ግዜ፡ ኣህጉራዊ ቁጠባዊ ሓገዝ ርሑብ ባይታ ንፖለቲካዊ ጽገና ክፈጥር ይኽእል፡ እንድሕር ንምምላስ ቀዳምነታት ውሽጢን፡ ብምምትሕግጋዝ ምስ ናይ ውሽጢ ተዋሳእቲን ዝቐርብ ኮይኑ።

          ዝኾነ እንተኾነ ግን ፡ ኣህጉራዊ ምትእትታው ቦታ ናይ ውሽጣዊ ተበግሶታት ክወስድ ኣይክእልን። ንተዋሳእቲ ደገ ዝያዳ ውጽኢታውያን ዝገብሮም ምስ ዝሰምዑን፡ ሕቶታት ካብ ተመሳሳሊ ብድሆታት ተሞክሮታቶም ዝመንጨወ ምስ ዘልዕሉን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ንውሽጣውያን ተሳተፍቲ ንዛዕባታት ብዝተፈላለየ ማእዝናት ክግምትዎ ከም ዘለዎም ምስ ዘተባብዑ ‘ዩ።

እትልወጥ ዘላ ዓለም

እቲ ናይ ሎሚዘመን ንዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋር ብሓደሽቲ ተዋሳእቲን፡ ስነኪነትን፡ ቁጠባዊ ጸቕጥታትን፡ ጅዮፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ዘኽእል ኩነት ተለዊጡ እዩ። ሕጂ፡ ዝኾነ ሰብ፡ ዓመጽ ናይ ፖሊስ ብኢድ ቴሌፎን ብምምዝጋብ፡ ህዝባዊ ተቓውሞታት ከለዓዕል ይኽእል። ማሕበራዊ መራኸብታት ንህዝባዊ ርኢቶታት ብቕጽበት ክጠዊኦን፡ ንወደብቲ ‘ውን ቡዙሓት ሰዓብቲ ንኽእክቡን የኽእላ። እዚ ሓድሽ ስነኪነት ግን ነቲ ከቢድ ስራሕ ንምህናጽ ትካላት ዝግበር ዝትክእ ኣይኮነን። ከም እቲ ጸጋኒ ዳሕራይ ፕረሲደንት ናይ ብራዚል ዝኾነ፡ ካርዶሶ ዘስተብሃለሉ፡ “እቲ ሽግር ‘ኳ ሓብሒብካ ከተፍርስ ቀሊል፡ ንኽትሃንጽ ግን ብጣዕመ ከቢድ ስለ ዝኾነ ‘ዩ። እቲ ሓድሽ ስነ-ኪነታት ባዕሉ እኹል ኣይኮነን ነታ ትመጽእ ስጉሚት ንቕድሚት ክወስዳ።” ከም ኩፉኦር ዘቐመጦ፡ “እቶም ሓፋሻት ትካላት ክሃንጹ ኣይኽእሉን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ‘ዩ መሪሕነት ዘድሊ።”

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዓመታት፡ ማሕበራዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን በርጌሳዊ ሕብረተስብኣዊ ውድባትን፡ ብኣህዛዊ ምምርባብትን (ድጂታል ኔትወርኪን) ዝተመሓየሸ፡ ምናልባት ኣብ ልዕሊ ውልቀመለኽቲ ስርዓታት ጸቕጢ ጌሩ ብዝያዳ ዝዝውተርን ዝያዳ ኣድማዒን ክኸውን ‘ዩ ካብ ዝሓለፈ እዋን። እንተኾነ ግን እዘን ምንቅስቓሳት እዚኣተን ንፖለቲካውያን ሰልፍታትን መራሕትን ክትከአአን ኣይኽእላን። እዚኦም ተዋሳእቲ እዮም ኣብ መውዳእታ ትካላት ዝሃንጹን፡ ምርጫውን ምምሕዳራውን ልፍንቲታት ዝነድቁን፡ ህዝባዊ ደገፍ ዝኸስቡን፡ መምርሒ ሕንጻጻት ዘዳልዉን ዘተግብሩን፡ ምእንቲ ሓበራዊ ሰናይ መስዋእትታት ዝሓቱ፡ ዲሞክራሲ ክኸውን ከም ዝኽእል ኢሎም ንህዝቢ ኣተባቢዖም ዘእምኑን ብኣድማዒ ከኣ የማሓሓድሩ። ትካላት የድልዩ ‘ዮም፡ ምስኡ’ውን ዓቕሚ ናይ ምርዳእን፡ መሳሪሒታትን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ዝፈታትን መሪሕነትን ንነዊሕ ክኸይድ ዝኽእልን።

ኣብ ናይ ቀረባ፡ ተሞክሮ ግዛኣተ-ነብሲ ዘይብለን ሃገራት፡ ዝሰርሕን ዕንጋሊታውን ዴሞክራሲታት ምህናጽ ከቢድ ‘ዩ፡ ለይለይ ዝብላ ማሕበራውያንን በርጌሳውያንን ውድባትን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ቡቑዕ ኣገልግሎትን ጸታን ክረጋግጻ ዝኽይላ ዱኹማት መንግስታዊ ትካላት እንዳኾና። ኣብ ተሪር በሄራውን ጉጅላውን ኣውራጃውን ፍልልያት ዘለውን ሃገራት፡ ከቢድ ‘ዩ ንክትምስርት ዴሞክራሲ። ዝኾነ ኮይኑ፡ እተን ብዴሞክራሲ ዝተመርጻ መንግስትታት ብውልቀመለኻዊ ክገዝኣ ይኽእላ፡ ነቲ ዴሞክራሳዊ ግዝኣት ዝጠልቦ ሓጋጋውን ፈራዳውን ልጓማት እንዳኸተታን እንዳኣዳኸማን ብቀለዓለም ኣገባብ እንዳሓዛ። ንምዃኑ እዝኤን ሃገራት እየን ብልክዕ ሁጹጽ ዝኾነ ዴሞክራሳዊ ለውጢ ዘድልየን። ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ኩነታት፡ ዋላ ‘ውን ኣብቲ ኣዝዩ ዝተመቓቐለ ሃገራት፡ እዘን ብድሆታት ክትጋጠመን ከም ዝከኣል ኣብነታት ናይ ጋናን ኢንዶኒስያን ፊሊፒንስን ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃን ኤስፓኛን ኣርኢዩ ‘ዩ።

ሎሚ ካብ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ፡ ንዝያዳ ዝተመሃሩ መንእሰያት ሓብሒብካ ኣብ ህዝባዊ ሜዳታት ሰልፍታት ክገብሩ ይከኣል፡ ብፍላይ ዋሕዲ ስራሓት ምስ ዝህሉ። እቲ ብድሆ ግን ከመይ ጌርካ ብቐጻሊ መሰረት ንነበርቲ ፖለቲካውያን ሰልፍታትን ትካላትን ክሃንጹ እተዋስኦም ‘ዩ። ዴሞክራሲ ካብቲ ኣብ መገድታትይ ዝወጸ እኩብ ህዝቢ ኣይኮነን፡ ብቐታ ወይ ግድነታዊ ኮይኑ ዝወጽእ። ንዴሞክራሲታት ምህናጽ ራኢን ምድርዳር ምስ እንካን ሃባን   ከቢድ ስራሓትን ስኒ ዝነኸሰ ቀጻልነትን ክእለትን መሪሕነትን ከምኡ ‘ውን ገለ ዕድልትን የድሊ። ምስ ዝኹሉ ዕንቅፋታት ግን ዴሞክራሳዊ ምስግጋራት ተዓዊቱ ‘ዩ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ግዜ። እዚ ካብ ዕዉት ተሞክሮታት ዝተረኽበ ትምህርትታ ክቕሰምን ክትግበርን ከሎ ነቲ ውልቀመላኺታት ኣውዲቑ ኣብ ቦትአን ዕንጋሊታውን ዴሞክራሲታት የምጽእ።

Published in Non-Violence Corner
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Friday, 18 May 2018 07:56

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 17.05.2018

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Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 17.05.2018
Published in Radio
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Thursday, 17 May 2018 19:08

Eritrean-Swedish Cultural Group Meets the Mayor of Gothenburg

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Eritrean-Swedish Cultural Group Meets the Mayor of Gothenburg

On 16 May 2018, the new Mayor of the Swedish city of Gothenburg, Ms Ann Sophie Hermenson, received in audience the administrative committee of the Swedish-Eritrean Cultural Association ('Eritrea in Our Hearts') and discussed pressing issues adversely affecting Eritrean refugees in the region.

At opening the meeting, Mr. Tomas Magnusson, chairman of the Swedish-Eritrean Association, explained the various free services provided by the group to Eritrean refugees and listed five main problems encountered by the refugees, which are: 1.lack of residence houses; 2. problems in arranging family reunion;3. difficulties in obtaining residence permits; 4. the problems created by some interpreters who have relation with the Asmara regime; and 5. the recent moves at European level to revise laws in refugee acceptance, even affecting those who already obtained permanent residence permits.

On their part, association committee members Zehaie Keleta and Amjed Yassin, highlighted with concrete justifications the situation in Eritrea and why Eritreans, who now constitute the third largest group in the region, have fled home.

The Gothenburg Mayor said this was the first time for her to meet with the Swedish-Eritrean group and highly appreciated the community services provided by it. She pledged to study and address the queries raised by the delegation of the association and expressed willingness to attend a forthcoming event for celebrating Eritrea's 27 Independence Day.

Her work colleague, young Joseph Akar, who is in charge of education and employment in the city's administration, said this was the third time for him to meet and discuss with the active Swedish-Eritrean group in Gothenburg. He also disclosed that some 60,000 houses are planned to be constructed in the city and that job opportunities will be available for those who learn the Swedish language.

Thursday, 17 May 2018 19:01

ሽወደናዊ ኤርትራዊ ባህላዊ ምሕዝነት ማሕበር ምስ ከንቲባ ከተማ ዮተቦርግ ተራኺቡ

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ሽወደናዊ ኤርትራዊ ባህላዊ ምሕዝነት ማሕበር ምስ ከንቲባ ከተማ ዮተቦርግ ተራኺቡ

ኣካያዲት ሽማገለ ሽወደናዊ ኤርትራዊ ባህላዊ ምሕዝነት ማሕበር (ኤርትራ ኣብ ልብና) ብዕለት 16 ግንቦት 2018 ዓ.ም.ፈ. ኣብ ሰዓታት ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ካብ ሰዓት 15.00 ክሳብ 16.00 ምስ ከንቲባ ከተማ ዮተቦርግ ኣን ሶፊ ሀርመንሶንን ምስ ፖሊቲካዊ ሰክረተር ኣብ ስራሕትን ትምህርትን ንሓደስቲ ስደተኛታት ተቀማጦ ዮተቦርግ መንእሰይ ዮሴፍ ኣካር ኣገዳሲ ምይይጥ ኣካይዶም።


ኣቦ ወንበር ማሕበር ሽወደናዊ ኤርትራዊ ባህላዊ ምሕዝነት ኣቶ ቶማስ ማንግሶን ድሕሪ ዕላማን ንጥፈታት ማሕበር ንሓደስቲ ኤርትራውያን ዝህብዎ ነጻ ኣገልግሎት መእተዊ ገይሩ 5ተ ኣገድስቲ ንኤርትራውያን ዘሸግሩ ዘሎዉ ሕቶታት ማለት፡

1. ጉዳይ ስእነት መንበሪ ገዛቲ።

2. ጉዳይ ምጥርናፍ ስድራቤትን መሰናኽላቱን።

3. ጉዳይ ናይ ሃገር ሽወደን መንነት ንምርካብ ዝጥለብ ዘሎ ግዳዴ ።

4. ጉዳይ ጌጋታት ተርጎምቲ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ኣብዚ ከተማ።

5. ኣብ ምትእትታው ዝርከብ ብደረጀ ኤውሮጳ ዝብል ናይ ስደተኛታት ሓዲስ ሕጊ ….. ንኩሎም ንኤርትራውያን ቀዋሚ ፍቅድ ዝተዋህቦም ዝጋጠሙ ዘሎዉ ሽግራት ሓቢሩ። ቀጺሎም ሓው ጸሃየ ቀለታ ሓው ኣምጀድ ያስሲንን ኤርትራውያ ብብዝሒ ኣብ ሳልሳይ ቦታ ከም ዝኾኑን ነዚ ዘከተለ ከኣ ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ መሪር ሓደገኛ ግጉይ ምምሕዳርን ከቢድ ሃለዋት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንቡርን ብዘይ ብቅሳነት ይነብሩ ከም ዘየለዉ ብግብራዊ ጭብጢ ተረኽቦታት ብምጥቃስ ኣብሪሆም። ከንቲባ ከተማ ዮተቦርግ ኣን ሶፊ ምስ ኤርትራውያን ቦኽሪ ርክባ ምኻኑን ብተገዳስነት ማሕበር ንጥፈታቱን ኣድኒቃ ንዝቀረቡ ሕቶታት ንዓኣ ሓደስቲ ምኳኖም ሓቢራ ምስ ዝምልከተኦም ብዝከኣላ ኣብ ግምት ከተእትዎ ምዃና ቃል ኣትያ ኣብ ዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ናጽነት መበል 27 ዓመት እውን ደስ እናበላ ክትሳተፍ ምኻና ሓቢራ። መንእሰይ ዮሴፍ ብወገኑ ርክብ ኤርትራውያን ንሳልላይ ጊዜ ምዃኑ፡ ምስ ዮናስ ኣተንዩስ ሓላፊ ናይ ትምህርትን ስራሕን ቅድሚ ሕጂ ርክብ ከም ዝተገብረ ሓቢሩ፡ ገለ ካብኡ ኣፍልጦ ከም ዘሎዎን ብጉዳይ ናይ ሽግር ገዛ ልዕሊ 60.000 ገዛውቲ ክህነጽ ምምሕዳር ከተማ መዲቡ ከም ዘሎን፡ ቋንቋ ቀሲምካ ንስራሕ ምርካብ ሽግር ከም ዘየሎ ኣብሪሁ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ገለ ገለ ሕቶታት መሊሱ ንቀጻሊ ተማሳሳሊ ርክብ ክቅጽል ተላብዩ። ኣቦ ወንበር ቶማስ ማንግሶን ንምምሕዳር ክተማ ዮተቦርግ ንጽቡቅ ኣቃባብላን ተገዳስነትን ኣመስጊኑ ኣኼባ ተዛዚሙ።

ናይ ነፍሲሄር ሓርበኛ ዘቢብ ማና ግደይ ስነስርዓት ቀብሪ

ናይ ነፍሲሄር ሓርበኛ ዘቢብ ማና ግደይ ስነስርዓት ቀብሪ

ሓርበኛ ዘቢብ ማና ግደይ ካብ ኣቡኡ ኣቶ ማና ግደይን ካብ ኣዲኡ ወይዘሮ ለተንኪኤል ገብረመድህንን ኣብ መስሓል-ወደከለ ኣውራጃ ኣከለጉዛይ ቦኽሪ ናይ 6 ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ኮይኑ ጥሪ 1955 ዓመተ ምህረት ኣብ ኣስመራ ተወሊዱ። ዕድሚኡ ንትምህርቲ ምስ ኣኸለ ድማ ኣብ ትምህርቲ ተሳቲፉ ክሳብ 10ይ ክፍሊ ተማሂሩ። ኣብ ካላኣይ ደረጃ ቤት ትምህርቲ ዳግማዊ ምነሊክ ኣዲስ ኣበባ አንዳተማሃረ እንከሎ ድማ ከም ኩሉ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ በቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ውዕዉዕ ናይ ነጻነትን ሓርነትን ምልዕዓል ብመግዛእቲ ዘይጻዓድ ልዑል ሃገራዊ ስምዒት ስለዝሓደሮ ትምህርቱ ጠንጢኑ ብ1976 ናብ መሳርዕ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ (ተ.ሓ.ኤ.) ተጸምበረ። ምስ ዝተፈላለያ ኣሃዱታት ኮይኑ እንዳተቓለሰ እንከሎ ድማ ውድብ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ቅልጡፍ ወትሃደራዊ ዕብየት ኣርእያ ካብ ናይ ደረጃ በጦሎኒ ናብ ብርጌዳዊ ስርርዕ ስለእተሰጋገረት ሓርበኛ ዘቢብ’ውን ኣብ ብርጌድ 44 ናይ 2ይቲ ቦጦሎኒ ናይ ከቢድ ብረት ተኳስን ኣተኳስን ኮይኑ ብተወፋይነትን ትብዓትን ተቓሊሱ። ፍልይቲ ናይ ከቢድ ብረት ብርጌድ (ብርጌድ 19) ምስ ተመስረተት ድማ ካብ ብርጌድ 44 ተሳሒቡ ምስ ብርጌድ 19 ኮይኑ ክሳብ ተ.ሓ. ኤ. ብናይ ሕድሕድ ውግእ ተደፊኣ ሱዳን ትኣቱ ብትብዓት ክቃለስ ጸንሐ።

ብ1982 ዓመተ ምህረት ግን በቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ኩነታት ቅድም ናብ ፖርት ሱዳን፡ ድሕሪኡ ድማ 1984 ናብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ ሎስ-ኣንጀሎስ መጸ። ኣብ ሎስ-ኣንጀሎስ ካሊፎርንያ አንዳሰርሐ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ምስ ክብርቲ በዓልቲ ቤቱ ኣስካሉ ኣብራሃም ብምምርዓው ድልዱልን ምውቕን ሓዳር መስረቱ። ብፍቓድ ናይ እግዚኣብሄር ድማ ክልተ ጽብቛት ቆልዑን 6 ደቂ-ደቁን ንኽርኢ ተዓደለ። ሓርበኛ ዘቢብ ምስቲ ኩሉ ናይ ስደት ሃለኽለኽን ናይ ስድራ ሓላፍነት ግን እቲ ብጊሓቱ ዘንቀሎ ናይ ነጻነትን ሓርነትን ባህጊ ከይረሰዐ ሰላማውን ዲምክራሲያውን ቃልሱ ምስ ጨናፍራትን ዞባታትን ናይ ተ.ሓ.ኤ. ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ፡ ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ከምኡውን ምስ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ክሳብ ዕለተ መስዋእቱ ብተወፋይነት ንሃገሩ ከገልግል ዝጸንሐ ውፉይ ተቓላሳይ ነይሩ። ዘቢብ ብቤተሰቡን ፈተውቱን መቓልስቱን ፍትዊ፡ ርህሩህን ዓቃልን ነይሩ።

ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ብዝሓደሮ ሕማም ምኽንያት ግን ብስድራቤቱን ብሆስፒታልን ክእለ ድሕሪ ምጽንሑ ቀዳም ግንቦት 12, 2018 ኣብ ግራንት ሆስፒታል ስድራ ቤቱ ኣብ ዘለውሉ ዕለትን ሰዓትን ብሰላም ዓሪፉ። ናይ ዘቢብ መስዋእቲ ንበዓልቲ ቤቱን፡ ደቁን ደቂ-ደቁን፡ ናይ ቃልሲ ብጾትን ዓቢ ክሳራ እዩ። ንዕኡ መንግስተ ሰማያት፡ ንበዓልቲ ቤቱን ደቁን ደቂ-ደቁን ብጾቱን ፈተውቱን ድማ ጽንዓት ይሃቦም።

ቦታ ናይ ሓዘን፡St. Mary Eritrean Tewahdo Orthodox Church, 1415 Sunbury Rd, Columbus, OH 43219

ሓመድ ኣዳም ዝለብሰሉ ዕለት፡ ቀዳም ዕለት 19, 2018 ኮይኑ ፍትሓት ልክዕ ሰዓት 7፡45 ቅ.ቀ. ኣብ ቅድስተ ማርያም ተዋህዶ ኦርቶዶክስ ቤተክርስትያን ኤርትራ ክካየድ እዩ።ፍትሓት ድሕሪ ምፍጻሙ ድማ ናብ ቦታ ቀብሪ 10፡00 ቅ.ቀ. ጉዕዞ ይኸውን።

ሓመድ ኣዳም ዝለብሰሉ ቦታ፡ Forest Lawn Memorial Gardens

ኣድራሻ፡ 5600 E Broad St, Columbus, OH 43213

የቐንየልና / ሕሰም ኣይትርከቡ። ተወሳኺ ሓበሬታ ምስ እትደልዩ ናብ’ዘን ዝስዕባ ቁጽሪ ተሌፎናት ደዊሉ።                

614-668-2846         614-441-2913             614-559-9999

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Wednesday, 16 May 2018 23:30

ብተንኮላት ህግደፍ ዘይምህማል

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ስርዓት ህግደፍ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ዝሰርዖ ንኹሉ ዝሓለፈ ኤርትራዊ ኣበርክቶታት ጐዓጺጽካ ኣብ ስልጣን ምቕጻል ምዃኑ ብሩህ እዩ። ነዚ ጠላም ሕልሙ ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ብዙሕ ዘይቅዱስ ተንኮላት ከም ዝምህዝ ከኣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ራህዋን ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላትን ብሩህ እዩ። ብሕገመንግስቲ ዘይምምራሕ፡ ኩሉ መሰላት ምዕፋን፡ ብዘይብቑዕ ምኽንያት ምእሳርን ኣሲርካ ናብ ፍትሒ ዘይምቕራብን፡ መንእሰይ ሃጽ ኢሉ ንክስደድ ዘገድድ ዘይርጉእ ኩነታት ምፍጣር፡ ብዘይዕጉስ ኣገባብ ምስ ናይ ርሑቕን ቀረባን መንግስታት ምትንዃል ኩሎም ኣብ ስልጣን ንቕጻል ከግልገለሎ ዝመሃዞ ተንኮላት እዮም።

ስርዓት ህግደፍ እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ተንኮላት ስለ ዘይኣኸሎ  ከም ቀንዲ ዋሕስ ኣብ ስልጣን መቐጸሊ ከገልግሎ ኢሉ ዝምህዞ ኣብ ሕድሕድ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ኣባላት ሓንቲ ስድራቤት ጀሚሩ ምትእምማን ከምዘይፍጠር ምግባር እዩ። ማለት ዝኾነ ምኽንያት ፈጢርካ ህዝቢ ከም ዝረሓሓቕን መፍቶ “ከፋፊልካ ግዛእ” ከም ዝኸውንን ምግባርን ቀንዲ ገጽ ናይቲ ስርዓት ዝጥቀመሉ ተንኮል እዩ። እቲ መንግስቲ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰንኩ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ኩነታት ባዕሉ ዝዛረብ ስለ ዝኾነ ክሓብኦ ዝኽእል ኣይኮነን። እቲ ነዚ ንምሽፋን ዝጥቀሞ ተንኮል ንኤርትራን ምስቲ ካብኣ ዝኸፈአ ኩነታት እንዳወዳደረና ናይ “በዓል ሃገር እገለ ዘይትርእዩ” መዝሙር ምዝማር እዩ። ንበዓል ዒራቕ፡ ሱርያ፡ የመን፡ ደቡብ ሱዳን እንዳዘርዘረ “ዓድና ደኣ ሰላም እንድያ ዘላ” ዝብሉ መዳኸርቲ የዋፍር። ብቋንቋ ህግደፍ ሰላምን ምርግጋእን ተዂሲ ብዘይምስማዕ እዩ ዝግለጽ። ግደ ሓቂ ግና ትርጉም ሰላም ካብኡ ዝዓሞቐን ዝረቐቐን እዩ።

እቲ ስርዓትሲ ደሓን፡ ነቶም ኤርትራ ኣብ ዝኸፈአ ደረጃ እንከላ ምስተን ኣብ ኣዝዩ ዝኸፈአ ደረጃ ዘለዋ ሃገራት ኣወዳዲሮም “ኤርትራ ዓድና ጽቡቕ ኣላ” ዝብሉ ወገናት፡ “ምስተን ብደሞክራስያዊ ጸጋአን ትጥቀሙ ዘለኹም ሃገራት ኣወዳዲርካኸ ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ትሰርዕዋ?” ኢልካ እንተትሓቶም መልሶም እንታይ ከም ዝኸውን ፍሉጥ ኣይኮነን። ምስ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሱዳንን ጅቡትን ዘሎ ዘይርጉእ ዝምድና ከኣ እቲ ስርዓትን ደገፍቱን ዝጥቀምሉ መህደምን መሕብእን እዩ።

ኣብ ሓንቲ ሃገር ዘሎ ኩነታትን ምስ ካለኦት ሃገራት ዘለዋ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ዝምድናን ኣብ ሕድሕዶም ከም ዝጸላለዉ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ ነናቶም ፋይልን ኣተሓሕዛን ዘለዎም ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሓደ ስርዓት ውሽጣዊ ሃገራውን ህዝባውን ኩነታቱ ዝውግነሉ ቀጥዒ ኣለዎ። ምስ ካለኦት ሃገራት ንዘለዎ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ዝምድና ዝምልከት ዝጥቀሞ መንገዲ እውን ይህልዎ። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ግና ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ኣብ ስልጣን ናይ ምቕጻል ምስምስ ንክሕግዞ፡ ነዚ ክልተ ፋይላት ደዋዊስካ ምቕራብ ከም ሜላ ይሰርሓሉ ኣሎ። ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘሎ ኩነታት ብ “ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ” ዝግለጽ እዩ። እዚ ኩነታት ክልቲአን ሃገራት ዝባነን ቀሊዐን ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ሃገራዊ ጉዳያተን ከየድህባ ተጽዕኖ ከም ዝፈጥረለን ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ በቲ “ኣይናይሰላም ኣይውግእ” ኩነታት ተሓቢአን ካብ ዝኾነ ካብ ህዝበን ዝቐርብ ጠለባት ክሃድማ ግና ቅቡል ኣይኮነን። መልእኽቱ’ውን ካልእዩ ዝኸውን።

ስርዓት ህግደፍ “ብሰንክቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎና ኩነታት ኢና፡ ብሕገመንግስቲ ዘይንምራሕ፡ ሕቶ ዲሞክራሲ ዘይንፈትሕ፡ ልዕልና ሕጊ ዘይንቕበል፡ እሱራት ናብ ፍርዲ ዘይነቕርብን ኣበየናይ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ከም ዘለዉ ዘይንነግርን ኮይና ዘለና” ይብለና ኣሎ። ሕጂ ከኣ በቲ ባዕሉ ዘሕርፈፎ ዝምድናኡ ምስ ሱዳንን ጅቡትን ነዚ ዕባራን ሸፋጥን ምኽንያቱ ከራጉዶ እዩ። ኣብዚ እተን ኩለን ሃገረንን ህዝበንን ብዘይምስምስ ዝመርሓ ዘለዋ ሃገራት’ውን ምስ ጐረባብተን ኮነ ናይ ርሑቕ ሃገራት ምስሕሓብ የብለንን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ሱዳንን ግብጽን ክብ ለጠቕ ዝብል ናይ ሓላይብ ጸገም ዶብ ኣለወን። እንተኾነ ነዚ ከም መህደሚ ምኽንያት ኣይጥቀማሉን። ነዚ ዝምልከት ብዙሕ ኣብነታት ምቕራብ ይከኣል እዩ። እቲ ስርዓት እዚ ጠፊእዎ ዘይኮነስ ኣዳዕዲዑ እዩ ስርሑ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ። እቶም ናይቲ ስርዓት እኩይ ኣጀንዳ ግዳይ ዝኾኑ ዘለዉ ወገናትናኸ ኣብ ክንዲ ደድሕሪ ተንኮላት እቲ ስርዓት ምንጓድ ኣዚሮም ዘይሓስቡ?

እቲ ስርዓት እዚ ተንኮላቱ እኹል ኮይኑ ኣብ ዘይረኽቦ፡ ኣብ ሕድሕድ ህዝቢ ዘሎ ዝምድና ካብ ዘይምትእምማን ሓሊፉ ናብ ግጭትን ምንቛትን ከም ዝዓርግ ናይ ምግባር ወስታታት ከም ዝወስድ እውን ንዕዘብ ኣለና። ንዝተወሰኑ ነባራት ወነንቲ መሬት ጉልባብ ፈጢርካ ኣመዛቢልካ ካለኦት ነባራት ዘይኮኑ ኣስፊርካ ኣብ ዋንነት መሬት ከም ዝተፋነኑ ምግባር ናይዚ መርኣያ እዩ። እቲ ዝገደደ ድማ ነዚ ብሰንኩ ብጽቡቕ ዓይኒ ዘይረኣኣዩ ወገናት ብጉልባብ “ከባቢኹም ክትሕልዉ” ኣጽዋር ምሃብ። እዚ ኩሉ ተደማሚሩ እቲ ስርዓት ኣብ ሕድሕዱ ዝተፋነን ናብኡ ዘየቕልብን ህዝቢ ንክነብር ዘለዎ ድሌት ዘርኢ እዩ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ዘሎ ዝኸፈአ ኩነታት ዘይተፈጥረሉ ምኽንያት ከኣ ካብ ሰላማውነት ናይቲ ስርዓት ዘይኮነ፡ ብሳላ ትዕግስትን ጹረትን ህዝብና እዩ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ እምብኣር ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ መጻኢ’ውን ብተንኮላት ስርዓት ህግድፍ ከይህመል ኣዕዚዝና ነዘኻኽሮ።

Tuesday, 15 May 2018 14:28

ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኮነ ኢሉ ህዝቢ ከናቑት

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ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኮነ ኢሉ ህዝቢ ከናቑት

ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ከርከበት ንዝርከቡ ነባራት ብስም ምጥርናፍ ዓድታት ካብ መረበቶም ምስ ኣፈናቐለ፡ ኣብቲ ከባቢ ኣብ ዝተሃንጸ ዲጋ “ከተልምዑ ኢኹም” ብዝብል ምስምስ ካብ ርሑቕ ቦታታት ዘምጸኦም ሰባት የስፍር ከም ዘሎ ተፈሊጡ። እቶም ነዚ ብዝምልከት ሓበሬታ ዝሃቡ ምንጭታትና ከም ዝጠቐስዎ ክሳብ ሕጂ 1800 ዝኾኑ ሓደስቲ ኣብቲ ቦታ ከም ዝሰፈሩን እዚ ኣሃዝ’ዚ ናብ 3000 ክዛይድ ግምት ከምዘሎን ገሊጾም። እቲ ስርዓት ነቲ ኣብ ዋንነት መሬት ከጋጥም ዝኽእል ምስሕሓብ ንምብላሕ ነዞም ሓደስቲ ሰፈርቲ “መሕለው ነብስኹምን ንብረትኩምን” ብዝብል ጉልባብ ብረት የዕጥቖም ከም ዘሎ ከኣ እቲ ሓበሬታ ብተወሳኺ ገሊጹ።

እቶም ምርንጭታት እቲ ንነፍሲ ወከፍ ሓዲሽ ሰፋሪ ሓሓሙሽተ ፍዳን ዝዕደል ዘሎ መሬት ዋንነቱ ናይቶም ብጉልባብ ምጥርናፍ ዓድታት ዝተፈናቐሉ ነባራት ምንባሩ ተቒሶም፡ እዚ ህዝቢ ንህዝቢ ዘናቑት ተግባራት ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ኣብ ሩባ ገርሰት ናይ ምድጋሙ መደብ’ውን ተታሑዙ ኣሎ ኢሉም።

እቲ ስርዓት ቅድሚ ሕጂ እውን “ከባቢኹም ክትሕልዉ” ብዝብል ደቂ ኩናማ ንበይኖም ከም ዝዕጠቑ ከም ዝገበረን ሕጂ ድማ ነዚ ፈላሊኻ ናይ ምትፍናን መደባቱ ንምስፋሕ ንደቂ ናራ ንበይንኹም ክትዕጠቑ ስለ እንደሊ ካባኹም ነቲ ዕጡቑ ክመርሑ ዝኽእሉ ምሁራትን ክኢላታትን ሃቡና ይብሎም ኣሎ። እቶም ምንጭታት ከም ዝጠቕስዎ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ከምዚ ስጉምቲ ዝወስድ ዘሎ ህዝቢ እቲ ከባብታት፡ ብዋሕዲ ቀረብን ክብሪ ዋጋን ኣብ ዝለዓለ ናይ ጥሜት ሓደጋ እናሃለወ እዩ። ከም መርኣያ ናይቲ ክብሪ ዋጋ ከኣ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዋጋ ሓደ ኩንታል መሸላ 2000 ናቕፋ ወይ 4000 ጅኔ ሱዳን በጺሑ ኣሎ። ስራሕ ዘይምህላውን ብዘይ ክፍሊት ስረሓት መንግስቲ ክትዓምም ምግዳድን ከኣ፡ ነቲ ኩነታት መመሊሱ ከም ዘግደዶን ብሰንክዚ ህዝቢ ሃገሩ ለቒቑ ክስደድ ይግደድ ከም ዘሎን እቲ ዝበጸሓና ሓበሬታ ገሊጹ።

እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ፡ ኣካላት እቲ ስርዓት ከም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ ህዝቢ ናይ ምብዝባዝ ኣመሎም፡ መብዓሊ መበል 27 ዓመት መዓልቲ ናጽነት ኤርትራ፡ ካብ 5 ክሳብ 500 ናቕፋ ሰሊዖም ብኣስገዳድ የኽፍሉ ከም ዘለዉ እዞም ምንጭታት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓቢሮም።

Tuesday, 15 May 2018 14:00

The New Scramble for the Horn of Africa

Written by

by Martin Plaut

 
 

New Scramble for the Horn

 

The New Scramble for Africa

Jacqulyn Meyer Kantack

Source: Critical Threats, American Enterprise Institute

[Note: the American bases are not shown]

The modern scramble for Africa is intensifying.

A sharp uptick in the expansion of foreign militaries in the Horn of Africa accompanied the growth of economic competition in the region in 2017. China, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates have opened military bases throughout the area in the past two years. The region is strategically important to these states for various reasons: securing shipping routes in the Bab al Mandab Strait, proximity to the ongoing conflict in Yemen, and the desire to array forces in the region alongside rivals including the United States.

  • China has concentrated its military presence in Djibouti near American and other Western forces.
  • The competition between the United Arab Emirates and Turkey in the Horn of Africa has yielded mixed results in Somalia. The Somali Federal Government (SFG) has received significant counterterrorism training support from both nations, as well as humanitarian aid from Turkey. The competition has strained relations between the SFG and Somalia's semi-autonomous regions, however. Somali President Mohammed Abdullahi Farmajo rejected the legitimacy of a 30-year Emirati contract on the port of Berberain Somaliland, for example.[1]
  • The 2017 crisis between Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE exacerbated tensions between Somaliland and President Farmajo after the semi-autonomous government of Somaliland supported the boycott of Qatar, while the SFG remained neutral in the conflict.[2]
 
 

Emirati operations in Yemen relied originally on basing in Djibouti. The UAE invested heavily in Eritrea beginning in mid-2015.[3]The Emirati military now operates from the Assab base in Eritrea and smaller outposts on the Yemeni islands of Socotra and Perim. The UAE is also expanding its presence into Somaliland at the port of Berbera.[4]

  • In 2008, Djibouti agreed to lease the Doraleh Container Port to Dubai-based company DP World.[5]
  • The UAE and Saudi Arabia leased a base in the Haramous district of Djibouti City in April 2015 to support operations during the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen.
  • On April 28, 2015, the UAE and Djibouti broke diplomatic relations due to a conflict between Emirati officials and the chief of Djibouti’s Air Force over the lease and after an Emirati plane landed at Djibouti’s Ambouli International Airport without authorization.[6]
    • Longstanding strained relations exacerbated tensions between the two countries after Djibouti prematurely rescinded a 20-year agreement with Dubai’s DP World to run the Doraleh Container Terminal in 2014.[7]
    • Djibouti ordered the eviction of UAE and Saudi troops from the country the following day.
  • On April 29, 2015, as Djibouti evicted Emirati troops, Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz met with Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki to finalize a 30-year agreement to base Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) operations in Yemen out of Eritrea.[8]The UAE conducted a heavy military buildup at the Assab base in Eritrea in May-July 2015. The UAE also undertook significant infrastructure developments at Assab, including the addition of new deep-water port facilities next to the airfield, the construction of a pier, the expansion of the airfield’s tarmac space and air traffic control system, and the rerouting of major highways and security perimeters around the base.
  • The UAE launched operations from Assab to retake Aden, Yemen in August 2015.
  • Emirati forces have also used the Assab base to train and equip thousands of Yemeni counterterrorism forces.[9]

The UAE opened a military training center in Mogadishu in May 2015.[10]

  • UAE Special Forces fund and operate the base with the goal of training a brigade of Somali National Army soldiers to combat al Shabaab.[11]The facility and training program remain operational.[12]
  • The UAE signed a 30-year lease on the Port of Berbera in Somaliland in February 2017. The base remains under construction, but Emirati ships have docked at the port. Emirati forces are using it to support operations in Yemen.[13]The Yemeni al Houthi movement threatened to strike the Berbera port with ballistic missiles in December 2017.[14]
  • Somali President Farmajo called for the cancellation of the Berbera contract in February 2017.[15]
  • The UAE has funded police and intelligence operations in Puntland and Somaliland.[16]
  • The UAE also took over the management and development of the Boosaaso port in the semi-autonomous Puntland state in October 2017.[17]

The UAE confirmed the presence of its military forces on the Yemeni island of Socotrain May 2017.[18]

  • President Hadi reportedly leased the islands of Socotra and nearby Perim and Abd al Kuri (part of the Socotra archipelago) to the UAE for 99 years before abdicating his position in 2014.[19]
  • The UAE does not appear to be using Socotra to support operations in Yemen. It has only trained soldiers on the island thus far.[20]
  • The UAE also is reportedly building an airstrip and related support facilities on Perim Island to support its operations in southern Yemen.[21]The UAE has not yet established a presence Abd al Kuri.

China opened its first overseas military base in Djibouti’s Gulf of Tadjouraon August 1, 2017.[22]

  • China had used the port in Djibouti since February 2015 but negotiated permission for construction of a permanent military base with President Ismail Omar Guelleh in early 2015.[23]The Chinese began construction on the base in early 2016 and completed construction in July 2017. Djibouti is attractive for numerous reasons, including its proximity to key shipping lanes through the Bab al Mandab Strait and the Suez Canal.Djibouti is attractive for numerous reasons, including its proximity to key shipping lanes through the Bab al Mandab Strait and the Suez Canal.Additionally, China’s new presence in Djibouti alongside major Western powers such as the United States, France, Spain, and Italy indicates its intent of maintaining military capabilities with global reach.
  • The current agreement ensures China’s right to maintain up to 10,000 soldiers in Djibouti through 2025.[24]Approximately 1,000 personnel currently staff the base.[25]
  • China has previously invested heavily in Djiboutian infrastructure, funding upgrades to ports and airports and financing 70% of the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway.[26]
  • China claims that the base will be used to support blue-helmeted peacekeepers and humanitarian operations in Africa, as well as anti-piracy efforts in the Gulf of Aden. China will also likely use the base to protect its economic interests in the region and ensure safe shipping between East Africa and China.[27]
    • China has approximately 2,200 personnel deployed in Africa and 500 others in the Middle East.[28]
    • China claims to have escorted more than 6,000 ships through the Gulf of Aden.[29]

Turkey opened its largest overseas military base in Mogadishuon September 30, 2017.[30]

  • The Turkish military began construction on the base in 2015.
  • Turkey has announced its intention to use the base to train 10,000 Somali soldiers. The base reportedly has the capacity to train 1,500 personnel at a time.[31]
  • Turkey claims that it intends to maintain only 200 troops at the base, but a Turkish official clarified that the opening of the base aligns with Turkey’s prioritization of weapons sales to new markets.[32]
  • Turkey has previously cultivated a strong relationship with Somalia through a combination of direct investment and humanitarian aid.
  • Turkey’s only other operational foreign military base is in Qatar, which houses approximately 5,000 Turkish troops.[33]

Sudan signed an agreement on December 26, 2017 to transfer responsibility for Suakin Islandin the Red Sea to Turkey.[34]

  • Turkey has stated its intent to build a naval dock on the island to support both military and commercial vessels, stating that the agreement “could result in any kind of military cooperation.”[35]
  • The agreement prompted Egypt to deploy hundreds of troops, additional weapons, and military transport vehicles to the Sawa military base in Eritrea.[36]Sudan responded by deploying thousands of troops to the border region of Kassala. Ethiopia similarly sent additional troops to the Eritrean border.[37]The Suakin Island agreement followed decades of disagreement between Sudan and Egypt over the Halaib Triangle border region.[38]

Watch how the new scramble for Africa has developed since 2010:

 
 
A military armoured personnel carrier patrols during the opening ceremony of the new Turkish embassy in Abdiazizi district of Somalia's capital Mogadishu, June 3, 2016. REUTERS/Feisal Omar

September 26, 2017

The Gulf Contest for the Horn of Africa

Jacqulyn Meyer Kantack

Effects of the Qatar crisis have not been contained to the Gulf. The crisis has diplomatic and financial implications for states in the Horn of Africa, where we have observed a competition for influence among the Gulf States and Turkey. Saudi Arabia and the UAE see the Horn of Africa as a strategic opportunity to enhance their capabilities in the Gulf of Aden to support operations in Yemen. Turkey diverges from Saudi Arabia and the UAE in its Horn of Africa priorities: instead of expanding its military presence in the region, Turkey’s strategy involves a combination of heavy investments and commercial contracts, hoping to boost its economic competitiveness in the region. Qatar has largely aligned with Turkey and prioritized a humanitarian response to the drought in Somalia. Long-term, all four countries are looking to counter Iran’s intent to expand its naval capabilities in the region.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt cut formal ties with Qatar on June 5, 2017, resulting in the withdrawal of ambassadors and bans on trade and travel. Saudi Arabia also expelled Qatar’s contingent from the coalition fighting in Yemen. The conflict has bolstered relations between Qatar and Turkey, which has responded to the crisis by providing food aid and recommitting to providing Qatar with increased Turkish military presence.[1]Saudi Arabia originally presented Qatar with a list of thirteen demands, including ending diplomatic and military ties with Iran, cutting ties to all terror organizations, and shutting down Al Jazeera. The list has since been shortened to six demands, but mediation efforts by the US and Kuwait have made no progress in ending the dispute.[2]

Implications for Somalia

Somalia’s strategic location and complex ties with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states placed Somalia at the center of negotiations, with both sides in the Qatar conflict persuading the nation to abandon its neutral stance.[3]

Qatar and Turkey can leverage political ties and substantial humanitarian aid commitments to pressure Somalia to maintain its neutral stance. 

  • Qatar maintains close ties with Somali President Farmajo, whose chief of staff previously worked on his campaign as a liaison with Qatar.[4]The United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia has previously accused Qatar of influencing Somali electoral outcomes through its financing of preferred candidates. Qatar has subsequently lobbied these government officials to support policies that increase Qatar’s commercial competitiveness in Somalia.[5]
  • Both Turkey and Qatar have had long-term commitments to humanitarian aid in Somalia and have increased their support in recent months in response to the drought.[6]
  • Qatar has attempted to hold talks between Gulf States and Somalia, where it encouraged Somalia to maintain its neutrality in the Qatar conflict.[7]Turkey has also been in talks with UAE and Saudi officials, advocating for an end to the embargo on Qatar before the end of Ramadan (which did not occur).[8]Somali officials, however, remain committed to neutrality in the conflict.[9]Somali’s federal government recently criticized the semiautonomous regions of Galmudug, Puntland, and Hirshabelle for cutting ties with Qatar.[10]

The Saudis are leveraging financial aid to pressure Somalia to cut ties with Qatar.

  • Saudi Arabia pledged $50 million in aid to Somalia in January 2017 on the same day the Somali government announced it was cutting ties with Iran.[11]
  • Saudi Arabia offered $80 million to Somalia on June 11 in an attempt to persuade the country to dissolve diplomatic relations with Qatar and reportedly warned Farmajo that it may withdraw all financial aid if Somalia maintains neutrality in the conflict.[12]

The UAE could leverage commercial contracts to influence Somalia’s stance, but it is unlikely to hold much weight as Farmajo already disapproves of the contracts with Somaliland and Puntland. The UAE is more likely to withhold support for Somali defense entities.

  • The UAE recalled its ambassador to Somalia and reportedly deported Somali citizens as public disapproval of Somalia’s neutral stance in the Qatar conflict.[13]
  • The UAE opened a new training center in Mogadishu to train Somalia’s counterterrorism forces in May 2015. It has also provided armored vehicles to Somali forces and pledged in October 2015 to pay Somalia National Army (SNA) salaries.[14]The UAE has no official military presence on the base.

Saudi and Emirati influence secured support from northern Somalia.

  • Both Somaliland and Puntland announced support for the UAE and Saudi Arabia. On June 10, the Government of the Republic of Somaliland issued a resolution in support of the UAE and Saudi Arabia and assertion of its independence from Somalia.[15]Somaliland’s stance might only exacerbate tensions between the Emiratis and Farmajo, who rejects the legitimacy of the contracts. The Puntland administration announced on August 16 that it supported the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and it called on the Somali Federal Government to reconsider its neutral stance.[16]
  • The UAE operates in the Puntland region of Somalia through funding the Puntland Maritime Police Force and Puntland Intelligence Agency.[17]Former Somali Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid of Puntland has been a strong advocate for Somalia to cut ties with Qatar.[18]
  • The Somaliland parliament approved an agreement with the UAE to establish a base in the port of Berbera in February 2017.[19]The base is still under construction, but UAE ships have docked at the port and reportedly intend to use the base for air support in Yemen.[20]
  • Dubai-based port developer DP World has signed contracts to manage the commercial ports in Berbera and Boosaaso Port in the Puntland region.[21]Somali President Farmajo has publicly shown disapproval for the contract with Somaliland and Somali MPs have introduced parliamentary motions against the Berbera Port agreement.[22]

Broader contest for influence in the Horn

Saudi Arabia and the UAE

The two states' presence in the Horn of Africa indicates broader shifts in their strategic goals. Saudi Arabia prioritizes countering the Iranian-backed al Houthis in Yemen and setting conditions to declare victory and end the war. The UAE has used the collapse of the Yemeni state and the war to project its influence further into the Gulf of Aden.

  • The UAE reportedly warned Saudi Arabia to abandon its support for Yemeni President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadior the UAE will abandon the coalition.[23]Relations between the two states are strained by a combination of UAE skepticism toward prospects of a military victory and the UAE’s aversion to political Islamists in the north.[24]These tensions were bolstered by former governor of Aden Aydarus al Zubaidi’s attempted declaration of southern independence, as the UAE has been accused of secretly supporting the secessionist movement.[25]
  • The forced departure of Qatari troops from Yemen could further hinder Saudi progress in Yemen.[26]
  • Sudan’s proximity to the Red Sea is likely too far from the Bab al Mandab for GCC states to see Sudan as worthy of maritime investments. However, GCC states are pursuing strategies in Sudan similar to those in the Horn: Saudi Arabia is prioritizing military aid, while Turkey focuses on humanitarian aid.
  • Sudan severed diplomatic relations with Iran in January 2016 after Iran executed a Saudi cleric.[27]A Saudi deposit of $1 billion into Sudan’s central bank further supports the conclusion that Sudan has shifted its support to the Arab states under Saudi Arabia. Remittances from hundreds of thousands of Sudanese living in Gulf States likely factored into Sudan’s change in position as well.[28]
  • Saudi Arabia has also looked to counter Iranian influence through military assistance. In February 2016 Saudi Arabia diverted military aid from Lebanon to Sudan, amounting to $5 billion.[29]

Saudi Arabia envisions Djibouti as the future center of its operations in the Horn of Africa.

  • Saudi Arabia has had access to Djiboutian airspace and the airfield at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti since October 2015 to support operations in Yemen.[30]
  • The Saudis announced in December 2016 their intentions to upgrade to a full military base there to act as a launching point for operations in Yemen and for interfering with Iranian attempts to supply Houthi forces.
  • Saudi Arabia likely chose Djibouti for its base in part due to the presence of other forces for the purpose of power projection, and as preemptive assertion against Iranian interests in the region.[31]
  • Djibouti has not cut ties with Qatar completely, but “downgraded” its relationship with Qatar, claiming “solidarity with the international coalition combating terrorism and extremist violence.”[32]

The UAE previously operated out of Eritrea, but shifted focus to new military projects in Somaliland.

  • The UAE began construction on the Port of Assab in eastern Eritrea in September 2015.
Monday, 14 May 2018 06:58

Will Donald Yamamoto finish what Susan Rice, Richard Holbrooke and Anthony Lake started?

Written by
Will Donald Yamamoto finish what Susan Rice, Richard Holbrooke and Anthony Lake started?

Semere T. Habtemariam

At the end of April 2018, Donald Yamamoto visited Eritrea, Djibouti and Ethiopia.He is the highest-ranking US diplomat to visit Eritrea in over a decade. Many things have changed in the region, but the one thing that had stayed the same is: the no-war-no-peace stalemate between Eritrea and Ethiopia. With the visible military presence of China in the region, the US finds the normalization of relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia important enough to embark on a new initiative. Yamamoto’s mission was to convey to both governments this new shift in US policy. Reliable sources have confirmed that he had succeeded in obtaining initial support to his initiative. Both governments have agreed in principle while reaffirming their 16-year old positions: demarcate first and then dialogue vs. dialogue first and then demarcate.

Although Yamamoto’s visit to the region was scheduled before the election of the new Prime Minister in Ethiopia, the mere coincidence has given the impression that the change in Ethiopia is beyond a change of personality, but a shift in policy. In his inaugural speech, Prime Minister Abiye Ahmed has said, “we want from the bottom of our hearts that the disagreement that has reigned for years to come to an end,” and urged, “the Eritrean government to take the same stand.”

Actions speak louder than words and the Ethiopian government, under the late Meles Zenawi and former Prime Minister Desalegn Haile Mariam have done nothing to resolve the impasse they’ve unliterary imposed on both countries. They did talk the talk, although, at times with open and veiled threats, inconsistency and equivocation. It should not be forgotten that in April 2003, Meles Zenawi had threatened to reject the ruling if adjustments were not made. On April 13, 2002, the Information Ministry of Ethiopia accused the Eritrean Ethiopian Boundary Commission (EEBC) of misinterpreting the December 2000 Algiers Agreement and the court’s ruling of April 13, 2002.

It is the hope of many that the new Prime Minister will take a new and refreshing initiative aiming at peace and the end of the no-peace-no-war stalemate. It shouldn’t be business as usual.Ethiopia has been playing the same song for the last 15 years but repeating the idea of dialogue often enough doesn’t make it a solution. There is no doubt that Eritrea will enter into a dialogue as soon as the previously agreed decisions are upheld by Ethiopia. Logic dictates so, and so does the EEBC verdict. It is true that Eritrea has also not changed its position since 2003 when the EEBC gave its “final and binding” verdict, but, it cannot be emphasized enough that Eritrea is on the right side of the law; and hence it cannot be held directly responsible for the impasse.

The Eritrean government’s mediocre response to Ethiopia’s diplomacy should not be confused with wrong-doing. Based on the Commission’s interpretation, Eritrea’s position is right; and Ethiopia’s position is wrong. Eritrea has fully complied with the EEBC’s ruling and Ethiopia has not. These are the facts.

The question is: Can Ethiopia and Eritrea dialogue while demarcating and demarcate while dialoguing? In a culture where intransigence is often confused with steadfastness, how does Yamamoto proceed?

Background To The Algiers Agreement:

In 1991, two allied organizations, the Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF), came to power in Eritrea and Ethiopia respectively. They had fought together to defeat the Mengistu regime;and this strategic military alliance became the basis of their bilateral relations between 1991 and 1998.The two leaders, Isaias Afeworki of Eritrea and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, were the embodiment of this unprecedented comity. They travelled together on Meles’ plane; vacationed together in the Red Sea; and Meles had a vacation house in Asmera that is still known as “inda Meles” to this day. However, there was something unsettling about their friendship; it was characterized by mistrust and rivalry. And on May 6, 1998, the two leaders shocked the world when they risked everything and entered into Africa’s biggest and deadliest war.

It was a war of choice, and not necessity (1998-2000), that claimed over 70 thousands lives, millions of internally displaced people, the destruction of property worth in the billions, the deportation of 98 thousands Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin, and the confiscation of their properties and businesses estimated in hundreds of millions of dollars. All these took place in just two years.

The world might not have understood the reasons that led to its sudden eruption, but it knew its cataclysmic effect. The US committed some of its top diplomats such as Susan Rice, Anthony Lake and the late Richard Holbrooke in mediating between the parties. President Clinton was personally responsible for brokering the air moratorium that helped avert the destruction of non-military, economic and development infrastructures.

On December 12, 2000, all became quieton the Zalembessa-Badme-Burie fronts when Eritrea and Ethiopia signed the Peace Agreement in Algiers, Algeria. This gave hope to a brighter future of cooperation and a possible restoration of a once promising cooperation between the two countries. This optimism was further reinforced when both countries accepted the Border Commission’s delimitation ruling in April 2002 and expressed their commitment to cooperate accordingly.

Peoples’ optimism, however, was short-lived when Ethiopia started to equivocate—proving that optimism and good will were predicated on the “in good faith” implementation of the Algiers Agreement.

Although Eritrea’s and Ethiopia’s stated policies (demarcate first and then dialogue vs. dialogue first and then demarcate) are not mutually exclusive, it cannot be emphasized enough that any peaceful resolutions of conflicts will be predicated on in-good-faith compliance to treaties, agreements, rulings, and international law by all member states.

When asked by Mo Ibrahim, in a conference held in Kigali, about the possibility of a new agreement between the warring parties in South Sudan, the former Prime Minister Haile Mariam rightfully responded, “Agreements are signed but never implemented. I don’t see that further (or) more agreements can be signed, but I don’t think it will be implemented as the history shows.”

Inadvertently, Haile Mariam has become the best advocate for Eritrea’s position.

The Algiers Agreement

The Algiers Agreement was the reaffirmation of the Organization of African Unity’s (OAU) Framework Agreement and the Modalities for its Implementation (July 1999) and the Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities (June 2000). Towards this end, the Agreement established two neutral independent commissions:the Eritrean-Ethiopian Boundary Commission (EEBC) and the Eritrean-Ethiopian Claims Commission.

The EEBC was an independent impartial body appointed by the Secretary General of the OAU in consultation with his counterpart at the UN. It was mandated “to delimit and demarcate the colonial treaty border based on pertinent colonial treaties (1900, 1902 and 1908) and applicable international law” (Article 4:2).Although Article 38(2) of the Statue of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) allows the court to rule on the basis of “equitable criteria,” both countries failed to authorize the Commission to “have the power to make decisions ex aequo et bono (according to what is equitable and good).”

Both Eritrea and Ethiopia agreed on the decision to be “final and binding.”

The UN Cartographic Unit would provide technical expertise, serve as the EEBC’s Secretary and perform functions necessary for the Commission. The two countries agreed “to cooperate with the Commission, its experts and other staff in all respects during the process of delimitation and demarcation, including the facilitation of access to territory they control” (Article 4:14).

Eritrea and Ethiopia provided their claims and evidence to the Secretary. The Secretary, in turn, provided his findings to the EEBC by identifying those sections of the border that were not in dispute and when disagreements arose, the parties were allowed to submit additional evidence.

In 2003, the EEBC gave its final ruling on delimiting the border. It transmitted its ruling to both parties, the OAU and the UN, and was ready to demarcate. Ethiopia accepted the ruling “in principle” but refused to allow the EEBC to demarcate.

16 years later, no progress has been made.

The See-saw game:

The regimes in Eritrea and Ethiopia were/are mirror-image of each other. They’ve been through thick and thin together and share a lot in common. But beneath this veneer of commonalities lies a dangerous pathology that is making any attempt of reconciliation impossible. The author believes it is this “personalization” of the conflict that former Prime Minister Haile Mariam was complaining about in his talk with Mo Ibrahim. The TPLF thinks that the border conflict is a Tigrayan and Eritrean issue. Former Prime Minister Haile Mariam has reportedly said that the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict is “yetigre guday ne; it is a Tigre affair.” Tigre is the name the Amhara use to refer to Eritreans and Tigrayans together.

Without delving into the etiology of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border war, it suffices to mention that Eritrea was responsible for the escalation of an otherwise small skirmish into a full-scale war. The Hague ruling has also shown that Ethiopia’s occupation of Badme, the flash-point of the war, is what led Eritrea to take action.

Soon after the war broke out, Eritrea came up with a peace proposal to resolve the conflict. Ethiopia saw Eritrea’s quick move as a confirmation of a dangerous pattern in Eritrea’s behavior of “shoot first and then talk.” As charcoal is to embers and as wood is to fire, so is a quarrelsome Eritrea for kindling strife. (Pr. 26:21)

According to Ethiopia, Eritrea was guilty of Jedwood justice where the alleged criminal is hung first and then tried afterwards. This is why Ethiopia, during the war, insisted on “negotiating while fighting and fighting while negotiating.”

Both Eritrea and Ethiopia have accepted and rejected the so many peace proposals, not on principle but on how well they thought they were doing militarily. They played see-saw with the lives of their own people.

Can Ethiopia now dialogue while demarcating and demarcate while dialoguing?

Eritrea Cannot Suppress its Pessimistic History with the World:

In less than 70 years, Eritrea has been twice short-changed by the UN, US and the international community. Many Eritreans are not fully convinced that the world will do the right thing if it means getting tough on Ethiopia.

The US’s past, one-dimensional obsession with fighting communism has been replaced by the new fight against the war on terror in the HOA. Ethiopia has taken advantage of this war by forging an alliance of convenience.

The Eritrean leaders and diplomats were caught napping; they could not rise up to the Ethiopian challenge. Ethiopia’s diplomatic savviness has totally eclipsed Eritrea’s diplomatic maneuvering. Ethiopia played a major role in the passage of the US-sponsored UN arms sanction against Eritrea for its alleged involvement in Somalia, but a UN panel of experts later found out no evidence to support the continuance of Eritrea’s alleged support.

Yamamoto could initiate lifting the sanctions on Eritrea; it would earn him credibility and good will from Eritrea and Eritreans.

The image of Eritrea that has emerged in the world is that of a hermetic nation that is hostile to outside influences. But Eritreans by geography, history, upbringing, and self-interest can’t be isolationists. Rightly or wrongly, they feel under siege by a world that has failed them multiple times. The Eritrean regime understands this mindset and exploits it to prolong its hold on power.

Eritreans have not been able to suppress this pessimistic history of negligence at the hands of world powers. Thousands of Eritreans died in the liberation war (1961-1991) due to the shortsightedness of US and UN policy makers, who in the late 1940s and early 1950s conspired against the will of the majority of Eritreans. When a decade later in 1962 the federation, that was imposed on Eritrea, was unilaterally abrogated by Ethiopia neither the UN nor the US raised eyebrows.

When Eritreans rose in arms and waged what has been named Africa’s longest war, none of the afore-mentioned powers showed any moral responsibility in resolving the conflict. It is only after Eritrea achieved its imminent and de facto independence—through military victory—these powers paid attention, and it is mostly to avert a power vacuum in Ethiopia. Eritrea, in itself, has never been important to the US and the world, although it should have been. Eritrea was home to US military base, Kagnew Station, for over three decades (1943-1977).

The strategically-located, free, democratic, and sovereign Eritrea will be a great and natural ally to the US and the freedom-loving world.

What goes for Ethiopia goes for the Horn of Africa (HOA):

Ethiopia is the regional giant; what it does has serious ramifications. A good Ethiopia is good for the HOA; it has to be assertive and strong, and yet friendly and peaceful. Ethiopia’s importance is even more evident in the case of Eritrea. Eritrea cannot afford to have a bad Ethiopia or Sudan—its two giants neighbors—and this reality should be the basis of its regional policy. What made the 1998-2000 war more tragic was that it belied this very basic truth.

It is in the best interest of the HOA countries to embark on a democratization project. Ethiopia and Djibouti with all their deficiencies have already taken the democratization baby-steps and the Somali region known as Somaliland is relatively on the consolidation phase and one could only hope this would have a spill-over effect on the rest of the Somali regions and Eritrea.

The voluntary resignation of former Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Desalegn Haile Mariam, and the peaceful transfer of power to the new prime minister, Abiye Ahmed, has heralded a new era of optimism.

Eritrea is far behind on the democratization project. All the strides that were made by the Transitional Government of Eritrea prior to the border war have been completely stricken out as the ruling party PFDJ has become increasingly oppressive. The siege mentality coupled with Ethiopia’s intransigence to comply with The Hague ruling has created a fertile ground for tyranny in Eritrea. Ethiopia’s preoccupation with security in Eritrea and Somalia is not helping because it limits its due influence and potential as a leading moral, democratic and economic force. Ethiopia has ignored the biblical precept that “By justice a king gives a country stability.” (Pr. 29:4)

An Ethiopia that is guided by a long-term vision of democracy, prosperity and regional cooperation is good for the HOA. Ethiopia must show the wisdom and courage to make short-term political sacrifices for long-term good gains. This is the stuff of greatness and an Ethiopia that lives up to this potential is what the HOA needs.

Nonetheless, it is not a bad thing that the regime, despite the objection of some Ethiopian naysayers, has declared its acceptance of The Hague ruling while insisting on resolving all pending issues prior to the full implementation of the agreement.This caveat, however, seems to be devised for domestic political consumption rather than for peace and justice. Many Ethiopians during the war rallied behind their flag with the tacit understanding that they would bring Eritrea, if not all of it, at least the port of Asseb back to Ethiopia.

Eritrea has suspected all along that Ethiopia is trying to achieve in a dialogue what it has not been able to win in war and arbitration. It has accused Ethiopia of disguising itself in her lips, but in her heart, it harbors deceit. (Pr. 26:24)

Ethiopia, however, can’t afford to be perceived as threat to its neighbors. The colossus of the HOA must learn how to strike the right balance between might and right. The boogeyman south-of-the-border is how the regime in Eritrea perpetuates an environment of fear and mistrust among its populace; it has enlisted its service effectively. Nobody questions how thin is the Ethiopian thread by which the sword of Damocles is suspended but most people believe it is there. It is how things are defended and rationalized in Eritrea and as long as it exists any efforts to democratize Eritrea will be easily thwarted.

One of the challenges of the Eritrean democratic forces is figuring out how they can convince the Ethiopian government to have this ground cut under PFDJ’s feet.If there is any short-cut on the road to regime change and democracy in Eritrea where the Eritreans are in charge, then, this is it.

Regime Change is the Prerogative of the Eritrean People

For many Eritreans, the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict is the mother-of-all-conflicts which has taken the whole country hostage and put the democratization project on hold; for many others it’s Isaias’s tyranny that is responsible for Eritrea’s current predicament. The two are not mutually exclusive; they tend to feed on each other in an uncanny way. Solving the border will certainly create new challenges but also opportunities. In the case of Eritrea, reintegrating a heavily militarized society will prove to be a Herculean task which will most likely lead to mass uprisings or military coups.

Most members of the Eritrean opposition find themselves in an unenviable position. They operate from the land of the enemy without refuting the presence of the boogeyman. Whether reality or perception, this is part of the Eritrean public mindset that needs to be reckoned with.

One of the main reasons the Eritrean opposition has failed to make any progress in removing the regime is because the Eritreans that matter the most—those inside the country—are not convinced that the divided Ethiopia-based opposition have Eritrea’s best interest at heart. Some in the opposition are perceived by many as puppets of the TPLF.

To make matters worse, some groups within the Eritrean opposition have become disciples of Ethnic Federalism, and for an overwhelming majority of Eritreans this is anathema to everything they hold dear and good. The Eritrean opposition is perceived to be an accomplice to Ethiopia’s antagonistic policy towards Eritrea, and consequently it suffers from any real and perceived threats Ethiopia poses to Eritrea.

Eritrea—with its fiercely independent past, a culture of patriotic sacrifices and its recent experience with an autocratic system—is destined to marshal its resources and aspirations to realize a democratic Athens in Africa. The ideals of liberty, peace and democracy have never preoccupied the minds of Eritreans as they do today. The rude awakenings of the various recent tragedies have induced an intense interest on Eritreans to wrestle with these perennial political issues.

The fight for democracy stands a better chance today than ever before. Eritreans have an indefatigable esprit de corps and they will, once again, rise up to the occasion. What the HOA needs is democracy; more and not less of it. A Tigrinya proverb says that the source of prosperity is not the willowing floor but the floors of Ecclesia—peoples’ assembly.

The democratic transformation of Eritrea is in the best interest of the whole region. Good neighborliness and regional cooperation is only possible with an Eritrea that is free and democratic.

Why Dialogue Now?

Ethiopia has “accepted” the decision “in principle” but is calling for a “dialogue” to sort out the “anomalies and impracticabilities.” This is absurd because Ethiopia had its day in court and had willingly agreed to the arbitration terms when it was decisively enjoying the military upper-hand. In any war, the victor usually dictates the outcome of any armistice, and Ethiopia was not under any duress to accept the Algiers Agreement.

Ethiopia’s failure to honor its obligation is counter-productive to peace and stability. For a decade, the world in general, and Eritreans in particular have let the grass grow under their feet hoping for Ethiopia to comply. The UN, AU, EU, and the US have not done enough to shoulder their responsibility as guarantors and witnesses of the Algiers agreement.

Eritrea should not enter into a dialogue with Ethiopia out of fear, but it should not fear to enter into a dialogue. There were about 13 face-to-face border related meetings between 1993 and 1997, the last six of them were held in 1997. These meetings took place when the relationship between the two countries was warm and cordial.

How can a call fordialogue be taken seriously in an environment rife with hostility, mistrust and suspicion?

It is a valid question and one that needs to be addressed. By insisting on having a dialogue prior to demarcation, Ethiopia is making the perfect the enemy of the good. Most reasonable people would agree that the demarcation is not the-be-all-and-end-all solution, but it is a great start that would inevitably lead to the normalization of relations.  Demarcation is just the edge of the wedge; and Ethiopia must make virtue of necessity.

It is not that the call for dialogue is patently wrong, but the context in which Ethiopia is invoking it.

Eritrea must clearly and unequivocally show its readiness and willingness to enter into a dialogue as soon as the border demarcation commences and work on resolving all pending issues which will gradually lead towards achieving what Ethiopia has called a “comprehensive peace.” This is a process which will inherently take a long time and most likely outlive the current generation of leaders. The goal of the current leaders should be to lay the ground work so future leaders can build on it. Focus should be on managing what is unavoidable and avoiding what is unmanageable.

There is some merit to the “anomalies and impracticabilities” concern that Ethiopia has raised, but it is a bit too late and a bit too small.  In the grand scheme of things, it is not that important to de facto nullify and void The Hague ruling and the Algiers Agreement. Perhaps it should have been part of the original agreement, or the court should have been given the power to make decisions ex aequo et bono (according to what is equitable and good), but it should not be used retroactively derail a process where life and death hinges on it.

The Ethiopians should find solace in history that the predecessors of the same villages and people they are concerned about have managed to move on with their lives when colonial powers divided them over a century ago. Family and silken ties are not severed easily and when they are temporarily suspended, they have a way of coming back. Besides, the affected village communities could invoke the right of self-determination on which side of the border they want to be.

The United Nations is also entrusted “to facilitate resolution of problems which may arise due to the transfer of territorial control, including the consequences for individuals residing in previously disputed territory” (Article 5:16). This stipulation is only applicable post the demarcation phase.

There is a reason why the US, EU, AU, UN, and most countries have called on Ethiopia to comply with the verdict. Granted their calls have a glaring lack of moral outrage and indignation, and this has casted, in the eyes of many Eritreans, a cloud of doubt on their sincerity and commitment to the agreement they had helped broker. They AU and UN have failed their obligations, but nevertheless recognize this is the only way to the normalization of relations between the two countries.

EEBC Has All it Needs to Do its Job

The EEBC has all it needs to start demarcation and get the job done. The agreement does not mandate her to facilitate or require a dialogue between the two parties. A dialogue, if agreed upon by the two parties, might help, but it is not essential or necessary for the commission to do its mandated work. All the EEBC needs from both countries is to be left alone to do its work.

Ethiopia has to honor its legal obligation and let the EEBC start demarcating the border.

Hanish Should Serve as a Precedent

Conflicts don’t prescribe war; how they are managed makes all the difference. The 1998-2000 war will go in history as a classic example of mismanagement and failure of leadership on both sides.

The reason the Eritrean-Yemeni Hanish Islands conflict came to a quick end, within 3 days (December 15-17, 1995), was because President Salah of Yemen had the courage to refuse to tango with Isaias Afwerki when a majority of his parliament were calling on him “to teach Eritrea a lesson.” The restraint of Salah had helped both countries avert unnecessary bloodshed, but also enabled Yemen to win most of the territories in dispute.

In October 1998, the Permanent Court of Arbitration ruled that the main islands making the Hanish archipelago belong to Yemen. Eritrea accepted the decision and withdrew its forces immediately.

In legal terms, Yemen won; and Eritrea lost, but in terms of peace, both won.

When conflicts arise, law, agreements and treaties should carry the day. This is the stuff peace is made of.  A mechanism of conflict resolution is the best down payment Eritrea and Yemen could have made in their peace and security. The legal and peaceful resolution of the Hanish conflict has set a good precedent.

Demarcation is a major step towards regional peace and democracy in the HOA:                                            

The only rationale Eritrea and Ethiopia are on the opposite sides on the Somali conflict is because Eritrea sees the conflict as an extension of its war with Ethiopia—its proxy war. It defies any other logic why Eritrea, in the early days of the Somali conflict, would support an al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist group in Somalia if it was not for the notion that an enemy of my enemy is my friend.It is not the incremental “tightening” of UN sanctions that would give Eritrea the disincentives from playing a “spoiler’s” role in the HOA, but justice.The world’s inaction is seen by many Eritreans as tantamount to condoning Ethiopia’s intransigence and violation.

Solving the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict is, therefore, solving half of the HOA’s conflicts. If the international community can get Eritrea and Ethiopia to cooperate, pull together, or, at least, not work against each-other, then the possibility of a regional peace and democracy is within reach.

Peace can’t be so near and yet so far in the Horn of Africa.

Ethiopia and Eritrea hold the key; and a compromise can be struck between their respective positions. Both have accepted The Hague ruling and the sanctity of this decision is the launching pad of a way out.

Eritrea wants demarcation to precede normalization. Ethiopia wants to enter into a dialogue on all “pending issues” before letting the demarcation take place. Both positions can be reconciled if The Hague ruling is not part of the dialogue and it is implemented in the manner the EEBC sees fit. Dialogue on all other pending issues can be simultaneously conducted. In this win-win situation, The Hague ruling will not be undermined when Ethiopia allows the demarcation to take place “as it is” and Eritrea enters into a dialogue to resolve all “pending issues” leading to “comprehensive peace”.

Both countries can demarcate while dialoguing and dialogue while demarcating.

The US, UN, AU, EU, and the rest of the international community must lead this effort and facilitate the process. There is today less acrimony and bellicosity between the two governments and there is a widespread fighting-fatigue among the people particularly Eritreans. Many Ethiopians also recognize the importance of Eritrean ports to their economic development and regret the missed opportunities for cooperation between the two sisterly countries. According to a high ranking Ethiopian official Ethiopia’s expenditure in port fees has risen by more than 1400% since it went to war with Eritrea in 1998. Eritrea with its vacant ports has lost most of its revenue from port fees.

The situation is ripe, and the time is right for a shuttle diplomacy between Asmera and Addis Ababa.

The large Eritrean and Ethiopian Diaspora and its civil society organizations can play an important role in bridging differences and laying the ground work for regional collaboration. States should not be the only actors and more ways must be pursued where various people and organizations can play a constructive role in the HOA.

One way to make dialogue an attractive alternative is to let many and diverse civil society organizations as well as political parties to be part of the process.

Yamamoto could successfully finish what Susan Rice, Richard Holbrooke and Anthony Lake had started.

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Semere Habtemariam

 

 

 

 

 

 

Semere T. Habtemariam:

is the Chief Executive Officer of the Forum for National Dialogue. He is one of the founders and pioneers of the civil society organizations that sprouted in the aftermath of the arrest of the group known as G-15 and the journalists of the free press. He is the author of two books, “Reflections on the History of the Tewahdo Church,” and “Hearts Like Birds.” He has a master’s degree in public Affairs and a Bachelor’s in Government and Politics from the University of Texas at Dallas. He lives with his wife and four children in Carrollton, Texas.

Disclaimer:

The author of this article is the Chief Executive Office and member of the Board of Directors of the Forum for National Dialogue, but the views and opinions expressed in this article are his only and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Forum for National Dialogue. FND does not espouse any official policy or position on any issues. Members of the Board are free to express any opinion they hold.

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