መጽሓፍ “ተሞክሮ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንሃገራዊ ናጽነትን ማሕበራዊ ፍትሕን፡ Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) . Its Struggle For Freedom and Social Justice (1961 – 1982 ) ተሓቲማ ናብ ህዝቢ ካብ እትዝርጋሕ ልክዕ ክልተ ዓመት ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ትሕዝቶ መጽሓፍ ንተመኩሮ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ብኸፊል ዘንጸባርቕ ክኸውን ከሎ፡ ብዙሓት ሓርበኛታት ተቓለስቲ ንዝዋዓልዎን ዝተሳተፍዎን ተዘክሮታት ኣጠቓሊላ ብምህላዋ መበገስን መወከስን ክትከውን ከምትኽእል እምነት ደረስታ ጥራሕ ዘይክነስ፡ እምነት ኣንበብታን ዘርጋሕታን ከምዝኮነውን ካብቲ ዝበጻሓና መልእኽትታት ክንርድኦ ክኢልና ኣለና።

እቲ መጽሓፍ ተመኮሮ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንዕላማ ተጋድሎና ኣብምርግጋጽ ብዝተሰውኡን ዝሰንከሉን፡ ካብ መነባብርኦም ዝተመዛበሉን ዜጋታት ንዝተፈጸመ ታሪኻዊ ስርሒታት ዘንጸባርቕ ብምዃኑ፡ ብውጻኢት ናይዚ ተጠቀምቲ ክኮኑ ዘለዎም ድማ እቶም ሓድጊ ታሪኽ ሰውራናን ግዳይ ዘይተወድኤ ጸገማቱን ኮይኖም ዘለዉ ህጻውንትን እዮም።

ካብዚ እምነትዚ ብምብጋስ ድማ እዮም፣ ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ፣ ሽያጥ መጻሕፍቲ ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ውጉኣት ሓርነትን ነቲ ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ንኽማሃሩ ንልዕሊ 30 ዓመታት ከይተሓለሎ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ ቤት ትምህርቲ ወዲ-ሽሪፎይን ክውዕል ዝወሰኑ።

በዚ መሰረት፡ ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ ኣብቲ ብዕለት 04.08.2018 ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበርን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝተሰላሰለ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ተረኪቦም፡ ቀዳማይ ክፍል ሓገዞም፣

  1. ሓገዝ ንፕሮጀክት ውጉኣት ሓርነት መደበር ከሰላ $2.500,00 (ክልተ ሽሕን ሓሙሽተ ሚእትን ዶላር ኣመሪካ)
  2. ሓገዝ ንቤት ትምህርቲ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ወዲ-ሸሪፎይ €3.000,00-ኤውሮ (ሰለስተ ሽሕ ኤውሮ) ከምዘወፈዩ ንህዝቢ ዝገለጹ።

ምስዚ፡ ንኩሎም’ቶም ዕላማ ናይቲ መጽሓፍን ውጽኢቱን ተገንዚቦም ኣብምዝርጋሕ ልዑል ተወፋይነት ዝገበሩን ዝገበራን ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ብምምስጋን፡ ብሳላ ዘይሕለል ጻዕርታቶም ዕዉት ዕማም ከምዝተመዝገበ ዘኪሮም፡ ውኢቱ ድኻሞም ድማ ኣብ ጠቕሚ ጽጉማት ኣሓቶምን ደቆምን ምውዓሉ ክሕበኑ ከምዝግባእ ኣዘኻኺሮም። ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ፣ ገና እቲ ዝስዕብ ኣብ ምእካብ ዘሎ ሽያጥ መጻሕፍቲ ኣብዝተዋህለለሉ ግዜ ድማ ከምእድላይነቱ ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ዜጋታት ናይዚ ትካላት እዚ ክውዕል ምዃኑ ደጊሞም ቃል ኣትዮም።

ድራር መንታይ

ንጉሰ ጸጋይ

ፍሳሃየ ሓግስ

 

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German Minister for Economic Cooperation & Development Gerd Müller
arrived in Asmara for an official visit , following his visit to Ethiopia.

German minister pushes for free trade deal ahead of Africa trip

Germany’s development minister Gerd Müller is promoting a “customs-free trade deal in Africa” ahead of his seven-nation Africa visit. Experts say the real issues are being ignored.

When it comes to the economic relationship between Germany and Africa, the issue of customs exemption is no longer an important topic. At least that’s what renowned development economist Robert Kappel from the University of Leipzig thinks. Instead, agricultural subsidies and trade barriers should be the main topic of discussion. However, Kappel blames Europe for pursuing neocolonialism in its monetary policy.

Yet, Müller avoided these issues before his trip to Africa this week. According to Kappel, he has failed to recognize that a trade imbalance has only increased in recent years — despite a customs exemption. “The minister is not well informed, therefore it’s right to criticize him,” Kappel told DW.

Africa’s negative trade balance

The trade relationship between Europe and Africa is increasingly turning out to put Africa at a disadvantage. While the imports from Europe in most African countries are on the rise, the total number of African exports to most European countries is decreasing.

This mostly has to do with the trend of prices, says Kappel. Oil and gas are the main exports from Africa to Germany and Europe, followed by agricultural products. “The prices of agricultural products and that of oil and gas have dropped in the past years,” says Kappel. “This is why the trade balance of African countries with Europe has become negative.”

According to the economic promotion company Germany Trade and Invest (GTAI), Germany’s foreign trade with sub-Saharan Africa amounted to €26.1 billion euros ($30.1billion) last year. Imports have also risen compared to the previous year. However, sub-Saharan Africa accounted for only 1.1 percent of total foreign trade in 2017, just as in the previous year.

A group of protesters in red t-shirts roll two large drums over tomatoes spread on the ground.

A new free trade agreement with Africa?

If the European Union (EU) and Germany’s federal government had their way, more European products would be found in the African market in the future. Europeans have already identified Africa as a huge outlet market. The European Commission’s statistical office, Eurostat, has calculated that by 2050 a quarter of the world’s population will be living in Africa. In Berlin and Brussels, Africa has been described as the “sleeping giant of the global economy.” And they are unwilling to leave this potential mass market to China and India. Asia’s trade with Africa has already spent years growing in importance.

For some time, the EU has been negotiating with African countries about possible new trade agreements, known as Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). They aim to allow the market to open up and offer an outlet for European products in Africa. Supporters are hoping for markets to open up on both sides and increase efficiency through competition and low prices for consumers.

But these discussions are causing displeasure in Africa. Critics of the EPAs fear that unrestricted trade with Europe will further weaken their economy. They are also concerned that high-quality European products might suppress the sale of African goods in their home countries. This would only serve to further increase the imbalance in trade between Europe and Africa.

Imbalanced food imports

The irregular trade balance also has to do with the massive export subsidies for European goods, says Kappel. But subsidy reduction is not an issue for the EU or the German government — despite it being the main point of criticism raised by most development economists.

Agricultural subsidies are not only an issue in Europe. According to the OECD, North America, Europe, Japan and China subsidize their agriculture with over 1 billion dollars (867 million euros) daily. But farmers and agricultural companies in Europe still pocket most state subsidies, says Kappel. “Their surpluses are made cheaper in African markets and compete with African producers, who end up destroyed.”

In the meantime, most African countries have become importers of food: 80 percent of food consumption in Africa is derived from food imports. Many experts agree that this issue needs to be urgently addressed. But Müller appears to be pretending that the problem does not exist.

“He proposed that African governments could subsidize their farmers as well, but no African country can compete with the EU’s subsidies,” says Kappel.

Hidden trade barriers

According to experts, another major obstacle African exporters face when it comes to accessing the European market is found in the health, safety and technical standards which are expected to be met by all African exporters.

Elmar Brok, a member of the European Parliament belonging to Germany’s Christian Democrats (CDU) party, considers these standards to be “non-tariff trade barriers,” and a form of hidden protectionist measures that cannot be achieved through taxes and subsidies alone. “We actually have very high health and consumer protection standards, but we are of course not prepared to lower our health standards,” he told Germany’s national broadcaster ARD shortly before Müller’s trip to Africa.

According to Brok, Müller still believes it is necessary to help Africans meet the necessary requirements. Kappel agrees: “German-African chambers of commerce should be set up — those that deal with the marketing of African products in the European market — so that African companies get a chance to enter the European market, not only with their raw materials and agricultural products but also with their manufactured goods.” However, such a plan is unlikely to materialize any time soon, as Müller has yet to voice any proposals addressing the matter.

Independent monetary policies remain a taboo issue

According to Kappel, the lack of independent monetary policies is another taboo topic, targeted at the needs of African economies. Falsely overvalued African currencies, tied to the US dollar or the euro, raised the price of African export products and prevented foreign investments in Africa.

As a result, the CFA franc regions in West and Central Africa — a relic of the French colonial era — became an attempt to maintain a sense of colonialism through currency.

“By overvaluing the CFA franc, we are hindering industrialization in other African countries,” says Kappel. “Companies there could never be competitive in the global market.”

A group of people from sub-Saharan countries climb over a fence between Morocco and Spain’s North African enclave of Melilla

The issue of migration remains relevant

Beginning on Thursday, Müller’s one-week trip will take him to Eritrea, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Ghana. During talks with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Ghana’s President Nana Akufo-Addo, they will examine the reform partnerships of both countries, as well as new investment opportunities. Young Ghanaians will hopefully be presented with future prospects and the issue of migration should be dealt with through new job opportunities.

So, will Müller’s trip help spark important incentives for better trade relations with Africa? Kappel is skeptical. So many issues are yet to be discussed. But the development economist admits that “rhetorically, you can come through if you talk about fair trading conditions.

Source=http://raimoq.com/germany-minister-gerd-muller-arrives-eritrea/

Written by

Amanda Poole, Jennifer Riggan

The sudden outbreak of peace in the Horn of Africa means an open border and new vulnerability. Researchers Jennifer Riggan and Amanda Poole capture the concerns of Eritrean refugees.

Long-separated families meet at Asmara International Airport on July 21, 2018, during the first week after Ethiopian airlines resumed flights to Asmara, Eritrea MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

In July this year, Ethiopia and Eritrea shocked the world, thrilled their people and upended politics as usual in the Horn of Africa by signing an agreement of peace and friendship that ended 20 years of conflict.

Change has happened remarkably fast since then. Phone lines and flights that hadn’t operated for two decades reconnected the two countries, which share a 567-mile (912km) border. Families separated by war reunited in ecstatic celebration. The Eritrean embassy in Addis Ababa reopened and everyone expects land travel across the contentious border to resume soon.

But not everyone is excited about peace. On a recent research visit to Ethiopia, where we have been studying Eritrean refugee settlements for the past two years, we discovered that many refugees are afraid of what peace could mean for their safety and their future. Some refugees say that the end of conflict in the region may actually be more dangerous for them than war.

The Eritrean refugee camps in northern Ethiopia are unusual. Instead of being crowded with families who have fled conflict, like the camps along other borders housing refugees from Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia, the camps in the north are filled with young men.

We discovered that many refugees are afraid of what peace could mean for their safety and their future. Some refugees say that the end of conflict in the region may actually be more dangerous for them than war.

Eritrean refugees are concerned for their safety in Ethiopia because the end of the border conflict does not guarantee political change in Eritrea, or peace along the border where the camps are located.

“Our problem is not the border,” a refugee named Kidane told us, repeating a common sentiment. He returned to the Ethiopian camps near the Eritrean border over five years ago after failing to reach Europe. “We came here not because of a border problem, but because of problems with the government.” Of the new peace agreement, he says, “It exposes us. It will harm us. It will not benefit us.”

They have good reason to be concerned. In Sudan, Eritrean refugees are vulnerable to capture and return by the Eritrean military, who operate across the Sudanese-Eritrean border. Refugees in Ethiopia fear that an open border will enable Eritrean operatives to target asylum seekers in the camps. If Ethiopia fails to enhance protections, refugees may choose to migrate onward.

Other Eritrean refugees we spoke to would like to celebrate their country’s newfound peace but fear for their safety in the border region that is becoming increasingly volatile. “Before, I was very comfortable with the ability of Ethiopia to protect refugees,” said one man living in Mai Aini, one of the refugee camps along the northern border. “Now, I am frustrated.”

The acceptance of the peace agreement has angered many local communities, as Ethiopian border towns will be torn apart when land is ceded to Eritrea. Much of the disputed border lies in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, where many of the camps are located. For the past year, contentious domestic politics have pitted the Tigrayans against other ethno-national groups in Ethiopia, and peace is being brokered by regimes in both countries that are antagonistic to the main political party from that region, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Refugees in the camps fear a border that is increasingly both open and volatile.

Eritrean asylum seekers are also concerned about what peace could mean for their asylum claims. Some question whether the prima facie basis for granting Eritreans refugee status in Ethiopia will continue for Eritreans opposed to the regime in Asmara.

“Bef.

In Europe, Eritreans have been at the center of debates about the legitimacy of asylum claims. In the wake of increased migration, European countries have asserted that Eritreans are fleeing poverty rather than human rights problems in their home country, and therefore can be denied asylum and safely returned.

Now, Israel is considering deporting Eritreans if Eritrea ends indefinite national service. But asylum seekers could be in danger unless Eritrea gives amnesty to those who have fled illegally.

Refugees need assurances in order to feel safe. They need assurances that the world understands that Eritrea has not yet changed. Eritrean law requires citizens to undergo 18 months of national military service, but the government used the war as a pretext to make national service permanent for most. The conditions for soldiers in Eritrea’s army are harsh, including physical punishments, forced labor, restrictions on freedom of movement and long periods of time spent away from family.

Some leave as children, before they are conscripted in grade 12 (the last year of secondary school). Others leave after their official service term ends when they realize that, even if officially demobilized, the government can still recall them.

Indefinite national service isn’t the only reason that the 160,000-plus Eritrean refugees currently hosted by Ethiopia have fled their country. President Isaias governs Eritrea with austere control. Movement within the country has required written permission for most of the past 20 years. It is illegal to leave without an exit visa, which is nearly impossible to obtain. The thousands who flee each month risk being shot or imprisoned. Any attempt at protest has been stanched. The constitution has never been implemented, and Eritreans may be arbitrarily arrested and detained in a prison system where torture is routine.

If the government of Eritrea would like Eritrean refugees to come home, they will need assurances that Eritrea is a different kind of place. They will also need stronger assurances that they can stay in Ethiopia and will be protected there, particularly if conflict occurs in Tigray. As one refugee stated, “The political situation is very tense and when it is tense, we feel worried. We don’t know what will happen.”

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Refugees Deeply.

Source=https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2018/08/16/fear-dampens-hope-among-eritrean-refugees-in-ethiopia

On 5th September an exhibition will open in London to give a rare insight into Eritrea – its long war for independence from Ethiopia and the tragedy of its current repression.

The exhibition will be held at Resources for London. It has been organised  by Eritrea Focus, an association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), human rights organisations, exile and refugee groups and individuals concerned with the abuses of human rights in Eritrea.

Eritrea Exibtion 1

Eritrea exhibition 2

Source=https://eritreahub.org/eritrea-in-the-news-an-exhibition-of-unique-images

Ethiopian in refugee camp

Recent conflicts reported in Gedeo (SNNPR), West Guji (Oromia) and Jigjiga city (Somali region) quickly spreading to Deghabur, Warder, Kabridahar, Gode and Babile areas.

Source: Acaps

Ethiopia is host to the second largest refugee population in Africa.? There are over 910,000 refugees and approximately 2.6 million IDPs in Ethiopia.? In 2017, 621 sites opened to host people displaced by conflict, as well as climate-induced factors. ?There has been an overall trend of increase in conflict-related displacement since December 2016. ?Ethiopians have also returned from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia since November 2017.?
IDPs
Latest update: 21/08/2018
There are over 2.6 million IDPs recorded in Ethiopia. 536,000 were displaced as a result of natural hazards, and 2.1 million are conflict-affected IDPs.?Displacement increased significantly in 2017: 293 sites were opened before 2017 and 621 were opened in 2017. ?
WEST Guji and gedeo conflict
Intercommunal violence around Gedeo (SNNPR) and West Guji (Oromia) zones displaced 987,000 people in June. As of mid-August, around 694,000 people remain displaced in Gedeo zone, the majority in host communities (Bule, Dilla Zuria, Kochere, Gedeb, Wanago, Yirgachefe woredas and Dilla and Yirgachefe towns). Around 189,000 IDPs remain displaced in West Guji zone at 18 host communities and 43 collective sites.? Heavy rains since June have worsened the already vulnerable conditions for IDPs in the region. IDPs are living in inadequate shelter and with limited access to sanitation. ?Priorities are emergency shelter and NFI, food, health, and WASH.?
Violence between the Guji and Gedeo communities started along the border of West Guji zone on 13 April. At least 75 people have died, in seven localities.? Influx of IDPs in some areas has nearly doubled the population and resources are stretched beyond capacity. Prior to the new displacement, this area was already one of the most densely populated parts of the country.? The causes sparking the recent conflict are unknown, but land disputes and conflict on border demarcations have long existed.?
intercommunal conflicts
Intercommunal conflict displaced 141,410 people in Somali region since 4 August. The conflict started in Jigjiga city (Somali region) and quickly spread to Deghabur, Warder, Kabridahar, Gode and Babile areas. In Somali region 35,450 IDPs are hosted in Jigjiga; in Oromia region there are 55,000 IDPs in Babile, 23,300 in Chinaksen, 24,000 in Gursum, and 280 in Harar; in Tigray region 2,000 IDPs are in Mekelle town – see map below. Urgent humanitarian needs are food, WASH, Health and NFI. In Jigjiga, prices inflation is reported on food, water, and other basic needs due to limited available shops and supplies. Fuel is also limited. Between 4-13 August, shops, markets, and banks were closed. On 10 August, Ethiopian Airlines resumed its operation for the Addis-Jigjiga route. Flights had been cancelled since 4 August. On 15 August, IDPs from Jigjiga are reported to have started returning to home.?
Clashes between Oromo and Somali ethnicities from September- December 2017 left up to one million people displaced in the two regions.? New displacements have been reported along the border separating the two regions since January. ?
drought, floods and cyclone
While three consecutive years of drought have led to displacement in many sites of the country, flash floods due to overperformance of Belgrains (Feb-Jun) as well as Cyclone Sagar that struck Ethiopia on 20 May have affected people mainly in Somali, Oromia, SNNPR and Afar regions. Somali region was most affected. Some 347,000 people have been affected countrywide, including around 200,000 displaced by flooding.  In northern Somali region, Cyclone Sagar has displaced around 54,000 people in five woredas of Siti zone (Ayshica, Dambal, Hadhagala, Gablalu and Shinile).? Humanitarian needs include WASH, health, food and NFI support.?Genale and Wabi Shabelle rivers overflowed and affected Afder, Fafan, Liben, Nogob, Siti, Shabelle, and Warder zones. Communities and farmlands are flooded and livestock affected.? 32 people have been killed by landslides due to heavy rains in SNNPR (23 people in Sidama zone and nine people in Gamo Gofa zone).?Landslides on 26 May also killed 22 people in Tullu Gola kebele, Oromia region. ?
Map
Displacement following intercommunal conflict (4-7 Aug 2018) in Somali region
 

Eritrean pro-change, peace and democracy activists from many countries are mobilizing worldwide to hold a huge Eritrea Day in Geneva on 31 August 2018 by demonstrating in front of the UN Headquarters in protest against the repressive regime in Asmara and the ongoing undeserved sympathy being offered to it by regional and global actors who seem to be neglectful of the unchanged human rights and political situation on the ground in our country.

Demonstration organizers promise that Eritrean protests are coming to Geneva in big numbers not only from European countries but also from many regions of planet Earth where many Eritreans have been forced take refuge trying to escape death or intolerable abuses in the hands of their own regime. Many human rights organizations and activists confirm the fact that the entire Eritrean nation has, indeed, been turned into a huge prison for the past 27 years – a period corresponding to Nelson Mandela's time at the hated Robben Island prison.

The organizers further inform via various media outlets that the demonstration will send a clear Eritrean people’s message to all concerned, regionally and globally: that no sustainable deal for peace with Ethiopia can be attained by an unrepresentative regime in Asmara which seems to be bent at compromising Eritrean sovereignty to in order to escape charges of crimes against humanity.     

Initiated at the grassroots level and supported by everyone in the Eritrean justice seekers’ camp, the demonstration is expected to make strong calls on UN member states and African countries, including Ethiopia, that the one-man dictatorship in Asmara is rendered illegitimate since a long time and that deals made with it are null and void in the eyes of the Eritrean people. For over quarter of a century since its independence, the country remains without a constitution, national elections and without any basic rights to the people.

On 1st of September, which is the 57th anniversary of the start of the Eritrean armed liberation struggle in 1961, the demonstration organizers plan to hold a wide meeting in Geneva to elect a provisional body that would try to bring together all stakeholders in the struggle for democratic change.

Expectations are that the demonstration will be much bigger than the one held in Geneva two years ago. It is to be recalled that estimated 15,000 Eritreans demonstrated in Geneva in June 2016 in support of the findings and conclusions of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea which called for accountability against potential perpetrators of crimes against humanity in Eritrea since 1991.

ርእስ ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ይኹን ኣብ ወጻኢ፡ ኣሻቓሊ ኮይኑ ካብ ዘሎ፡ እቲ ንድሕሪት ብዘይምለስ መስርሕ ስለ ዝተረጋገጸ ኣየሰክፈናን እዩ ክንብሎ ዝጸናሕና ጉዳይ ልኡላውነት ሃገርና እዩ። እዚ ዝኾነሉ ምኽንያት ከኣ ንኤርትራ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ ግልጹነት ዝጐደሎን ትካላዊ መስርሕ ዘይተኸተለን ወስታታት ጀሚሩ ስለ ዘሎ እዩ። እዚ ወስታታቱ ናበይ ገጹ ከም ዝምዕብል ሕጂ”ኳ ውዱእ እንተዘይኮነ፡ በቲ ሓሓሊፉ ዘንጸባርቖ ዘሎ ስጉምትታት ኣብ ጉዳይ ክብርን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ክትሻቐል ዘገድድ ምልክታት እዩ።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ ናይ ሃወኽሃወኽ ምዃኑ ባዕሉ ዝዛረብ ዝምድና ዝምልከት ንጹር መብርሂ ክህብ ዘይምድላዩ፡ መርኣያ ናይቲ ዝኸዶ ዘሎ መስርሕ ዘይምዕራይ ምዃኑ ብሩህ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝመረጾ መስርሕ ወትሩ ዘይብሩህ ምዃኑ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ፡ ኣብ ከምዚ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና ንሉኡላውነት ሃገር ዝህድድ ዓብይ ዛዕባ ከርኣይ እንከሎ ግና ኣይኮነንዶ ንዓና ነቶም ሰብ ዋኒን ኤርትራውያን ንሕብረሰብ ዓለም እውን ዘገርም ክኸውን ባህርያዊ እዩ። ነቶም ብድሕሪት ኮይኖም ነቲ መስርሕ ዝኹብኩብዎ ዘለዉ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ግና፡ መሃዝቱ ስለ ዝኾኑ ዘይክሕድሶም ይኽእል። ለኣኽቲ ህግደፍን ስለ ዝተማእዘዞም እንተነኣድዎን ወርቂ እንተሰለምዎን’ውን ክገርመና ኣይግባእን። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ክንዲ ግሉጽነት መሪጽዎ ዘሎ ካልእ ኣገባብ ነቲ ጉዳይ ብመሰረታዊ ዘይኮኑ ምስምሳት ምድፋን እዩ።

ምስ ኢትዮጵያ እንታይ ይግበር ከምዘሎ ብጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ወግዓዊ መብርሂ ዘይምሃብ ናይቲ ምስምሳት ቀንዲ መግለጺ ኮይኑ፡ “ምምልካት ዶብ ናብ ዝኸደና የብሉን፡ ንምሕዳስ ዝምድና ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ቀዳምነት ክንህብ ንደሊ ኢና፡ ናብ ዞባዊ ዝምድና ዝያዳ ከነድህብ ይግበኣና … ወዘተ” ዝብሉ ሓረጋት ከኣ ናይቶም “ቅድሚ ኩሉ ምርግጋጽ ልኡላውነት ሃገር” ክብሉ ዝጸንሑ ህግደፍን ውሑዳት መጋበርያታቱን መውጽእ ኣፎም ኮይነን ኣለዋ። እቲ ዝምድና ምስ ጐረቤትካ ኮነ ኣብ ርሑቕ ዝርከቡ ወገናት ብዘይምግናን ዝያዳ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታቱን ይድግፍዎን ይቃለስሉን። ከምዚ ሰለ ዝኾነ ከኣ ንምሕዳስ ዝምድና ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ክቃወምዎ ባህርያዊ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ግና ብዋጋ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ምድፋን ዘይተመለሰ መሰረታዊ ሕቶታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ዞና ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ሰላም፡ ቅሳነትን ሓባራዊ ምጣኔ ሃብታዊ ዕብየትን ብምድግጋፍ ክረጋገጽ ምቅላስ፤”ዝብል ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ሰዲህኤ ሰፊሩ ዘሎ ሓሳብ ከኣ ነዚ ዘነጽር እዩ።

ኣብ መንጎ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት ዘሎ ጽቡቕ ኩለመዳያዊ ዝምድና ዶባት ካብ ምሕንጻጽ ዝህድም ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ክልተ ይኹና ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ልኡላዊ ሃገራት ዝግበር ኣብ ንጹር ስምምዓት ዝምስረት ዝምድና እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ኣብ’ቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ሓድሽ ዝምድና ንድሕሪት ከይተመለሰና፡ ንምምልካት ዶብ ብመስረት እቲ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክንህወኸሉ የብልናን ዝብል ብሂል መዳህለሊ ከይከውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብጽሞና ክከታተሎ ዝግበኦ እዩ። ምናልባት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንናይ ህዝብና ናይ ሰላምን ጽቡቕ ዝምድናን፡ ጽምኣትን ናፍቖትን መዝሚዙ ከረሳስዕን ከዳህልልን መደብ ከይህልዎ እቲ ሕቶ ናይ ጽባሕ ዘይኮነስ ሱር ከይሰደደ ክምለስ ዝግበኦ ናይ ሎሚ ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን። እዚ ክንብል እንከለና ህዝብና ብኸምዚ ዓይነት መዳህለሊ ምስምሳት ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮ ስለዘለዎ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እንዳሰሓሓቐ ናብ ዘይድለ ኩርናዕ ክወስዶ እዩ ዝብል ስግኣት’ኳ እንተዘየብልና ምዝኽኻሩ ከምዘይሓስም ንምርዳእ እዩ።

ካብ ተመኩሮና ከም እንርደኦ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ዘይግሉጽ ኣካይድኡ መሊሱ ንምሽፋኑ ኣብቲ ናይ ሓባር ረብሓን ተረድኦን ዘለዎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምክፍፋል ክፈጥር ድሕር ከምዘይብል ብዓንተቦ እንግምቶ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ዘይፈላለየሉ ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነትን ምርግጋጽ ብኤርትራዊ ውድዕነት ዝተቓነየ ለውጥን ሓደ ኮይኑ ንቕድሚት ክደፍእ ግዜኡ ሎሚ እዩ። ወዮ “ምምላስ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ድሕሪኡ ነርክበሉ ቅድም ልኡላዊ መሬትና ነረጋግጽ” ክብል ዝጸንሐ ህግደፍ፡ ብጸቢብን ተበላጽን ጉጅላዊ ረብሓ ተደፊኡን ሰዲዑን ማእዝኑ ክቕይር እንከሎ ህዝብና ኣብ መትከሉ ገጥ ክብል ኣለዎ። ሎሚ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካልእ ማይ ዘይጠዓመ ማእዝን ኣብ ዝሓዘሉ “ደጋፊ ህግደፍ’ባ ተቓዋሚ ህግደፍ’ባ” ከይተበሃሃልና ዓቀብቲ ልኡላውነትናን ኣኽበርቲ ሕድሪ ናይቶም ምእንቲ ልኡላውነት ዝሓለፉ ሰማእታትናን ክንከውን ግዜ ይሓተና ከም ዘሎ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣና።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሎሚ መሳርሒ ናይቶም ጅቡኡ ዝመልእሉ ናይ ዞናና ሃብታማት እዩ ኮይኑ ዘሎ። እቶም ለኣኽቲ ስለቲ ዝተላእኮም ከም ዘሻህርትዎን ዘርስንዎን ምልክታት ንዕዘብ ኣለና። ዓበይቲ መሰረታዊ ናይ ገዛ ዕዮኡ ከይዓመመ ናይዚ ከባቢ “ናይ ሰላም፡ ዕቤትን ዲሞክራስን” ክኸውን ሃንደፍደፍ ይብል ብምህላዉ ከም ዝዕዘብዎ ክንርዳእ ይግበኣና። እዞም ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ እንዳለኣኹ ዞናዊ ጽልዋኦም ዘበርኽሉ ኣካላት፡ ንኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ጉዳይና ከቐድሙልና ከምዘይኮኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ስለዚ ጉዳይና እቲ ካልእ መመላእታ ኮይኑ፡ ብኣና ኤርትራውያን ከም ዝውዳእ ተረዲና ባዕልና ሓላፍነት ክንወስድ ይግበኣና። ምናልባት እንተደኣ “ግድን ዶብ ይመልከት፡ ዝግበር ስምምዓት ንጹርን ኤርትራዊ ረብሓ ዘውሓሰ ይኹን” እንተ ኢልና እቲ ክነፍስ ጀሚሩ ዘሎ ጽቡቕ ዝምድና ከይኩለፈና ዝብል ስግኣት ዘለዎ ኤርትራዊ ኣካል እንተል’ዩ፡ እኳደ ጽቡቕ ዝምድና ዝስውድ ነናትካ ሒዝካ ምስ እትከባበር ምዃኑ ክበርሃሉ ይግባእ።

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን !

      ኣብ መበቆል ትውልዲ ሃገርና ብሓፈሽኡ ከኣ ኣብ ምብራቕ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ናይ ሠላምን ራህዋን መንፈሰ ዘለዎ ዘመን ንኽመጽእ ይቀላቐል ስለዘሎ ርሑስና ይግበሮ !

ግዱሳት ኣባላት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ስቱትጋርትን ከባቢኣን ንመበል 57 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ሓደ መስከረም  ብኽብርን ብድምቀትን ኣገባብ ከብዕል ምዃኑ የፍልጥ።

ዕለት፡- 08.09.2018 ካብ ሰዓት 14፡00 ድ.ቀ ዝጅምር

ቦታ፡-   Heidelbeer Str. 5,   70329 Stuttgart / Oberturkheim

ኤርትራውያን ንሰናይን ጽቡቕ ምግባርን ሓደ ካብቲ ዘዂርዓና ካብ ኣቦታትና ዝወረስናዮ ባህሊ ስለዝኾነ ኣብዚ እነብዕሎ በዓል ዝተረኸበ ኣታዊ ብምልኡ፡ ንኣካለ ስንኩላን ኣብ ከሰላ ዝርከቡ ተጋደልቲ ከምኡ`ውን ንጽጉማት ስደተኛታት ኤርትራ ኣብ መዓስከራት ስደተኛ ትግራይ/ኢትዮጵያ ተዓቚቦም ዘለው ሓገዝ ክወሃብ ከምዝኾነ ንሕብር።

ብደሓን ምጹ !

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