NOVEMBER 25, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Pressenza

25.11.2020 – US, United States – Pressenza New York

Statement from a Coalition of Pan African Organizations on the War in Ethiopia

By the United African Congress

We are deeply disturbed by the escalation of violence following the declaration of war on the regional state of Tigray by PM Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia on November 4, 2020. We are New York-based Pan African advocacy and humanitarian organizations representing the interest of Africa and Africans in the Diaspora in the U.S. and worldwide.

This conflict has the potential of spiraling uncontrollably into large scale civil war possibly drawing in neighboring counters. As Martin Plaut, a former BBC Africa editor told Al Jazeera on November 8: “It is impossible to be certain of Eritrea’s role in Ethiopia’s domestic conflict. Since the first visits to each other’s capitals by the two leaders in July 2018 there has never been a press conference at which journalists could ask either Prime Minister Abiy or President Isaias what they hoped to achieve. However, it is clear that relations are today so close that it is inconceivable that the Ethiopian leader would have undertaken such a major operation, on Eritrea’s border, without clearing it with his opposite number.”

There are now unconfirmed reports of Eritrean troops crossing the border into Ethiopia in support of Abiy’s military offensive in Tigray. This development is ominous as it could engulf the Horn of Africa and countries along the Red Sea in the conflict, with implications for peace and security in Africa and the Middle East. It is no longer an internal Ethiopian matter.

Concerned by the developments in Ethiopia, the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) comprising countries of the Horn of Africa, the Nile Valley and African Great Lakes has issued a statement calling for the de-escalation of the tensions and resolving their differences through dialogue and reconciliation. The European Union representative also expressed on November 7 concern for the integrity of the country and the stability of the wider region and called for de-escalation of tensions.

In his letter to South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, the current president of the African Union Commission, Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, president of the regional state of Tigray, expressed his firm belief that political problems could not be solved through military means. He adds “the AU has the responsibility and is better placed to help all political and civic stake holders of the country into an all-inclusive and comprehensive dialogue to avert an all-out civil war in the country.”

PM Abiy has so far rejected all appeals for cessation of hostilities. Air strikes on major cities in Tigray are being carried out in addition to the large scale military offensive on the ground. Thousands of civilians are reported to be fleeing to neighboring Sudan.

Humanitarian agencies including the UNHCR are facing difficulties reaching Tigray which is completely sealed by Dr. Abiy with the Internet also cut off. Tigray is also home to an estimated 100,000 refugees from Eritrea. A humanitarian crisis may be in the making.

U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren has called for the immediate de-escalation of violence and for providing immediate humanitarian assistance to civilians in the Tigray region. She urges an inclusive dialogue between all parties in Ethiopia to protect all Ethiopian citizens’ rights to participate in free and fair elections. We can’t agree more.

As concerned Africans in the Diaspora and as friends of Ethiopia, we in the United African Congress (UAC) and partners call for immediate cessation of hostilities and strongly urge both parties to engage in a peaceful dialogue to resolve what is essentially a political problem.

Recognizing the conflict as a threat to international peace and security we call upon the UN Security Council to convene an emergency meeting to demand immediate ceasefire and to urge the parties to engage in peaceful dialogue.

We also call on the African Union to take a more active role in mediation efforts aimed at a peaceful resolution to stop the needless carnage which could easily spread into a wider regional conflagration.

***

Dr. Mohammed A Nurhussein,
National Chairman, United African Congress, New York

Gordon Tapper President,
United African Congress, New York

Stephanie Evans,
Executive Director, Give Them a Hand Foundation, New York

Milton Allimadi,
Founder and Publisher, Black Star News, New York

Dr. Ron Daniels,
President Institute of the Black World 21st Century and Convener, Pan African Unity Dialogue. New York

Mamadou Niang,
Managing Editor Next Media.tv, New York

Pierre Sané,
Executive President and Editor, Imagine Africa Institute, Dakar, Sénégal

Cheikh Niang,
CEO, CTN Avia, Miami, Florida

Tigray is not alone…Ethiopia’s other conflicts

Wednesday, 25 November 2020 11:36 Written by

NOVEMBER 25, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Analysts fear the conflict in Tigray could fuel violence in other parts of the country.

Source: New Humanitarian

Ethiopia’s other conflicts

Philip Kleinfeld

A family sits inside their shelter within a camp for internally displaced people in Chelelektu town of Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region (SNNPR) in Ethiopia, on 15 August, 2018
A family sits inside their shelter within a camp for internally displaced people in Chelelektu town of Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) in Ethiopia, on 15 August, 2018. (Tiksa Negeri/REUTERS)

The conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region has cost hundreds of lives and sent tens of thousands of people fleeing to Sudan over the past three weeks. But the region is just one of several in the country experiencing violent unrest amid a fraught political transition.

Some analysts fear the conflict in Tigray – which pits the northern region’s heavily armed leadership against the authority and forces of the central government – could fuel conflict in other parts of the country, which is divided into 10 ethnically-based regions. Armed violence may increase due to opportunism or a heightened sense of grievance.

Read more → Tigray refugees recount the horrors of Ethiopia’s new conflict

Pockets of conflict in Ethiopia are typically driven by identity and ethnic politics, and competition over land and natural resources. In a significant proportion of cases, as reported by media, human rights groups, and the UN, clashes also occur on the borders between different regions and communities, especially when control over territory is transferred from one authority to another.

Unlike the battles in Tigray, most incidents of non-governmental violence involve loosely-defined militia, according to records maintained by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a conflict monitoring group, while a minority of cases are attributed to organised armed groups.

The loosening of political controls under Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has seen violence increase across the country as different ethnic groups and regions push for increased power and autonomy.

Humanitarian needs have followed: About 1.2 million people are already estimated to be living displaced from their homes by conflict – a figure sure to rise once humanitarian agencies are able to properly assess the situation in Tigray.


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With attention currently focused on the northern region, here is a non-exhaustive list of some of Ethiopia’s other flashpoints.

Benishangul-Gumuz region

Armed men killed at least 34 people travelling on a passenger bus on 14 November, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission – the latest in a series of deadly attacks in the northwestern province. The identity of the attackers is often unclear, though some blame ethnic Gumuz militiamen for targeting members of other ethnic groups, in particular the Amhara. In October, Abiy said fighters from the region were receiving training and shelter in Sudan. Benishangul-Gumuz is home to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a massive hydroelectric dam on the Blue Nile that has caused tensions with downstream Nile users, Egypt and Sudan.

West Wollega zone

At least 54 civilians were killed on 1 November in Guliso, West Wollega, by suspected members of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a rebel group that operates in western and southern Oromia. The killings targeted members of the Amhara ethnic group, according to Amnesty international, and took place after Ethiopian troops abruptly left the area. The OLA is a breakaway faction of the Oromo Liberation Front, a once-banned separatist group that returned to Ethiopia from exile in 2018 with Abiy’s blessing. Government forces have been accused of extra-judicial killings and arbitrary detention of civilians during military operations against the OLA.

Afar-Somali border

Friction along the border between the Afar and Somali regions has flared into sporadic conflict and displaced over 125,000 people over the last two years. The disputed area straddles trade and transport corridors with the neighbouring port state of Djibouti and access to the Awash river. According to the government, about 50,000 people have been displaced on the Afar side, and 78,000 on the Somali side. A UN report in January 2020 said the humanitarian situation in the Siti zone on the Somali side was “dire”, and access for aid to get in was very restricted under the oversight of a heavy military presence. In late October 2020, dozens were reportedly killed in clashes in the area. Conflict monitoring group ACLED records the current phase of sporadic violence as starting after serious clashes between armed Afar and Somali gunmen in December 2018 that killed dozens. A 2014 agreement to grant special status to three administrative areas along the regional border did not end the tension.

Oromo-Somali eastern border

One of the largest concentrations of displaced people due to conflict in Ethiopia is in Fafan, part of the Somali region bordering Oromia region. According to the UN’s migration agency, over 160,000 people were living in 34 displacement sites in mid-2020. Violence flared in August 2018, with Somalis targeting “highlanders” in the regional hub of Jijiga at a period of high political tension involving the former president of the region, Abdi Illey. Another long-running source of friction and sporadic violence nearby involves rivalry and disputes between the Jarso and Gerri communities.

Oromo-Somali southern border

The southern border between Oromia and the Somali region is also a flashpoint for communal tensions and competition for access to land and natural resources. Conflict in the Borena and Dawa areas of southern Ethiopia had left 350,000 people displaced by mid-2020, according to the UN’s migration agency, IOM. In December 2018, 21 people were killed in one of many outbreaks of conflict in the border town of Moyale, particularly between ethnic Borana – related to the Oromo group – and the Somali Garre clan. Residents have in the past fled to Kenya and Kenyan security forces have occasionally become involved, making it a point of international concern.

Amhara-Tigray border

The border between Tigray and Amhara has been a long-running dispute since its redrawing in 1991, which enlarged the Tigray boundary. Sporadic skirmishes have been reported in recent years, especially in the western part of the border area. Intercommunal violence has also broken out in Amhara between ethnic Amhara and Qemant groups, following administrative changes in 2017 giving greater autonomy to the Qemant in areas populated by both. The situation displaced over 50,000 people from September 2018 to March 2019, according to the UN’s emergency aid coordination agency, OCHA. Amhara region officials claim the TPLF is backing the Qemant as part of the broader territorial dispute. Amhara militias are now supporting the federal government’s offensive in Tigray.

Gedeo and West Guji zones

Intercommunal violence along the border of Gedeo, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region Region (SNNPR), and West Guji, in Oromia region, displaced hundreds of thousands of people in 2018. Ethnic Gedeos were accused by their Oromo neighbours of trying to annex land and resources. The government limited humanitarian access to displaced people as part of a controversial effort to encourage the displaced to return home, which most eventually did. Local peace committees were set up across the area to facilitate dialogue between the two ethnic groups – who had lived together for decades – but tensions over land still linger.

Bench Sheko zone

Between 18 and 21 October, an unidentified armed group attacked civilians in the Bench zone of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). Reports say 31 people were killed, although police figures differed. The area is in the deep southwest of the country, about 75 kilometres from the South Sudan border. The incident, which included the burning of homesteads and food stores, happened in a location called Gura Farda. Some local media reports say the victims were ethnic Amhara. The area includes a mix of ethnicities, and a restructuring to form a new administrative grouping is currently being considered.

Wolaita zone

Security forces killed at least 17 people in Wolaita zone on 10 August, after protests erupted following the arrest of local politicians seeking to form an autonomous region for the Wolaita ethnic group. The zone is currently situated within the SNNPR. Wolaita officials are hoping to follow the lead of the Sidama – the largest ethnic group in the region – who voted to form their own self-governing territory in November 2019.

NOVEMBER 24, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Mark Eyskens, former prime minister of Belgium and Koos Richelle, former director-general of the EU, are among 55 senior Europeans who supported this appeal.  

Source: EUObserver

  • Axum airport in northern Ethiopia, in 2016. The airport was destroyed by forces from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front at the weekend, according to reports 

TILLBURG, BERLIN, STOCKHOLM, SALAMANCA, DUBLIN, TODAY, 07:06

Dear Excellencies Charles Michel (president of the EU Council), Ursula von der Leyen (president of the EU Commission) and David Sassoli (president of the European Parliament),

A call to the EU to urgently engage in peace efforts for the Horn of Africa.

The European Union must immediately appoint senior high-level envoys for the Horn of Africa to engage in and provide support to international, in particular African, efforts to curb the crisis in the Horn of Africa.

The UN has called for an immediate ceasefire of all hostilities.

According to the UN, 4,000 people a day are fleeing to Sudan from Ethiopia.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, has called for a humanitarian corridor to reach the 96,000 refugees and internally-displaced persons in refugee camps in Sudan and in northern Ethiopia.

The UN is already preparing to receive 200,000 refugees in Sudan. An old refugee camp, that served during the 1984 famine, is sadly brought in use again.

The UN secretary general, António Guterres, has stated the hope that “Ethiopia will be able to find the peace it needs for its development and the wellbeing of its people.”

This crisis rightly has the full attention of the African continent.

The chair of the African Union, Cyril Ramaphosa, has appointed three elderly statespersons as envoys: Joaquim Chissano, former president of the Republic of Mozambique; Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, former president of the Republic of Liberia, and Kgalema Motlanthe, former president of the Republic of South Africa – as special envoys of the African Union. Their efforts should be supported.

Unfortunately, the military interventions are not the only problem in the region.

After the lost harvest due to the destruction by locust swarms, food reserves are in severe jeopardy.

The conflict is now contributing to an already dire situation.

A new famine of most severe proportions is looming. The current crisis comes on top of the Covid-19 pandemic, leaving children out of school for six months already. It affects tens of thousands of children in precarious situations, often separated from parents and guardians.

Ethiopia is globally renowned for its world cultural heritage representing one of the oldest human civilisations of which Ethiopians and Africans are rightly proud.

The UNESCO world heritage site in Aksum, other heritage sites and religious centres are now under threat. This tragedy is compounded by a terrible loss of innocent lives, sexual violence and a destabilising refugee crisis.

This regional crisis in the Horn of Africa requires the immediate attention of the EU at the highest level. The EU should call on the experience of statespersons to contribute as high-level envoys to the efforts of the African Union and the UN.

Yours,

Professor Dr Mirjam van Reisen, professor of international relations, innovation and care, Tilburg University

Plus 51 other signatories, including:

Prof. Dr Mirjam van Reisen, Professor International Relations, Innovation and care, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Greet Vanaerschot, Secretary General, Pax Christi International

Agnes van Ardenne, former Dutch Minister for Development Cooperation and former Dutch Ambassador to the Food and Agri Organisations of the United Nations in Rome

Genoveva Tisheva, Director of the Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria

Malgorzata Tarasiewicz, Director Network of East-West Women, Poland

Juan Santos Vara, Professor of Public International Law and Jean Monnet, University of Salamanca, Spain

Prof. Dr Conny Rijken, Professor of Human Trafficking and Globalization, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Koos Richelle, former EU Director General European Commission, EU

Prof. Dr Rik Van de Walle, Rector of Ghent University, Belgium

Prof. Dr Luc Sels, Rector of Katholieke Universiteit (KU) Leuven, Belgium

Lilianne Ploumen, MP, former Minister of International Trade and Development Cooperation, The Netherlands

Dr Gunnar Köhlin, Associate Professor and Director, Environment for Development Initiative, University of Gothenburg, Sweden

Ron Rijnbende, Edukans, The Netherlands

Simon Stocker, LDC-Watch

Klara Smits, Europe External Policy Advisors, Belgium

María Luisa Gil Payno, Economistas sin Fronteras, Spain

Ionut Sibian, Fundația pentru Dezvoltarea Societății Civile, Romania

Antonella Napoli, journalist, Italy

Prof. Dr Jan Nyssen, Department of Geography, UGent, Belgie

Dr Jan Nouwen, Coordinator Global Health Education, Erasmus University, The Netherlands

Prof. Dr Augusto Montixi, University of Cagliari, Italy

Dr Violeta Moreno-Lax, Queen Mary University of London, UK

Dr Réginald Moreels, Humanitarian surgeon and former minister for development cooperation Belgium

Paddy Maguinness, Europe External Programme with Africa, Ireland

Jens Martens, Global Policy Forum Europe, Germany

Stig Lundberg, Consultant Religious Affairs, Sweden

Benoit Lannoo, Consultant International & Interreligious Cooperation, Belgium

Jasper Kuipers, Director Dokters van de Wereld, The Netherlands

Florence Keller, Referente for platforme Citoyenne, Namur and Luxembourg regions, Belgium

Mehdi Kassou, Président de la Plate-forme citoyenne de soutien aux Réfugiés, Belgium

Susanna Henriksén, Act Church of Sweden, Sweden

Rudi Friedrich, Director of Connection e.V., Germany

William Grech, KOPIN Supporting Refugees in Malta, Malta

Valerio Giaccoia, journalist, Italy

Pierre Galand, Former Senator, Human Rights activist, Belgium

Mark Eyskens, Minister of State, Former Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of International Cooperation, Belgium

Anne Catherine de Neve, Referee Antenne Plate-forme Citoyenne de soutien aux Réfugiés for Brabant Wallon, Belgium

Prof. Ronald de Jong, Professor of Practice, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Halle Jorn Hanssen, Writer and former secretary General Norwegian Peoples Aid, Norway

Dr Daria Davitti, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Lund University, Sweden

Allan Bussard, Director, Integra Foundation, Slovakia

Prof. Dr Frans Bongers, Professor Tropical Forest Ecology, Environmental Sciences Group, Wageningen University & Research, The Netherlands

Roberto Bissio, Social Watch

Dr Andrés Bautista-Hernáez, Professor of Public International Law, University of Málaga, Spain

Dr Martin Barber, Chair, United Against Inhumanity (UAI), UK

Iliana Balabanova, President, Bulgarian Platform European Women’s Lobby, Bulgaria

Africa ExPress.info, Italy

Laura Albu, President, Romanian Women’s Lobby, Vice-President of the European Women’s Lobby, Romania

Prof. Dr Bas Arts, Universiteit van Wageningen, The Netherlands

Sara Arapiles, Nottingham University, UK

Matyas Benyik, Attac, Hungary

Kees Zevenbergen, Director CORDAID, The Netherlands

Ian White, Changing Perspectives, Ireland

Prof. Dr Lindsay Whitfield, Chair in Global Studies, Project Coordinator Decent Work and GVC-based Industrialization in Ethiopia, Roskilde University, Denmark

Prof. Dr Fulvio Vassallo, Avvocato e Vicepresidente A-DIF, Emeritus University of Palermo, Italy

NOVEMBER 24, 2020  NEWS

Source: US Embassy Asmara. Dated 23 November 2020

Location: Asmara, Eritrea

Event: The Embassy received reports today that neighborhood wardens in some areas of Asmara, at the instruction of Eritrean government officials, have advised residents to remain indoors this evening.  All U.S. Citizens in Asmara are advised to continue to exercise caution, remain in their homes, and conduct only essential travel until further notice.

Actions to Take:

  • Monitor local news.
  • Be aware of your surroundings at all times.

Stop War Crimes in Ethiopia Today

Monday, 23 November 2020 23:31 Written by

NOVEMBER 23, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: African Arguments

By Alex de Waal

On 10 December 2019, the same day that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received the Nobel Peace Prize, the 1991 winner of the prize, Aung San Suu Kyi was in court in the Hague, defending her government against accusations of genocide.

Abiy Ahmed is racing down that same road.

Over the weekend, the spokesman for the Ethiopian army, Colonel Dejene Tsegaye said that the army planned to encircle the Tigrayan capital Mekelle with tanks and begin shelling the city:

“We want to send a message to the public in Mekelle to save yourselves from any artillery attacks and free yourselves from the junta … After that, there will be no mercy.”

That would be a war crime. Abiy gave a 72-hour ultimatum to the residents of the city. Using artillery against a city (a civilian target) is a gross violation of international humanitarian law.

There is good reason to suppose that the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) may have committed war crimes too. In fact the casus belli for the offensive by the Ethiopian army is an alleged mass killing of Ethiopian army officers on 3-4 November as TPLF units overran army bases. In response, Abiy launched ground and air attacks.

The TPLF’s reported action was also reckless. Its military leaders may have believed too much in the myth of their own invincibility in the face of an all-out attack.

As the war has proceeded, government aircraft have bombed Mekelle town, including the university. The TPLF has fired rockets at cities outside Tigray. Amnesty International has reported large-scale killings of civilians by Tigrayan militia, and refugees entering Sudan speak of killings by Amhara militia. Violations by one side don’t excuse violations by the other. In a war the two sides are bound by the same standards.

Abiy has refused to call it a war and has instead called it a police action with the intent of bringing criminals to justice. That may have served him well in public relations in Ethiopia and have convinced the U.S. Ambassador and Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, but it’s not how the law works.

The Federal Government is at war with the TPLF. Airstrikes, tank battles, artillery barrages against a belligerent that controls territory and exercises command and control over armed forces, constitute a war. And in war, international humanitarian law and international criminal law apply. If the federal forces commit war crimes, the court won’t accept the plea that the other side fired the first shots.

The African Union has appointed envoys to mediate between the warring parties. The world should support them in calling for an immediate ceasefire and referring the case of the Tigray war for an independent international investigation.

A moral appeal to end hostilities

Monday, 23 November 2020 23:29 Written by

NOVEMBER 23, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Ethiopia Insight November 22, 2020

There will be no winners in a war fueled by a failure of political leadership.

 

It is a moral outrage and a sad irony that Ethiopia is at war with itself whilst actively engaged in peace-making elsewhere in the near-abroad.To add to the irony, the public watched the intense build-up with indifference only to feel perturbed as the nation dipped into a fratricidal bloodshed of a frightening scale, unfamiliar to the present generation of enlisted men and women.

From here on, not even the wisest pundits can predict what the raging conflict has in store for this nation of nationalities, once at war against poverty, the only enemy with which no compromise is possible.

What is certain, however, is that, in the absence of compromise, this country is in for a seismic humanitarian crisis far beyond its meager shock-absorbing capacity.

In this hour of peril, the moral imperative, as it were, is to mobilize public opinion and leverage mediation, rather than bickering over which side planned and instigated the bloody conflict.

As “truth is the first casualty of war”, it is for an impartial inquiry panel to sort out the claims and counterclaims and identify the guilty party that was most responsible for the debacle.

In the meantime, it must be said with righteous indignation that both sides bear responsibility for a as much baiting on a premature foreclosure of peaceful dialogue  and escalating the conflict thereafter.

If nothing else, the haste with which each side upped the ante goes to show the moral failings of the former allies in the now defunct EPRDF coalition. But if decency still matters, the only prudent course of action is to stand down and begin peace talks without preconditions.

That said, it remains to call upon religious leaders, peace advocates, and other influential public figures to bring their combined moral weight and broker cessation of hostilities as a prelude to comprehensive peace talks.

There is no shame in extending an olive branch if the alternative is worse than the momentary flack one must take for daring the opposite side to reciprocate in kind.

Surely if both sides lack the moral courage to budge, the human toll of the tragic conflict is bound to bulge and severely diminish the prospect of a post-conflict reconciliation.

In this hour of peril, saner voices with reputed pedigree also bear responsibility to encourage dialogue and remind the war-mongers that, by its very nature, the kind of conflict Ethiopia is in rarely lends itself to a military solution.

If proof is needed, suffice to recall the case of Yugoslavia, where zealous pursuit of a unilateral settlement quickly degenerated into mindless ethnic cleansing and broke apart the republics into EU-dependent mini-states overnight.

This is not to suggest that Ethiopia is doomed to go the way of Yugoslavia, but instead to draw attention to the possibility of a no less calamity should, by some consequential mishap, the conflict spill over to other regions with a recent history of violent flare-ups.

To end on a positive note, one cannot but hope that, sooner rather than later, everyone, not least those in charge, will realize that there can be no victory to celebrate after the fratricidal slaughter—but only a vigil to hold for the dead and injured from a war waged in vain.

NOVEMBER 22, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Bloomberg

By , 22 November 2020, 17:25 GMT

The United Arab Emirates called on Ethiopian leaders to return to talks and end a military conflict that’s pitting the country’s central government against the dissident northern Tigray state, the UAE’s official news agency WAM reported.

UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed “stressed the need to return and implement the rule of law” in Ethiopia, which is “key to security and stability in the Horn of Africa and the region,” WAM reported on Sunday.

The minister said the UAE has been in contact with many of its partners in Africa and the region to help put an end to the conflict by peaceful means, according to the statement.

The hostilities in Ethiopia erupted on Nov. 4 after months of tension between the federal and regional governments and have triggered a humanitarian crisis.

Tigrayan authorities say 100,000 people have been displaced, and the United Nations has warned that an additional 1.1 million people may need aid. No official figures of the number of people who’ve been killed are available.

NOVEMBER 21, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Orthodox Church of North America, Europe and the Middle East

Eritrea – Orthodox Church of North America, Europe and the Middle East

We call on the war between the peoples of Ethiopia to stop

In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, one God. Amen.

It is saddening to note that the war inside Ethiopia is getting worse.  War feeds on people.  The war that is currently underway in Tigray, kills people, destroys property, and harms the elderly, children and pregnant women without discrimination.  The Papacy of the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahdo church:

  1. The leadership of the federal government, the government of the Tigray region should recognise there is nothing to be gained from war other than long lasting animosity and hatred between the people and potential destruction of the sovereignty of the country and we call on the parties, in the name of the holy Church, to resolve their differences in a calm manner around a table.
  1. The war that has been unleashed creates long lasting animosity and hatred between the people and potential destruction of the sovereignty of the country, if allowed to continue it will be dangerous to the horn of Africa at large and to Eritrea who is in the fringes of war.
  1. The war, as long as it is not waged against the sovereignty and independence of Eritrea, the government of Eritrea must refrain from involvement and warmongering and not allow our youth to shed their blood in a war across the border and interfere in the affairs of a sovereign country Ethiopia and take sides in the conflict.
  1. To the Eritrean defence forces: the blood that was shed was enough; those of you who survived previous wars should not allow yourselves to die in this war.
  1. The people of Tigray provided refuge and protection to those Eritreans who escaped and sought safety and solace from those who made them flee from their country.  We should now return the good will and support the people of Tigray and refrain from taking any other measures that could put their lives and property in harms’ way.  You should oppose any moves by Eritrea that are designed to harm the people of Tigray or others and recognise your historic role.
  1. We call on international NGOs, human rights organisations, leaders of neighbouring countries to put pressure on the leaders of both groups to stop this dangerous war and resolve their differences through peaceful means and through dialogue.
  1. We call on the international community to protect the Eritrean refugees that are based in the refugee camps in Ethiopia and ensure their safety and protect their rights.  As stated in the Holy Bible “He puts an end to wars over all the earth; by him the bow is broken, and the spear cut in two, and the carriage burned in the fire (Psalms 46:9)” we make our spiritual call on believers to fast and pray so God can end this war.

May the Lord give us his peace

Orthodox Church of Eritrea

Papacy of North America, Europe and the Middle East

NOVEMBER 21, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Confidential papers warn that, despite talk of success, army faces heavy resistance and regional stability is at risk

Source: Guardian

Though officials in Addis Ababa, the capital, have repeatedly claimed that key towns have been secured, paramilitaries and militia deployed by the army are still struggling to clear and secure territory. Heavily armed regular troops have continued to advance into Tigray as they rush to reach the capital, Mekelle, the assessment says.

The UN document and more than a dozen interviews with aid workers from other international organisations give the most comprehensive overview so far of the fighting, and will deepen international concerns that the two-week-old conflict threatens to become a long and brutal battle, destabilising one of Africa’s most fragile regions.

Information has been difficult to obtain and confirm with communications cut to Tigray and journalists banned. Hundreds, possibly thousands, of people have been killed so far and many more have been displaced. More than 36,000 have fled into neighbouring Sudan, and large numbers are on the move within Tigray to avoid the fighting.

Prime minister Abiy Ahmed
Pinterest
Prime minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to end the era of dominance by Tigray when he came to power. Photograph: Reuters

Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian prime minister, said early last week that the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) were poised to make a “final push” to secure Mekelle and oust the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party in the region. Last Thursday, government spokesman Redwan Hussein told reporters that national forces were “moving forward and closing in on Mekelle” and that a number of towns had fallen.

“Although Tigray regional forces may have initially been backfooted by the EDF’s swift advances, the terrain in eastern Tigray is easier to defend… and if they make a stand, they have the capability to stall the EDF advance,” one analysis reads, warning that this will then “change the dimension of the conflict from one of rapid movement into one of attrition”.

Documents seen by the Observer report continuing combat in areas which Addis Ababa claims are now controlled by government forces, though their authors admit information is hard to verify.

“After the EDF have reportedly ‘taken’ key towns such as Humera, Dansha, Shiraro, Alamata and Shire, and then pushed on with their advance, fighting has continued to be reported, or has subsequently erupted again in these locations,” one reliable account said.

The documents describe well-trained and heavily armed frontline units from the Ethiopian army bypassing main towns to avoid costly urban fighting as they hurry towards Mekelle. But the militia and paramilitaries deployed in their wake are neither as well-equipped nor as disciplined and so are vulnerable to counter-attack.

One assessment predicted that if Ethiopian forces continue to advance, their supply lines and rear areas will become more vulnerable to guerilla attacks and casualties will mount.

army personnel in tank aiming a large gun
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Undated image from the state-owned Ethiopian News Agency army personnel near the border of the Tigray and Amhara regions. Photograph: AP

The conflict in north-west Ethiopia is the culmination of months of rising tensions between the TPLF and the ruling coalition in Addis Ababa. When national elections were cancelled because of the pandemic, the TPLF held polls anyway, in a move that aggravated tensions.

Abiy, who is Africa’s youngest leader and won the Nobel peace prize last year, launched his operation after accusing the TPLF of attacking a military camp and trying to seize military hardware.

The African Union said last Friday that it would send a team of mediators to Ethiopia in a bid to resolve the dispute, but few observers see much immediate prospect for peace.

The US ambassador to Ethiopia, Michael Raynor, said recent conversations with Abiy and with Debretsion Gebremichael, the hardline TPLF leader, had convinced him there was “a strong commitment on both sides to see the military conflict through”.

In a statement this week, the TPLF said hardships are part of life in wartime and promised to give Ethiopian troops “hell”on its home turf.

The reports seen by the Observer depict a complex and dynamic conflict across much of Tigray, with major clashes in the west of the region – as Ethiopian forces sought to advance towards the strategic town of Humera – and in the south-west, along the main road to Mekelle. Heavy fighting has also been reported around the town of Alamata, six miles from the border with neighbouring Amhara province which is fiercely loyal to the central government.

Ethiopian planes have launched air strikes, and Tigrayans have fired missiles into Amhara and Eritrea, which has supported the offensive to remove the TPLF. At least one massacre has been reported: it has been blamed on retreating Tigrayan militia targeting a community seen as loyal to the central government, but there is no confirmation of this.

Why is Ethiopia facing civil war? – video explainer

Though they number only 6 million out of a total 110 million people living in Africa’s second most populous country, Tigrayans effectively ruled Ethiopia for decades. Until Abiy took power two years ago, they were the strongest force in a multi-ethnic coalition. Abiy, whose parents are from the larger Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups, freed thousands of political prisoners and pledged to end domination by one ethnic group.

“Even if the EDF are successful in their mission to take Mekelle,” the UN assessment warns, “this will not necessarily end the conflict. It is likely that a protracted asymmetric conflict and insurgency would continue. From a humanitarian perspective, the longer the conflict is drawn out, the more severe the crisis will become.

Ethiopia has long been a linchpin of US policy in the fragile east African region and so far Washington has supported Abiy.

Tibor Nagy, US assistant secretary for African affairs, told reporters last week: “This is not two sovereign states fighting. This is a faction of the government running a region that has decided to undertake hostilities against the central government, and it has not … had the effect they thought they were going to get.”

On Saturday, Abiy said on Twitter that the safety and wellbeing of the people of Tigray was of paramount importance and the federal government would do everything to “ensure stability prevails in the Tigray region and that our citizens are free from harm and want”.

Secret UN report reveals fears of long and bitter war in Ethiopia

Confidential papers warn that, despite talk of success, army faces heavy resistance and regional stability is at risk

Source: Guardian

Though officials in Addis Ababa, the capital, have repeatedly claimed that key towns have been secured, paramilitaries and militia deployed by the army are still struggling to clear and secure territory. Heavily armed regular troops have continued to advance into Tigray as they rush to reach the capital, Mekelle, the assessment says.

The UN document and more than a dozen interviews with aid workers from other international organisations give the most comprehensive overview so far of the fighting, and will deepen international concerns that the two-week-old conflict threatens to become a long and brutal battle, destabilising one of Africa’s most fragile regions.

Information has been difficult to obtain and confirm with communications cut to Tigray and journalists banned. Hundreds, possibly thousands, of people have been killed so far and many more have been displaced. More than 36,000 have fled into neighbouring Sudan, and large numbers are on the move within Tigray to avoid the fighting.

Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian prime minister, said early last week that the Ethiopian Defence Forces (EDF) were poised to make a “final push” to secure Mekelle and oust the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party in the region. Last Thursday, government spokesman Redwan Hussein told reporters that national forces were “moving forward and closing in on Mekelle” and that a number of towns had fallen.

“Although Tigray regional forces may have initially been backfooted by the EDF’s swift advances, the terrain in eastern Tigray is easier to defend… and if they make a stand, they have the capability to stall the EDF advance,” one analysis reads, warning that this will then “change the dimension of the conflict from one of rapid movement into one of attrition”.

Documents seen by the Observer report continuing combat in areas which Addis Ababa claims are now controlled by government forces, though their authors admit information is hard to verify.

“After the EDF have reportedly ‘taken’ key towns such as Humera, Dansha, Shiraro, Alamata and Shire, and then pushed on with their advance, fighting has continued to be reported, or has subsequently erupted again in these locations,” one reliable account said.

The documents describe well-trained and heavily armed frontline units from the Ethiopian army bypassing main towns to avoid costly urban fighting as they hurry towards Mekelle. But the militia and paramilitaries deployed in their wake are neither as well-equipped nor as disciplined and so are vulnerable to counter-attack.

One assessment predicted that if Ethiopian forces continue to advance, their supply lines and rear areas will become more vulnerable to guerilla attacks and casualties will mount.

The conflict in north-west Ethiopia is the culmination of months of rising tensions between the TPLF and the ruling coalition in Addis Ababa. When national elections were cancelled because of the pandemic, the TPLF held polls anyway, in a move that aggravated tensions.

Abiy, who is Africa’s youngest leader and won the Nobel peace prize last year, launched his operation after accusing the TPLF of attacking a military camp and trying to seize military hardware.

The African Union said last Friday that it would send a team of mediators to Ethiopia in a bid to resolve the dispute, but few observers see much immediate prospect for peace.

The US ambassador to Ethiopia, Michael Raynor, said recent conversations with Abiy and with Debretsion Gebremichael, the hardline TPLF leader, had convinced him there was “a strong commitment on both sides to see the military conflict through”.

In a statement this week, the TPLF said hardships are part of life in wartime and promised to give Ethiopian troops “hell”on its home turf.

The reports seen by the Observer depict a complex and dynamic conflict across much of Tigray, with major clashes in the west of the region – as Ethiopian forces sought to advance towards the strategic town of Humera – and in the south-west, along the main road to Mekelle. Heavy fighting has also been reported around the town of Alamata, six miles from the border with neighbouring Amhara province which is fiercely loyal to the central government.

Ethiopian planes have launched air strikes, and Tigrayans have fired missiles into Amhara and Eritrea, which has supported the offensive to remove the TPLF. At least one massacre has been reported: it has been blamed on retreating Tigrayan militia targeting a community seen as loyal to the central government, but there is no confirmation of this.

Though they number only 6 million out of a total 110 million people living in Africa’s second most populous country, Tigrayans effectively ruled Ethiopia for decades. Until Abiy took power two years ago, they were the strongest force in a multi-ethnic coalition. Abiy, whose parents are from the larger Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups, freed thousands of political prisoners and pledged to end domination by one ethnic group.

“Even if the EDF are successful in their mission to take Mekelle,” the UN assessment warns, “this will not necessarily end the conflict. It is likely that a protracted asymmetric conflict and insurgency would continue. From a humanitarian perspective, the longer the conflict is drawn out, the more severe the crisis will become.

Ethiopia has long been a linchpin of US policy in the fragile east African region and so far Washington has supported Abiy.

Tibor Nagy, US assistant secretary for African affairs, told reporters last week: “This is not two sovereign states fighting. This is a faction of the government running a region that has decided to undertake hostilities against the central government, and it has not … had the effect they thought they were going to get.”

On Saturday, Abiy said on Twitter that the safety and wellbeing of the people of Tigray was of paramount importance and the federal government would do everything to “ensure stability prevails in the Tigray region and that our citizens are free from harm and want”.

Source=Secret UN report reveals fears of long and bitter war in Ethiopia - Eritrea Hub

(London 20/11/2020) Eritreans and Ethiopians opposed to the war in the State of Tigray in Ethiopia as well as the rest of Ethiopia and Eritrea, have today launched a joint campaign group that works to end the war by highlighting the devastation and humanitarian consequences of it.

The attack on Mekelle on 4th November escalated what had been long-standing tensions between Ethiopia’s federal government and the regional government of Tigray into a war.

Organising their activities under the slogan #AbiyEndTheWar the group comprising of Eritrean and Ethiopian campaigners aims to lobby the international community, raise awareness of the truths and myths concerning the war among fellow Eritreans, Ethiopians, the wider African community and friends of Africa. The group aims to carry out a peaceful socially distanced rally in London once lock down is lifted.

Yenabi Mezghebe spokeswoman for the group today stated ‘we are devastated by the war that has the hallmarks of a genocide initially against Tigrayans but will no doubt engulf many others if left unchecked, we call on all peace loving human beings to condemn the war and to call for reconciliation and mediation for all leaders involved’.

The campaign group is a very rare example of collaboration among Eritreans and Ethiopians given the many years of animosity between the two countries.

The war has escalated to engulf the Ethiopian federal government and two regional states in Ethiopia as well as Eritrea. The war was officially declared by Abiy Ahmed the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and Prime Minister of Ethiopia following many months of escalating stand-off with his former colleagues in the Government of the Tigray State in the north.

Eritrea under President Isaias Afwerki, who has led the country without election since the country’s independence in 1993 joined the war in support of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed with whom he is said to have been having an unconventionally close relationship following their equally unconventional peace deal in 2018.

End

The joint group can be contacted on: +447939539468 or This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.