Update from two Eritrean refugee camps in Tigray

Sunday, 20 December 2020 22:37 Written by

DECEMBER 20, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

The UNHCR camps at Adi Harush and Mai Ayni are still insecure, with no police, guards or soldiers protecting them.  No humanitarian NGOs are currently present either.
Soap and other sanitary items are lacking.
There are no medical supplies or support. Malaria has become a serious problem at both camps, with no treatment available.
The camp residents are charged by a local mill to grind it, but they report that they have no money to pay for the service.
Many of the refugees are feeling in great distress.
The situation in the refugee camps at Shimelba and Hitsats is still unknown.
Adi Harush is estimated to house about 14,000 people now, but that number cannot be confirmed under current conditions. It housed over 32,000 refugees at the end of October.
[Information as per Saturday evening. UNHCR data from October 2020 below]
 

DECEMBER 19, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Reuters

DECEMBER 18, 20202

Internal conflict in Ethiopia has driven more than 50,000 refugees into Sudan in just over a month, triggering a complex aid operation in an impoverished region of Sudan.

And fears of unrest in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region spilling into Sudan were fuelled when several Sudanese soldiers were killed on Tuesday, in what Khartoum called an “ambush” by Ethiopian forces and militias inside its borders.

Ethiopian officials did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the incident.

Sudan has boosted its military presence near its eastern frontier since the conflict between Ethiopian federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) started on Nov. 4.

But forces from Ethiopia’s Amhara ethnic group, which back the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, have also expanded their activity, leading to other incidents in long-disputed farmlands near the border where refugees have been crossing, Sudan’s information minister Faisal Salih told Reuters.

“The tensions increased and some skirmishes took place recently,” he said.

Amhara farmers claim rights to lands in the al-Fashqa plain also claimed by Sudan, and clashes sometimes flare during planting and harvest seasons.

Tigrayan refugees now hosted in eastern Sudan hold Amhara forces responsible for much of the violence they fled since early November.

Prompted by security concerns, Sudan’s Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok flew to Ethiopia on Sunday with what senior Sudanese officials said was a proposal to mediate.

Ethiopia, which declared victory over the TPLF on Nov. 29, said the offer was unnecessary. The TPLF has said it was continuing to fight.

Accounts are difficult to verify because most communications to the region have been down throughout the conflict.

Hamdok and Abiy agreed to revive a commission to settle their border dispute, which dates back to colonial times, and made progress over stalled three-way talks with Egypt on a giant hydropower dam Ethiopia has built on the Blue Nile, said Salih.

A diplomatic source in Sudan said Ethiopia’s ambassador had been summoned over the troop deaths on Tuesday, but Abiy struck a conciliatory tone, tweeting: “Such incidents will not break the bond (between) our two countries as we always use dialogue to resolve issues.”

VOLATILE REGION

Some people in Sudan are concerned that the fighting in Tigray, in which regional diplomats and humanitarian aid workers believe thousands of people have died, poses a threat to a volatile region.

The United Nations estimates that 950,000 people have been displaced by the crisis .

“The conflict area in Ethiopia is a border area, and it’s close to Sudan, Eritrea, and South Sudan. It can impact the whole region, and the Red Sea region,” said Mervat Hamadelnil, head of a Sudanese civil society initiative that has pushed for Sudan to take an active stance on the Tigray war.

Some also worry about the strain that refugee arrivals are placing on Sudan, which is trying to recover from decades of its own internal conflicts that displaced several million people.

An economic crisis has deepened since the overthrow of former president Omar al-Bashir in April 2019, causing fuel and bread shortages and pushing inflation to more than 250%.

When the first refugees arrived last month, local communities in eastern Sudan welcomed them, residents and officials say.

But the influx has also pushed up the prices of basic goods, and aid agencies are struggling to source food, water and healthcare for refugees.

Sudan’s government has told many civil servants to work from home following a rise in coronavirus cases, complicating logistical operations. The head of Sudan’s refugee commission died from COVID-19 earlier this month.

One pressure point is that Sudanese authorities, supported by the United Nations, are keen to move refugees quickly away from the border to camps, partly for fear that Tigrayan forces could use Sudan as a rear base, said a staff member of an aid organisation working in the area.

Some refugees are reluctant, hoping to return to Ethiopia to recover relatives, possessions and crops.

Three decades ago, Sudan backed Tigrayan forces that toppled Ethiopia’s Marxist Derg rulers in a conflict that sent previous waves of refugees fleeing west over the border.

Sudan’s transitional authorities, grateful for Ethiopia’s mediation between the Sudanese military and civilian groups after Bashir’s overthrow last year, now have no interest in playing a similar role against an Abiy government with international standing, said Suliman Baldo, a policy adviser for The Sentry, a Washington-based research group.

“Sudan needs to be very careful. They cannot afford now to be hosting opposition leaders and opposition armed groups,” he said.

“During the return of our forces from combing the area around Jabal Abutiour inside our territory, they were ambushed by Ethiopian forces and militias inside Sudanese territory, as a result of which lives and equipment were lost,” the army said, adding the attack took place on Tuesday.

The Sudanese army did not specify how many officers were killed. Local residents said that reinforcements were being sent to the area, which is part of the Fashaqa locality where some Ethiopian refugees have been crossing into Sudan.

Fighting erupted on Nov. 4 between Ethiopia’s government and the then-governing party in Tigray, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Thousands of people are believed to have been killed and more than 950,000 displaced, some 50,000 of them into Sudan, according to United Nations estimates.

Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok visited Ethiopia briefly on Sunday and relayed his concerns about threats to Sudan’s security along its border with Tigray.

Additional reporting by Alaa Swilam in Cairo; Writing by Nadine Awadalla; Editing by Aidan Lewis and Rosalba O’Brien

DECEMBER 16, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

“There are multiple credible reports that there are Eritreans fighting in Tigray”

Source: Lord David Alton

In a recent meeting with senior members of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office Parliamentarians were briefed on recent developments in Tigray

Dec 16, 2020

The Government of Ethiopia has confirmed that it shot at a UN convoy.

Following concerns expressed in the House of Lords about the plight of people being caught up in the horrors of war, Parliamentarians who have been following events in Tigray and Ethiopia have been asking some searching questions of the UK Government and the international community.

In a recent meeting with senior members of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, Members of the Lords and Commons were told the following points:

  • There are multiple credible reports that there are Eritreans fighting in Tigray.
  • There are credible and deeply concerning reports that refugees have been abducted and/or returned to Eritrea.
  • China (despite their position on non-interference in internal affairs) share concerns about the potential impact of the Tigray conflict on wider Ethiopian and regional stability. This is due to significant investments in the country, including Tigray.
  • There is a growing international consensus that any involvement by regional parties would have a dangerous impact on regional stability.
  • The Government of Ethiopia (GoE) has confirmed that it shot at a UN convoy but the UN hasn’t commented. The GoE now want the UN to travel in armed convoys but the UN haven’t agreed to that as yet.
  • It is probable that there have been atrocities committed on both sides.
  • There is a possibility that the TPLF engage in a protracted insurgency.
  • Both Eritrea and Amhara are currently occupying land in Tigray. That Amhara and Eritrea have moved into areas of Tigray increases the risks of popular support among Tigrayans.
  • While the expectation is that federal Ethiopia holds together, protracted ethnic conflict within Ethiopia  – in and beyond Tigray – means that disintegration cannot be discounted.
  • The Ethiopian Government have stopped humanitarian aid from reaching their own people.
  • An additional £5 million has been made available by HMG to Sudan to assist with the refugee crisis.

15 Years DB 5WA1

As we, old comrades-in-struggle of Patriot Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestai) solemnly mark today, 17 December 2017, the 12th year  of his sudden and untimely passing away in a poorly-equipped Addis Ababa hospital, we do remember him for so many vividly memorable deeds and events, some of them resonating well with the Akriya of 31 October 2017. Martyr Seyoum was present with his schoolmates at a meeting of student demonstrators in Akriya 55 years ago!! And, ironically, those schoolmates of Seyoum included Eritrea's autocrat,  Isaias Afeworki, who is today against everything that his generation dreamt of.

15 Years DB 6WA2

Seyoum's  schoolmates in May 1962 included: Woldedawit,

Michael Ghaber, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile  and Isaias.

As every genuine patriot worth his/her salt would confirm it - and forgetting the bla bla of revisionists of history and facts - Akriya was always a hotbed  of nationalist politics inside Asmara, and a hiding place for  freedom fighters. Even Martyr Seyoum Harestai  spent a couple of nights in an ELF urban hideout rented inside Akriya in August 1965 upon his (and Woldedawit Temesghen's) return to the city to organize people. (This writer, who attended the Mai Anbessa meeting of 55 years ago, also had the honour of spending a night with the two ELF fighters in Akriya precisely 52 years ago). Hajji Mussa M. Nur, co-organizer with Martyr Tuku Yihdego and group of the ELM/Mahber-Shewate demonstration over a year earlier, and who provided shelter and logistics to heroic Saeed Hussein and his ELF Fedayeen team for the successful airport operation of 1963, was for sure in Asmara/Akriya in May 1962 and was no doubt proud of what the young students were doing. One would hope he will survive the PFDJ prison of today and tell us how he would compare the 31 October 2017 demonstration with the demonstration of May 1962!  

15 Years DB WA3

Ustaz Beshir School/Akriya-inspired demonstration of 31 October 2017 and the

Prince Mekonnen SecondarySchool-initiated demo of May 1962

 had similar  messages: Natsinet/Harnet Delina, Hagizuna!

Sadly, we are in a period forcing one to say with absolute certainty that our Asmara of the 1960s was better in many ways than Isaias Afeworki's Asmara of 2017 where a 93-year-old grandfather, Hajji Mussa, is incarcerated simply because his speech allegedly "incited" students to try to demonstrate in a nation that has been obliged to delete the word "demonstration" from its dictionary. 

For the sake of the new generation that may know very little about Seyoum Harestai and his era of student militancy, who are a tiny minority today, I will write a few more lines about who he was and why he was at that the Mai Anbessa/Akriya meeting of students way back in May 1962!!

Seyoum Harestai

Seyoum Ogbamichael, one of Eritrea's strong-willed generation of freedom fighters, died on 17 December 2005 at the age of 59 reportedly of heart failure while serving as chairman of the Eritrean Liberation Front - Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC) and while discussing issues related to the formation of the present-day EPDP. Seyoum joined the armed struggle in March 1965 following a big student demonstration and after six months returned to Asmara clandestinely to give organizational shape to  urban sympathizer of the nationalist cause. On 31 August 1965, Seyoum and Woldedawit were arrested by the Ethiopian security while meeting people in a hiding place near Kidane Mihret at a tailor's shop of a son of Akriya, Siraj Ahmed, the martyr of Barentu in 1978. 

Between their arrest in August 1965 and February 1975, Seyoum and Woldedawit spent ten years in prison until the ELF liberated them together with other 1,000 Adi Qualla prisoners. Seyoum was at one time chairman of the General Union of Eritrean Peasants during which he led ELF's land distribution plan to landless peasants, and thus earned the nick-name of "Seyoum Harestai." Needless to say, he was among those patriots who were denied the return back home after liberation in 1991. When he died while on mission in Addis, his remains were brought to Europe for burial in the Netherlands.

Now Back to the Story of Demonstrations..

In Eritrea's pre-liberation era, what became impossible after 1991 was to some extent possible and safe. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign in the 1960s, people did not face what EPLF freedom fighters faced in 1993 when they  asked for minimum rights for daily survival. Student protesters in the 1960s were not shot at or killed like what happened to the disabled EPLF veterans in 1994 for voicing for attention and minimum care. Nor were prisoners of that era condemned to "detention until death", as UN's Sheila Keetharuth would put it, bringing to one's mind the situation of G-11 prisoners and many of their likes who are languishing in regime dungeons for decades without a day at court.

Ethiopia's or any alien occupier's abuses and absolute denial of rights could have been considered normal, and not normal by a government of independent Eritrea. But PFDJ's lawless Eritrea is not a normal state. As noted, PFDJ is against almost everything that Seyoum Harestai and his generation's demonstrators stood for.

Student demonstrations were frequent in the Asmara of the '60s, but those demonstrators did not at any time face death intimidations in the form of massive live gunshots as what happened on 31 October 2017 for very simple demands: the right to continue their normal school life started way back in 1967.

On the other hand, Asmara demonstrators of half a century ago raised much bigger political issues than the demands of the attempted demonstration of last October that started from Akriya. The issues raised by the Asmara demonstrators of May 1962 were challenges to the Eritrean Assembly and to  the Emperor of Ethiopia.

As my references show, the Eritrean Assembly was to meet in the third week of May 1962 to resume discussion started the previous year about one 1 million birr grant by the Emperor to cover a deficit in the Eritrean Government budget of 18 million birr for the year 1960/61. Some members of the assembly, the like of Misghina Gebrezghi and Estifanos of (Decamere), were rejecting the Emperor's grant. They were arguing that Ethiopia had to pay to the Eritrean Government the sum of 72 million birr  as unpaid arrears in  the form of customs and federal levies. Seyoum Harestai and schoolmates in the then Prince Mekonnen Secondary School believed and hoped - understandably, quite naively - that their demonstration during the Assembly's meeting would influence the 68 Eritrean legislators towards changing the status of Eritrea, including the return of young students'  favourite Blue Flag that was lowered down in the autumn of 1958.

They were big, big demands by student demonstrators! Yet, no live shots were directed to intimidate Seyoum and his co-demonstrators of 23 May 1962 who passed  running near the Eritrean Assembly building in the then  'combishtato' (Campo Citato),  singing 'we ask freedom, help us' - Tigrilgna:

                   Natsinet Delina,

                   Hagizuna"!

Again, unlike what happened on 31 October 2017, there was no single gunshot heard that day 55 years ago except the threats of horse-riding police (Bolis Abay) carrying black rubber sticks. Some students were, for sure arrested, but the rest of them were scattered to northern directions, up to Akria and Biet Giorghis.

Mai Anbessa Meeting of Student Demonstrators

The issue for the next day's demonstration was the demand for the release of detained students. To organize it, students agreed to meet at short distance north of Akriya.  We later learned that the location of the meeting place was called Mai Anbessa.

My classmate Seyoum and I were among those who attended that meeting at which a few students made "speeches" encouraging each other against the police threats and their use of the rubber batons. I vividly recall that one of the speakers at Mai Anbessa  was a girl by the name of Minnia (whose name I retained for always because she carried the name of my sister). Seyoum, the latter-day eloquent orator, was not among the speakers; instead, it was me, whose Tigrigna was still Kerenite that counted among those who said something related to the demonstration. After a while, policemen were seen heading towards the meeting place brandishing their rubble sticks - no guns!! For sure, there were police beatings. Many took shelter in Akriya homes while others continued the run towards city Centre, making sort of a successful second-day "running demonstration",  and partly achieving  the objective of Mai Anbessa gathering. On the fourth day (or may be the fifth day), all students previously detained were released.

Naturally, the May 1962 demonstration did not bring immediate changes - and of course no restoration of the Blue Flag ... kkkkk.... yet, that event sent its big message across the land!!

Together with the student demonstrations of those years, including the remarkable March 1965 demonstration in the city and later beyond it, the May 1962 chant of demonstrators calling the people for action - Natsinet Delina, Hagizuna -  was gradually  received well and influenced many citizens' nationalist awareness. Young students started joining the liberation struggle, as Seyoum and Woldedawit did in early 1965.

They say that no one can stop an idea whose time has come. A momentous start or re-start can be initiated by anyone, anywhere - say by Seyoum and his schoolmates in  May 1962, or by the young Akriya boys and girls of 31 October 2017 from Ustaz Beshir Private School.

Today's call from Ustaz Beshir School is Harnet Delina, Hagizuna. And it is  loud and clear. This renewed message for action will gradually but surely reach every corner of the nation, including Eritrea's hapless diaspora dispersed all over the globe. This new momentum from student demonstrators in Asmara will hopefully realize the much deferred dreams of so many Eritrean generations.

Thank you Akriya of the old good days of Seyoum and his generation that helped awaken thousands for national struggle, and thank you Akriya of today - Akriya of Hajji Mussa M. Nur,  Akriya of so many great patriots of this nation with unfulfilled dreams.

May your soul rest in peace, Seyoum, and May Hajji Mussa and co-prisoners survive their ordeal in PFDJ prisons and be able to see the realization of the deferred drams of our countless martyrs, both fighters and civilians!!

DECEMBER 16, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

The delay appears intended to reinforce the EU’s request for a response from Ethiopian authorities over the bloc’s calls for aid to be allowed into Tigray, where five weeks of war have led to a humanitarian crisis.

The prime minister’s spokeswoman directed requests for comment to the Finance Ministry, which did not immediately respond.

There was no immediate response to a request for comment from the bloc in Brussels.

The document says “postponing those three budget support disbursements aims at creating political space to assess the current situation and request a response with regard to the EU’s concerns notably related to” humanitarian access, cessation of hostilities and media access.

War between Ethiopian federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) broke out on Nov. 4. The conflict is thought to have killed thousands and displaced more than 950,000 people, according to United Nations estimates, about 50,000 of them into Sudan.

Western nations view Ethiopia as an ally in a volatile region, especially against al Qaeda-linked Islamist militants al Shabaab in neighbouring Somalia. The conflict poses a policy dilemma for Western governments amid reports that civilians have been targeted by both sides, and as many aid groups complain they cannot access the region more than two weeks after the government declared the end of its military operation.

The 27-nation EU is also calling for a cessation of hostilities, investigations into human rights abuses during the conflict, and for journalists to be allowed to visit the region, according to the document, which was authenticated by a senior diplomatic official in Addis Ababa.

The value of EU development assistance to Ethiopia has averaged an estimated 214 million euros per year, according to the bloc’s website.

Phone connections to Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital, were restored earlier this week and residents told Reuters that food prices are sky high and there is very little running water.

Reuters has been unable to reach residents in other towns, but reports of food shortages and looting are beginning to trickle into Mekelle.

DECEMBER 15, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: House of Lords

Ethiopia: Armed Conflict – Question by Lord David Alton

To ask Her Majesty’s Government what representations they have made to the government of Ethiopia about (1) reports of atrocities against Tigrayans, and (2) ensuring that civilians are protected.

Asked 30 November 2020

The UK is concerned by the violence between federal and regional forces in the Tigray region and the risk it poses to civilians, and by reports of ethnically-motivated attacks both within Tigray and elsewhere in Ethiopia. We are gravely concerned over allegations of atrocities and violations; we call for transparency and accountability to be delivered for such incidents. We have repeatedly called for civilians to be protected, including in conversations with both parties to the conflict. The UK’s longstanding position is that determining whether a situation amounts to genocide is an issue for competent national and international courts, not governments: our focus is on seeing an end to violence. We will continue to track the situation and to raise with the Government of Ethiopia and regional leaders these concerns, our concerns about civilian deaths and casualties, and the importance of respect for human rights.

This question is grouped with 1 other question:
HL10842
 

DECEMBER 15, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Human Rights Concern – Eritrea (HRCE)

14 December 2020

Eye-witness testimony is emerging confirming reports that the Eritrean military are entering refugee camps in Tigray, attacking Eritrean refugees, and forcibly returning large numbers of them to Eritrea. Many of these refugees were deliberately shot and seriously injured, and are recovering in hospitals in Eritrea, where they have been taken against their will. 

A constitutional dispute between the leaders of the Northern province of Tigray, The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Federal Government of Ethiopia escalated into full-scale war last month when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed sent the Federal army into Tigray to impose a State of Emergency. Federal troops now occupy the province’s towns and capital city. All communications have been severed within Tigray, so no news channels are open and roads are closed to all traffic except the military.

Eritrean refugees in Adi Harush camp are living in terror, since armed people have been entering the camp, harassing them and taking their belongings.

From Hitsats camp eye-witnesses report that towards the end of November about 10-armed people came into camp and started shooting at random. Many people were shot; some are seriously injured, and some died. The injured were loaded into trucks and forcibly returned to Eritrea. Several of the injured were hospitalised in Barentu hospital in Eritrea.  Two died from their injuries, while 32 others are still receiving treatment in the hospital. Other refugees who sustained serious injuries from gunfire at Hitsats camp were taken to Glass Military hospital in Keren, Eritrea.

Several sources in Eritrea have confirmed that refugees from Tigray continue to be forcibly returned by Eritrean soldiers and brought to different parts of the country since the war started.Refugees who have been rounded up by Eritrean soldiers from the camps in Tigray (possibly from Hitsats and Shimelba) are arriving in considerable numbers. On Thursday, 10th December, five large “dumper” or “tipper” trucks full of refugees were brought back to Eritrea, again escorted by soldiers. Three of these trucks full of refugees were taken to Shambuko, and subsequently two of the vehicles were taken to Shilalo. The refugees are presently being detained there.

Elizabeth Chyrum, Director of Human Rights Concern-Eritrea, commented: –                                    

“There is now no doubt that the Eritrean military are not only present in Tigray but have been allowed a free hand by the Ethiopian authorities to do whatever they wish with Eritrean refugees in Tigray, including forcibly returning them to the very country they fled from in fear of their lives.

What is being perpetrated against Eritrean refugees in Tigray is a crime on a massive scale. The Eritrean military’s unacknowledged presence in Tigray is part of a criminal conspiracy to forcibly repatriate Eritrean refugees to the country they fled from, where imprisonment, torture and possible death await them, as the UN Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights in Eritrea bore witness. Such forcible return of helpless refugees utterly violatesfundamental principles of international refugee treaties, including the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol on Non-Refoulement.

The international community MUST take notice of this imminent threat and recognise the very real danger to all Eritreans in Ethiopia. They MUST NOT be forcibly returned (or “refouled”) to the country from which they fled because of persecution.  

It is vital that UN Member states warn the government of Ethiopia that it is complicit in criminal acts by the military forces of Eritrea in Tigray.  

The government of Ethiopia must be reminded of its international legal duty to protect all who claim sanctuary in its territory and its urgent obligation to provide food and medical care to the remaining refugees in the camps in Tigray, who are now threatened with death from starvation unless the government of Ethiopia takes immediate action to ensure food and supplies reach them.”

—————–

Human Rights Concern – Eritrea (HRCE)

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

+44 7958 005 637

www.hrc-eritrea.org

DECEMBER 14, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Some members might inquire about reports of mistreatment of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. This issue gained heightened attention on 11 December, when Filippo Grandi, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, issued a statement saying that the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and its humanitarian partners “have had no access to the four Eritrean refugee camps inside Tigray, putting the safety and survival of the refugees at great risk”. He went on to assert that there had been “an overwhelming number of disturbing reports of Eritrean refugees in Tigray being killed, abducted and forcibly returned to Eritrea” and that “[i]f confirmed, these actions would constitute a major violation of international law”.

Ethiopia (Tigray): Discussion of the humanitarian situation under “any other business”

Source: Security Council Report

Tomorrow (14 December) Security Council members are expected to discuss the humanitarian situation in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia under “any other business”, a standing item in consultations. The meeting was initiated at the request of Belgium, Estonia, France, Germany, the US, and the UK. An OCHA representative is expected to brief.

Background

Conflict between the Ethiopian government and the country’s northern Tigray region erupted on 4 November. This followed months of rising tensions between the central government and Tigray. Many analysts have noted the desire of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to strengthen federal control over Ethiopia’s regions, including Tigray, which has chafed at what it views as an assault on its autonomy. Citing concerns about the coronavirus, the federal government postponed Ethiopia’s August general elections; in defiance of this decision, Tigray held its own regional elections in September. In October, Addis Ababa slashed federal support to Tigray, and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) (the main political party in the region) rejected the central government’s appointment of a new general to Tigray to take charge of Ethiopia’s northern command.

In this difficult context, Prime Minister Abiy launched a military campaign against the region, after accusing the TPLF of attacking an Ethiopian National Defense Forces base and attempting to steal artillery and military equipment in Tigray. Thousands of people have reportedly died as a result of the fighting since early November, and the humanitarian situation has continued to worsen. Over 50,000 refugees have fled from Tigray into Sudan, and thousands more have been internally displaced.

In addition to refugee flows, there has been further evidence of the conflict’s international ramifications.  On 14 November, the TPLF fired rockets on Asmara, Eritrea, accusing Eritrea of helping the Ethiopian military to stage operations on Tigray. The US also recently accused Eritrea of sending its own troops across the border to support the Ethiopian army in its campaign against Tigray, although Eritrea has denied the allegation.

The AU has thus far led political efforts to resolve the fighting. On 20 November, the AU Chairperson, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa, appointed three high-level enjoys to help facilitate a peaceful resolution to the conflict: Joaquim Chissano (former President of Mozambique), Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (former President of Liberia), and Kgalema Motlanthe (former President of South Africa).  These efforts have appeared to gain little traction, with President Abiy reluctant to accept external mediation and defining the conflict as a law enforcement operation. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has expressed the UN’s support for the AU’s initiative to resolve the crisis, including in 20 November and 7 December statements attributable to his spokesperson.

Earlier today, following a visit to Ethiopia to meet with Prime Minister Abiy, Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok announced that Abiy had agreed to a summit of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to address the Tigray conflict.  At time of writing, additional details about a potential summit were unclear.

Security Council Engagement

The Security Council has not engaged actively on the crisis. Although members discussed the conflict under “any other business” on 24 November, the Council has yet to take any concrete action. The 24 November meeting had been proposed by the Council’s EU members and the UK, who called for the meeting after the African members of the Council had withdrawn their initial request for a discussion, maintaining that regional engagement needed more time to take effect and that the high-level AU delegation that planned to visit Abiy had yet to arrive in Addis Ababa. (The AU delegation met with Abiy on 27 November; Abiy reportedly pledged to protect civilians but not to stop the military campaign). During the “any other business” session, members emphasised the importance of de-escalating the conflict, expressed concern about the impact of the fighting on civilians, and underscored their support for regional engagement to resolve the conflict.

Tomorrow’s “any other business” session will depart from the session on 24 November in that a briefer is anticipated and the focus is expected to be primarily on the humanitarian implications of the conflict. Although Abiy announced that the fighting had ended on 28 November, the situation has remained volatile. The OCHA briefer may describe shortages in food, water, fuel, and medical supplies in Tigray. He or she may note that the ICRC-Ethiopian Red Cross Society convoy carrying relief supplies and medicines to Mekelle on 11 December was the first international aid delivery to reach Tigray since the start of the conflict, following weeks of restrictions on international humanitarian access. Abiy has declared that the Ethiopian government is spearheading the humanitarian response in Tigray.

A number of issues are likely to be taken up in the meeting. Some Council members may be interested in OCHA’s views on the prospect of future international aid deliveries to the region. In this regard, they may highlight the importance of permitting unfettered and safe humanitarian access to Tigray.  There may be calls for holding accountable those on both sides that have committed human rights violations during the conflict. Concern is also likely to be expressed about the deaths of four aid workers—including three from the Danish Refugee Council and one from the ICRC—during the fighting.

Some members might inquire about reports of mistreatment of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. This issue gained heightened attention on 11 December, when Filippo Grandi, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, issued a statement saying that the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and its humanitarian partners “have had no access to the four Eritrean refugee camps inside Tigray, putting the safety and survival of the refugees at great risk”. He went on to assert that there had been “an overwhelming number of disturbing reports of Eritrean refugees in Tigray being killed, abducted and forcibly returned to Eritrea” and that “[i]f confirmed, these actions would constitute a major violation of international law”.

In general, there appear to be divergent views on how actively engaged the Council should be on this issue. While some members would like the Council to play a more active role, others appear concerned that this could be counter-productive and interfere with regional efforts to resolve the conflict.

“Any other business”—the format of the 24 November meeting and tomorrow’s meeting on Tigray—is one way that members have traditionally kept abreast of developments in situations not on the Council’s agenda. “Any other business” is also generally conducive to discreet discussions of more sensitive matters, as there is no public record of “any other business” topics.

Warning: Tigray faces a food emergency

Monday, 14 December 2020 15:42 Written by

DECEMBER 14, 2020  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Famine Early Warning System

Emergency (IPC Phase 4) expected in parts of Tigray in 2021 if access constraints persist

A IPC Phase 4 means that the households have large food consumption gaps which are reflected in very high acute malnutrition and excess mortality. It is one below Phase 5 – Famine

December 11, 2020

In November, tensions between the national and regional governments developed into widespread conflict in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia. The conflict has driven large-scale displacement, with populations fleeing to areas not directly under attack, neighboring Afar and Amhara Regions, and Sudan. The movement of goods and people, food assistance delivery, and many economic activities have largely halted. Insecurity in the region is likely to persist in the near term, disrupting access to food and income into 2021. High food assistance needs are expected now through at least the next harvest in late 2021 in eastern and southern areas of Tigray, and among displaced populations in Afar, Amhara, and Sudan. Urgent action is needed to reverse restrictions to movement and activities, to open humanitarian space for all humanitarian actors, and to resume and immediately scale up humanitarian assistance necessary to meet basic food needs and prevent further deterioration in food security.

Since the outbreak of conflict on November 4, fighting was primarily focused along main roadways running west to east in the region, though the full extent of conflict is likely still unknown as telecommunication services remain limited. The government imposed a six-month state of emergency on November 6. Fighting was concentrated in western Tigray, but moved eastward as the month progressed, and continues in localized areas of Tigray, with federal forces taking control of the regional capital Mekele in late November. According to UNHCR, as of December 9, nearly 50,000 people have fled to Sudan. While no official figures are available, reports indicate people have also fled to neighboring Amhara and Afar regions and that many are likely displaced within Tigray.

Poor households in Tigray rely on their own crop production and income earned through agricultural and non-agricultural labor to meet their basic food needs. When the conflict erupted, the main season meher harvest was ongoing. Available information suggests that conflict has been relatively low in rural areas, allowing many rural households to continue harvesting and consuming crops. However, reporting also suggests that some rural households in areas affected by conflict have abandoned or cannot access their fields. Furthermore, given official movement restrictions, fear of moving due to the conflict, and reduced intra- and inter-region trade flows, economic activity is generally reduced. Restricted movement is especially damaging to poor households in the deficit-producing mid- and highland areas who rely heavily on labor migration to surplus areas in the western lowlands. Income from labor migration was already negatively affected in 2020 by the COVID-19 related movement restrictions. In addition, livestock sales, an important income source among middle and better-off households throughout the region, are limited by reduced market functioning. Since this income helps support the local economy, generating demand for local agricultural labor, a reduction in livestock sales has knock-on effects for poorer households. Overall, poor households’ access to income has notably decreased.

At the same time, extremely high food prices are further constraining access to food. Information from those who recently left Tigray suggests the destruction of infrastructure, regional border closures, and fuel shortages have resulted in limited food supplies in markets, putting significant upward pressure on food and non-food prices, which were already above average.

The ongoing conflict has also prevented the delivery of humanitarian food assistance and Productive Safety Net Program (PSNP) permanent direct support. More than 300,000 people in Tigray, including internally displaced people (IDP) and refugees, typically receive humanitarian food assistance every six weeks, though it is expected they have not received a distribution since October due to the conflict. An estimated 1 million people in Tigray receive PSNP support, covering up to 50 percent of basic kilocalorie needs among poor and very poor households (Figure 1). While most PSNP beneficiaries receive distributions between February and July, roughly 250,000 permanent direct support beneficiaries, including the elderly and disabled, receive year-round assistance. It is believed that these beneficiaries have not received a distribution since August as the federal government did not transfer cash to the region following the tension due to the regional election. On December 2, the federal government and UN announced a humanitarian corridor was opening to government-controlled areas. Humanitarian assistance has likely reached some areas, as the NDRMC reported on December 8, though this is difficult to confirm. However, PSNP distributions are likely to be limited in the short to medium term as the resumption of deliveries, which require federal government funds, will depend on the implementation support of the regional government.

Localized conflict and some displacement in Tigray are expected to continue into 2021. Economic activity is expected to somewhat improve as the military offensive has largely ended; however, with the anticipated continuation of the state of emergency coupled with damaged infrastructure, some disruption to the movement of people and goods is likely through at least mid-2021.

Food security among displaced, urban, and some poor rural households has notably declined. With the availability of the harvest, particularly in surplus-producing western areas, most poor households are likely meeting their immediate short-term food needs; however, Crisis (IPC Phase 3) outcomes are anticipated in several eastern, central, and southern areas, including some urban and peri-urban areas, of Tigray. Anecdotal reports suggest that IDP and poor households in bordering areas of Amhara and Afar are also having difficulty accessing food and other basic supplies due to limited market activities with Tigray; Crisis (IPC Phase 3) outcomes are also likely among these populations. It is expected that some direct beneficiaries of PSNP who have not received assistance since August are likely facing wide food consumption gaps indicative of Emergency (IPC Phase 4). FEWS NET currently anticipates that PSNP deliveries are likely to resume by mid-2021 and that humanitarian assistance will be delivered to some areas starting in the coming months. However, in the absence of assistance and PSNP, additional very poor households are likely to deteriorate to Emergency (IPC Phase 4) in the coming months with the depletion of the harvest, and area-level Emergency (IPC Phase 4) outcomes would be likely in early 2021. Urgent action is needed to enable the immediate scale up of food assistance necessary to meet basic food needs and prevent further deterioration in food security.