ኤርትራውያን ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ናይ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ቃልሲ ነካይድ ከም ዘለና ብሩህን እዉጅን እዩ። እዚ ነዓና ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንሕብረትሰብ ዓለም እውን ርኡይ እዩ። እንተኾነ ሕማቕ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ በደልን ንናትና ተወፋይነትን ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ክህቦ ዝጸንሐ ግምት ካብቲ ክኾኖ ዝነበሮም ኣዝዩ ንታሕቲ እዩ። ብወገና እውን ቃልስና ብመንጽርቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ ወጽዓን ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ካባና ዝጽበዮን፥ ውጽኢቱ ትሑት እዩ። ናይዚ ጠንቂ ከኣ ካብ ናትና ድኽመት ሓሊፉ ካልእ ክኸውን ከምዘይክእል ክንእመነሉ ይግበና።

“ስለምንታይ እዩ ውጽኢት ቃልስና ትሕቲ ትጽቢት ህዝብና ኮነ፥ ትሕቲ ግምት ሕብረተሰ ዓለም ኮይኑ ቆላሕታ ዝስእን?” ዝብል  ግቡእ ግዜን ኣድህቦን ሂብካ ክምዘን ዝግበኦ ሕቶ እዩ። ሓደ ካብቲ ምኽንያታት ኣብ መንጐ ድሌትናን ዓቕምናን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ናይ ድሌትን ዓቕምን ዘይምምጥጣን  ባህሪ ቃልሲ እምበር፡ ኣባና ጥራይ ዘጋጥም ኣይኮነን። እቲ ካልእ ኣብ ናይ ካለኦት ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ብዙሕነት ዘተኣናገዱ ወገናት ተመኩሮ ዝመሓደር፡ ኣባና  ሳዕሪሩ ዘሎ ከኣ፤ ነቲ ዝርካቡ ዝተበተነ ዓቕምና ኣቀራሪብናን ኣወሃሂድናን ክንጥቀመሉ ዘይምብቃዕና እዩ። ብዛዕባ ኣብቲ ዘሰማመዓካ ተኸኣኢልካን  ተላፊንካን ምቅላስ፡ መፈላለይኻ መሰረታዊ እንተዝየኮይኑ ከኣ ሓደ ሰልፊ ወይ ውድብ ምዃን  እንዳተኽእለ ብግብሪ ክንበቕዖ ዘይምኽኣልና እውን ቆላሕታ ክንህቦ ዝግበኣና እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ንድሕሪት ተመሊስካ መፈላለይ ነጥብታት ምትዕብባይን ናይ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮ እሱር ምዃንን ሃናጺ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ክንዳኡ ንቕድሚት እንዳማዕደኻ ዋላ ንእሽቶይ ይኹን ነቲ ዘሰማምዓካ ከተዕኩኾ ምጽዓር ተመራጺ እዩ። ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ ዘኽእለና ህልዊ ኮነ መጻኢ ዋኒንን ዕድልን ስለ ዘየብልና ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ደኣ ነቲ ናይ ሓባር መንገዲ ብዕቱብ ሒዝና ከነሰስኖ ብዘይምኽኣልና እዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ ከኣ እንተዘይሓቢርና እቲ ዝተበተነ ጻዕርና ትርጉም ከም ዘየብሉ ብግቡእ ክንርዳእ ዘይምብቃዕና እዩ። እዚ ዘይብቕዓት ብፍላይ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ናይ ኩሉ ጸገማትና መሰረታዊ ጠንቂ እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብዙሓት እንጭረሓሉ ሓብራዊ ዕማምና እዩ። ግና ኣብኡ እውን ብሓባር ኣትኪልና ክንሰርሕ ኣይከኣልናን። “እሞ ስለምንታይ?” እዚ እውን ቅድሚ ኩሉ ክምለስ ዝግበኦ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ እዩ። ዘይሩዘይሩ ኣብ ምምላስ እዚ ሕቶዚ ድኽመትና፡ ሕመቕናን ዘይተጸዋርነትናን  ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ውሽጣዊ ጠንቂ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እዚ ሕጽረትዚ ዝከኣል ክነሱ ዘይምኽኣልና ዘመልክት እዩ። በቲ ኮነ በዚ ናይዚ እዋንዚ ዓብይ ብደሆና ኣብ ክንዲ ብሓባር ንሰርሕ፡ በበይኖም “ሩባ ኣብ ዘየሳግሩ” ነናትና ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኩርቢታት ተኾይጥና ኢና “ያላኻ”  ንበሃሃል ዘለና። ንፍቶ ንጽላእ ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ “ናይ መን ኣተሓሳስባ ሰዓረ” ኒሕን ዘይውሕሉል ውድድርን ይጻወተልና ምህላዉ ክንእመነሉ ይግባበኣና። ከምቲ “ውሕጅ ከይመጸ መንገዲ ውሕጅ ጽረግ”  ዝበሃል፡ ስጉምትታትና ብሎሚ ጥራይ ተለኪዖም ዝስፈዩ ዘይኮኑ፡ ንጽባሕ እውን ኣብ ግምት ዘእተዉ ክኾኑ ይግበኦም።

ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ከምዚ ዘለዎ ነባሪ ኣይኮነን። “መዓስ?” ዝብል እኳ ሕጂ ክንምልሶ እንኽእል ሕቶ እንተዘይኮነ ክቕየር እዩ። መዓስን ብምንታይ ካልእ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን  መራሒኡ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ምስቲ ዝዓሰወ ኣተሓሳሳባኦም ክውገዱ እዮም። “መን ምስ ነበረ ከደኣ ክነብሩ”  ከም ዝበሃል ምኻዶም ከም ዘይተርፍ ንኹላትና ብሩህ እዩ። ከምቲ “ክሳብ ዝሓልፍሲ ትንፋስ የሕልፍ” ዝበሃል ግና ኢሳያስን ኣሰነይቱን ክሳብ ዘለዉ፡ ንህዝብና ደም ከም ዘንብዕዎ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ናትና ብሓባር ኣንጻር ህግደፍ  ምቅላስ፡ ኣበርክቶኡ ነቲ ዘይተርፍ ውድቀቱ ምቅልጣፍ እዩ። ድኽመትና ከኣ ንህግደፍ ዘለኣለማዊ ዝገብሮ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ዕድመኡ ግና ከናወሓሉ ይኽእል። ዕድመ ህግደፍ ምንዋሕ ማለት ከኣ፡ ወጽዓ ህዝብና ምግዳድ ማለት እዩ። ስለዚ ናይቲ ዝባኽን ዘሎ ግዜ ትርጉም ክስቆረና ይግበኦ።

ሎሚ ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ ምብቃዕና ኣድማዕነቱ ኣብ ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጥራይ ዝድረት ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ድሕሪ ውድቀት እቲ ጉጅለ ዝጽበየና ሓድሽ መድረኽ እውን ባይታ ዝምድምድ እዩ። ሎሚ ሱር ዝሰደደ ብሓባር ዘሰልፍ ርኢቶ እንተዘይኣጥሪና፣ ጽባሕና ካብ ሎሚና ዝኸፈአ ከይከውን ውሕስነት የብልናን። ቀንዲ እነትክለሉ ንናይ ሎሚ ህጹጽ ዕማምናኳ እንተኾነ፡ ቃልስና ብዛዕባ ጽባሕ ዘይእምት “ካብ ኢድ ናብ ኣፍ” ከይከውን ክንጥንቀቕ ይግበኣና። ስለዚ ሎሚ ነቲ ጉጅለ ደፊኡ ዘውድቕ ናይ ሓባር ኣተሓሳስባ ዘይምሓዝና፡ ሳዕቤኑ ኣብ ሎሚ ዝድረት ዘይኮነስ፡ ጠንቁ ናይ ጽባሕ ዘይርግኣት ዘኸትል ከይከውን ግቡእ መንገዲ ምትሓዙ ከድልየና እይ። 

ኣብቶም ክፈላልዩና ዘይግበኦም ብዙሓት ጉዳያት ኣተሓሳስባና ከነስጥም ዘይምኽኣልና፡ መርኣያ ድኽመትና ምዃኑ ክንእመን ይግበና። ምእማን ጥራይ ኣይኮነ፡ ነቲ ዝተኣመናሉ ድኽመት ከነወግድ ግብራዊ ስጉምቲ ክንወስድ ግድን’ዩ። ብኣራሚ ስጉምቲ እንዘይተሰንዩ ደጋጊምካ ድኽመትካ ምእማን  ፋይዳ የብሉን። ብዙሓት ብመጽናዕቶም ከም ዘረጋገጽዎ፡ ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ለውጢ ካብ ዝፈላልዩና ዘሰማምዑና ይበዝሑ። እቲ ሓቂ ከምዚ እንዳሃለወ ግና፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ነቲ ጉሊሁ ዝረአ ዘሰማመዓና  ተኸናኺንና ኣጽኒዕና እንሕዞ፡ በቲ ንኡስ ዝፈላልየና ንኹለፍን ንድሕሪት ንምለስን። እቲ ጸገም ኣብ ክንዲ ንኹልና ዘረዳድእ ቋንቋን ሓቛፊ ኣተሓሳስባን ክንረክብ ኣብ ማእከል ተራኺብና እሂንምሂን ነቐድም፡ ነናብ ናትና ንስሕብ።  እቲ መዋጸኦ ተኸኣኢልካን ተጻዋዊርካን ብሓባር ምቅላስ ምዃኑ ምስተፈለጠ፡ ነዚ ዝተፈልጠ መድሃኒት ኣብ ምቕራብ  ንጽገም ምህላውና ከኣ ዘየገርም ኣይኮነን።

ኤርትራውያን በብእዋኑ ንሰማመዓሎም ኮነ፡ ንፈላለየሎም ዛዕባታት ከከም መድረኹ ይቀያየሩ እዮም። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከኣ እቲ መፈላለይ ዛዕባ ኮይኑ፡ ንኤርትራውያን ኣብ ገሊኡስ ዘናቑተና ዘሎ፡ እቲ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ እዩ። ኣብቲ ኤርትራዊ ጉዳያትና እነርእዮ ምትህልላኽ ከይኣክል፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ጐረቤት ክሳብ ክንዲዚ ምንህሃርን ምትህልላኽን ንብዙሓት ዘገርም ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ክሳብ ክንድዚ ኣብ ዘይቀዳምነትካ ዓሚቕካ ምእታው ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።  ከም ኣባና’ውን ጽልዋ ዘሕድር ናይ ጐረቤት ኩነታት ቆላሕታ ምሃብና ግና ንቡር እዩ።  በዚ ኮነ በቲ፡ “ሳዕስዕ’ሞ ሳዕስዕ ሓዳርካ ኣይትረስዕ” እንድዩ፡   ናብቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይና እንተዘይተመሊስና  ጽባሕ’ውን ዋጋ ከኽፍለና እዩ።

Tuesday, 16 March 2021 01:12

ናይ ሓዘን መግለጺ

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MARCH 15, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

“As heavy fighting continues to restrict humanitarian operations across parts of Tigray, people are facing an extremely dire humanitarian situation…Aid workers continue to receive reports of attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure in Central, North Western and South Eastern zones, including house-to-house searches accompanied by indiscriminate, extrajudicial killings. Gender-based violence remains widespread…About 4.5 million people are currently in need of humanitarian assistance in Tigray.”

This report by the UN OCHA shows how vital it is that aid gets through to people now on the edge of starvation. Below is a selection from the report.


HIGHLIGHTS

  • The humanitarian situation in Tigray remains extremely concerning, with conflict continuing to drive displacements of people and reports of some villages completely emptied.
  • Following the transition to a flexible notification system for access, several organizations have deployed international staff to Tigray to support the scale up of the response.
  • Delivery of assistance is stepping up, with humanitarian partners reaching 0.9 million people with complete food baskets, almost 0.7 million with water, and 136,000 with shelter.
  • Despite some progress in accessible areas, many people remain in hard-to-reach areas due to insecurity, logistical and administrative hurdles, where assistance is needed.
  • Over the past week, a large influx of people has reached Shire from Western Tigray amid reports of grave human rights abuses. Those newly displaced arrived in critical conditions.

BACKGROUND 

SITUATION OVERVIEW

As heavy fighting continues to restrict humanitarian operations across parts of Tigray, people are facing an extremely dire humanitarian situation. Clashes continue to be reported in Central, Eastern, North Western, South Eastern and Southern Zones, where social services have reportedly collapsed, according to partners on the ground. A vast majority of health centres have been vandalized, destroyed or burned, and many health personnel have not been paid and are reportedly being threatened by armed actors, further delaying their return to work. Ongoing looting of health facilities, including in Southern Tigray, is hindering the health response, as partners are discouraged from providing medical supplies. People with chronic diseases and pregnant women are particularly affected, as they are unable to access emergency medical services during curfew hours, causing preventable deaths and delivery complications. Universities across Tigray have reportedly been extensively looted, while at least two have been destroyed by fire or bombs.

Basic services, including communications, electricity and banking, remain disrupted across much of Tigray. Approximately 4.5 million people living in rural areas and major towns in North Western Zone have had no power or communications for more than four months. Lack of communications in most areas are adding significant challenges to the delivery and monitoring of life-saving assistance.

In Western Tigray, partners report that tens of thousands of people have been displaced from the area allegedly on ethnic grounds. Since November 2020, the Western Tigray Zone has been under de facto control of Amhara regional authorities, during which there have been reports of ethnically motivated violence and forced displacement. Since February, thousands of residents in Western Tigray have fled the Zone amid reports of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and disappearances of people, particularly young men. As of 8 March, more than 45,000 people have been registered in Shire, with an influx of about 1,500 people every day. The newly displaced, who arrive in dire conditions, have reported that some people remain stranded on the way due to lack of transportation from Tekeze River to Shire and have very limited humanitarian assistance. In Shire, aid workers have started delivering some food, shelter, wash and health assistance, and stressed the very urgent need to provide additional relief to the new arrivals, particularly shelter and non-food items. Humanitarian access and response in Western Zone is currently only possible through Amhara Region.

Aid workers continue to receive reports of attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure in Central, North Western and South Eastern zones, including house-to-house searches accompanied by indiscriminate, extrajudicial killings. Gender-based violence remains widespread, according to the latest Emergency Coordination Centre meeting on 5 March, and humanitarian actors are still unable to measure the full extent of the situation, particularly in rural areas due to limited access. With government social protection, security and judicial systems not functioning, survivors of human rights abuses are receiving inadequate assistance. International actors, including the World Bank, continue to underscore the importance of safeguarding the rights of all people in Ethiopia. Multiple human rights organizations published, on 9 March, a joint open letter to H.E. Ms. Linda Thomas-Greenfield, Permanent Representative of the US to the UN in New York, calling for a prioritization of the crisis in Tigray at the UN Security Council, including mobilizing an appropriate diplomatic response.

With many areas of Tigray not having received vital assistance since the conflict started four months ago, the rising needs have vastly outstripped the preliminary response plan that was developed by the humanitarian community in the first weeks of the conflict. Now, partners are increasingly able to access hundreds of thousands of people in Tigray who are in desperate need, and to move more supplies and personnel into the region. The 2021 Humanitarian Needs Overview launched by the humanitarian community on 5 March estimates that about 4.5 million people are currently in need of humanitarian assistance in Tigray, of whom 3.5 million people are in accessible and partially accessible areas. The humanitarian community will continue to update this figure as more assessments become possible in the Region.

HIGH-LEVEL VISITS

About 40 diplomats, including the United States Ambassador to Ethiopia and members of the European Union, visited Mekelle on 10 March. Their visit follows the recent announcement by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) on the deployment of a Disaster Assistance Response Team to respond to growing humanitarian needs in the Region.

CROSS-BORDER IMPACT

Conflict along the border between Sudan and Ethiopia has significantly escalated over the past week, with direct confrontations between Sudanese Armed Forces and Ethiopian and Eritrean forces. The rising tensions over the disputed Fashaga area have gained broader geopolitical implications for the Horn of Africa region, including the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam in the Benishangul-Gumuz region.

Although the number of people arriving in East Sudan has drastically reduced in the past weeks, UNHCR reports that more than 61,880 people are currently seeking refuge in the Sudanese states of Gedaref and Kassala. Both Um Rakuba and Tunaybah camps in the Gedaref State have reached their maximum capacity, each slightly above 20,000 people. Relocations to the camps have stopped after more than 41,180 people were relocated to camps and settlements. More than 20,000 people remain in Hamdayet and Village 8 near the crossing points. UNHCR are working with local authorities and partners to adequately respond to the situation, as well as mobilizing resources to provide life-saving assistance services to the new arrivals.

HUMANITARIAN PREPAREDNESS AND RESPONSE

Following the recent transition from the previous clearance mechanism for international aid workers to a flexible notification system by email to the Ministry of Peace, a number of humanitarian organizations have begun using the new system and have deployed international staff to support the scale up of relief operations in Tigray. The National Disaster Risk Management Commission (NDRMC) and the Logistics Cluster also replaced the previous system on the movement of aid cargos with a similar notification mechanism. Partners are now able to move humanitarian commodities by informing NDRMC 48 hours ahead of any cargo movement into Tigray, without waiting for clearance.

Access to Eastern Tigray has improved over the past weeks as armed hostilities in the area largely subsided, and partners are operating in areas that were previously inaccessible. Movements along the main road between Alamata, Mekelle and Shire remains possible, while partners have reported issues with government clearances and insecurity along the road from Shire, Mae-Tseri, to Gondar. With stronger presence on the ground, there is an urgent need for humanitarian organizations to decentralize their capacity out of Mekelle through the main accessible axis from Adigrat, Adwa, Axum to Shire. Establishing a presence closer to the people is critical in order to reach more people in rural areas with the greatest humanitarian needs, as well as ensuring protection-by-presence.

Despite significant progress, partners estimate that 950,000 people who need urgent assistance remain in areas that are hard-to-reach by humanitarian organizations. The situation is particularly concerning in Central Zone, where about 460,000 people need critical humanitarian assistance. Very limited assistance and services are currently available to the people in hard-to-reach areas, while the overall operational environment is highly volatile and insecure for humanitarian operations.

Further, the humanitarian situation in Shire remains dire, according to a recent mission by the World Food Programme and Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and partners on the ground. Thousands of displaced people lack adequate shelter and basic access to health, water, sanitation, and hygiene services, while food aid is also reportedly irregular and insufficient. With the sudden and ongoing influx of more than 45,000 people from the Western Tigray Zone to Shire Town, it became increasingly critical to scale up the multisectoral response to provide life-saving assistance to those in need.

In light of concerns that food aid is not reaching people in urgent need particularly in rural areas despite large amounts of assistance dispatched into and within the Region, the Food Cluster has established the Monitoring Working Group and held its first meeting on 5 March.In the past week, the Protection and Health clusters finalized the Joint Response Plan to Sexual and Gender-Based violence and Mental Health and Psychosocial Support needs in Tigray, and partners on the ground are working to operationalize the plan. The Protection Cluster is also working with the Education Cluster to develop a joint position on safe school reopening, particularly given alarming reports of threats to teachers and kidnappings of several students and the overall politicization of schooling by parties of the conflict.

Protection

Needs

  • Gross violations and abuses against civilians, such as forced displacement and returns, killings, abductions, sexual violence including against children, allegedly perpetrated by various parties to the conflict, and reported since the beginning of the conflict, continue to reach the Cluster partners.
  • Reports of sexual violence are widespread across the region. The Emergency Coordination Center noted on 5 March that there have been at least 417 self-reported cases of gender-based violence (GBV) from Mekelle, Wukro and Adigrat alone, simultaneously stressing that this is only “the tip of the iceberg”. While more than 110 rape survivors are currently seeking medical care in several medical institutions, according to the Protection Cluster, these incidences are believed to be greatly under-reported due to fear of stigma, discrimination and repercussion. Partners have also received reports that survivors of GBV who have reached out locally for community support were not able to access any services. Given the stigma and shame surrounding GBV, survivors in rural and remote areas are less likely to access local or mobile clinics as they are less confidential. Further, since many areas in Tigray remain inaccessible, it is difficult for GBV survivors to receive urgent and life-saving medical care, GBV case management or mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS).
  • Women and children displaced are at heightened risk of abuse and exploitation, while recent assessments in collective centres for displaced people in Mekelle, Adigrat and Shire showed that the severe lack of infrastructure leaves women and children exposed to a range of abuse, including GBV. In general, many are sheltering in unfinished or damaged building and most centres do not include separate spaces or latrines for women and men, doors or even windows. At least 90 unaccompanied and separated children are living in these three centres that were assessed.
  • As of 18 February, 724 unaccompanied and separated children were registered by the Bureau of Labour and Social Affairs (BoLSA) and Protection partners in Mekelle, Adigrat and Axum towns. These children are at increased risk of violence and abuse, including GBV, child labour, trafficking and exploitation.
  • The Cluster is receiving concerning reports that many who have been displaced in western Tigray, including Adi Goshu, Humera and other locations near the Sudanese border, are now struggling to reach Shire. These groups are in urgent need of unimpeded access to safe areas, as well as related assistance and protection. Further, more than 45,000 people who have reached Shire from Western Tigray Zone are living in precarious conditions, mostly in the open air, as outlined in the Shelter section. Partners on the ground report that the pace and circumstances of displacement, together with humanitarian assistance, place these people at heightened protection risks.
  • Reports of exclusion from food assistance are increasing. The Protection Cluster is receiving reports on alleged exclusion of female-headed households from food assistance unless accompanied by a male family member. These reports have been shared with the Food Cluster.
  • Forced relocation of displaced people is also reported by protection actors on the ground. While advocacy by protection actors successfully halted the relocation of more than 30,000 people from Axum University to an unused prison in Shire, it is critical that these advocacy efforts continue in order to ensure that a suitable location is identified, that the displaced people are engaged and informed, and that the conditions for safe and dignified relocation are met.
  • There have been alarming reports of death-threats to teachers and kidnappings of several students by parties to the conflict to deter school re-opening. Focus group discussions and assessments in Mekelle suggested the instrumentalization of education by different parties of the conflict, giving rise to an urgent need to balance the right to education and the non-derogative right to life, as outlined in the section on Education reporting.
  • Overall, many people affected by the conflict in Tigray are traumatized and still face high protection risks, and are in need of urgent assistance, including mental health and psychological support. There is an immediate need for the Government to fulfil its responsibility to protect civilians, restore law and order, and bring perpetrators to account. Access to justice and protection of survivors and witnesses of violence are essential to ensure a favourable protection environment.

Response

  • The Protection Cluster, with 16 partners on the ground, is planning to assist nearly 410,000 people, including 263,000 with protection activities through monitoring aimed at identifying risk groups and referring cases through established and strengthen pathways for specialized services, 106,000 with prevention of GBV programmes, over 35,300 children with specific services for this group, and 4,565 people with housing, land and property activities. A protection actor to carry out monitoring activities has been identified, who will also ensure appropriate referral pathways for specialised provision of services.
  • The Protection Cluster has finalized its input to the Joint Protection-Health Response Plan to address the Sexual and Gender-Based Violence and Mental Health and Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) needs across Tigray. The plan includes the scale up of the response in several areas, including legal aid support, case management, MHPSS and enhanced health services. It further outlines additional activities to be implemented through other clusters including Camp Coordination and Camp Management, Emergency Shelter, WASH and Education.
  • In addition to conducting trainings to newly recruited staff who will contribute to the scale up of the response, the Cluster is also engaged in mobilising actors and resources to provide legal aid support and rehabilitate and establish safe shelters. Efforts to increase MHPSS support are underway with a strategy under development to engage actors across different clusters, as well as training relevant actors on psychological first aid and psychosocial support.
  • In the first week of March, Child Protection (CP) partners provided psychosocial support to 422 displaced children in Mekelle and its surrounding areas, such as Hadinet and Kisanet woredas.
  • Since the beginning of 2021, GBV partners have distributed a total of 23,722 dignity kits for women and girls of reproductive age across Amhara and Tigray regions. Importantly, 1,275 women and girls, including GBV survivors, have received psychosocial support and case management. In addition, over 5,000 displaced people have been reached with awareness-raising interventions, including as accompaniment to the provision of dignity kits to provide updates on service availability and key sexual and reproductive health and GBV messages. UNFPA has pre-positioned an additional 3,600 dignity kits in Afar Region for distribution to conflict-affected women and girls in woredas bordering Tigray.
  • The CP/GBV Areas of Responsibility has also consolidated a sectoral work plan to guide partners and humanitarian efforts in the coming five months. The plan is a living document that has also been consulted with the Ministry of Woman, Children and Youth and BoLSA. Its main areas of work revolve mainly around the prevention and response to SGBV and caring for survivors; on providing tracing and alternative care for unaccompanied and separated children; on MHPSS; and on awareness raising/community engagement and support. Ensuring adequate coordination and efficient mechanisms to prevent and respond to SEA is a priority throughout the response. Likewise, scaling up existing operational capacities, gaining access and raising the necessary resources is also urgent to implement these actions.
  • The Protection Cluster and the Food Cluster continue to work together to develop a joint plan to mitigate the risk of food exclusion and reported threats at distribution points.
  • Given the reported death-threats to teachers and kidnapping of students, the Protection Cluster continues to work closely with the Education Cluster to develop a common position to balance the right to education with the non-derogative right to life, and is engaging with other humanitarian partners for advocacy. The Cluster will also work with relevant partners to address protection risks associated with back-to-school plans and ensure the voluntary, safe, and dignified relocation of displaced people currently sheltering in schools.

Gaps

  • Despite the gradual scale-up, the Protection response remains insufficient compared to the scale of the needs and identified targets.
  • The network of local and regional government Protection services has been deeply disrupted by the conflict. Access to these services has been made much more difficult, and the situation is particularly concerning for displaced people across the Region.
  • The volatile security situation is hindering the response, particularly as partners remain reluctant to confirm their implementation locations.
  • The delayed programming for protection interventions is undermining the efforts to provide emergency protection services and mitigate the risk of further exacerbation of the protection needs.
  • Tens of thousands of people displaced from Western Tigray Zone continue to arrive in Shire Town, overwhelming the existing humanitarian capacity.

Logistics

Needs

  • While the Logistics Cluster has so far transported over 300 million tons of humanitarian cargo on behalf of its partners along the main routes into Tigray, primarily Gondar – Mai Tsebri – Shire routes, and from Kombolcha to Mekelle, secondary routes have yet to be serviced due to lack of requests from partners for delivering of cargo along these routes. Additional food operators are needed to complement ongoing efforts to deliver aid to areas that have not been reached for over three months.
  • The supply of commercial trucks is expected to be further limited during the agricultural season–March to September–, according to the Logistics Cluster Partners. Overall, increased capacity to mobilize humanitarian supplies and personnel, particularly to rural areas of Tigray, is needed to allow partners to scale up the response.

Response

  • The Logistics Cluster is increasing its capacity and has now established six storage capacities and common transport from Addis Ababa, Adama, Kombulcha, Semera, Gondar, and Mekelle.
  • Further, a 4,000 square metre facility with a 1,600 square metre warehouse has been established in Mekelle and is operational as of this week. In the coming month, the Cluster will be working to identify common storage for partners in Shire.
  • In the reporting period (3 to 10 March), the Logistics Cluster facilitated the transport of 259 MT of cargo by eight commercial trucks along the Kombolcha-Kombo-Mekelle route.
  • In addition to facilitating a delivery of 75 MT of wheat flour to Mekelle for a partner, the Cluster also facilitated two deliveries of 2.326 MT each to Mekelle and Alamata for two partners. WFP is increasing its fleet size from the current 23 trucks to over 100 fleet trucks by late March to support WFP and Logistics Cluster operations.
  • The Cluster currently supports 31 partners in the Tigray response and is on standby to facilitate access to a dedicated WFP fleet to support the humanitarian community, should commercial transport become unavailable.

Gaps

  • Ongoing insecurity is the main challenge of the response.

MARCH 15, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: MSF

Press Release15 March 2021
  • Violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region has extended to attacks on health facilities, with barely one in 10 functioning.
  • Of the 106 health facilities MSF teams visited, one in five had been or was occupied by armed soldiers; one facility is being used as an army base.
  • The damaged, looted facilities and resulting lack of medical staff means people in the region have very little access to healthcare.
  • MSF urges all armed groups in the area to respect medical facilities and for services to be restored as soon as possible.

ADDIS ABABA – Health facilities across Ethiopia’s Tigray region have been looted, vandalised and destroyed in a deliberate and widespread attack on healthcare, according to teams from Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Of 106 health facilities visited by MSF teams between mid-December 2020 and early March 2021, nearly 70% had been looted, and more than 30% had been damaged; just 13% were functioning normally.

In some health facilities across Tigray, the looting of health facilities continues, according to MSF teams. While some looting may have been opportunistic, health facilities in most areas appear to have been deliberately vandalised to make them non-functional.  In many health centres, such as in Debre Abay and May Kuhli in North-West Tigray, teams found destroyed equipment, smashed doors and windows, and medicine and patient files scattered across floors.

In Adwa hospital in central Tigray, medical equipment, including ultrasound machines and monitors, had been deliberately smashed. In the same region, the health facility in Semema was reportedly looted twice by soldiers before being set on fire, while the health centre in Sebeya was hit by rockets, destroying the delivery room.

MSF teams recently visited 106 medical facilities across Tigray region, Ethiopia. Of the facilities visited:

Hospitals occupied by soldiers

Every fifth health facility visited by MSF teams was occupied by soldiers. In some instances, this was temporary; in others the armed occupation continues. In Mugulat in east Tigray, Eritrean soldiers are still using the health facility as their base. The hospital in Abiy Addi in central Tigray, which serves a population of half a million, was occupied by Ethiopian forces until early March.

“The army used Abiy Addi hospital as a military base and to stabilise their injured soldiers,” says Kate Nolan, MSF emergency coordinator. “During that time, it was not accessible to the general population.”

“They had to go to the town’s health centre, which was not equipped to provide secondary medical care – they can’t do blood transfusions, for example, or treat gunshot wounds,” says Nolan.

Health facilities and health staff need to be protected during a conflict, in accordance with international humanitarian law. This is clearly not happening in Tigray.OLIVER BEHN, MSF GENERAL DIRECTOR

Ambulances seized

Few health facilities in Tigray now have ambulances, as most have been seized by armed groups. In and around the city of Adigrat in east Tigray, for example, some 20 ambulances were taken from the hospital and nearby health centres.

Later, MSF teams saw some of these vehicles being used by soldiers near the Eritrean border, to transport goods. As a result, the referral system in Tigray for transporting sick patients is almost non-existent. Patients travel long distances, sometimes walking for days, to reach essential health services.

Many health facilities have few – or no – remaining staff. Some have fled in fear; others no longer come to work because they have not been paid in months.

Devastating impact on people

“The attacks on Tigray’s health facilities are having a devastating impact on people,” says Oliver Behn, MSF general director. “Health facilities and health staff need to be protected during a conflict, in accordance with international humanitarian law. This is clearly not happening in Tigray.”

Before the conflict began in November 2020, Tigray had one of the best health systems in Ethiopia, with health posts in villages, health centres and hospitals in towns, and a functioning referral system with ambulances transporting sick patients to hospital. This health system has now almost completely collapsed.

MSF staff conducting mobile clinics in rural areas of Tigray hear of women who have died in childbirth, because they were unable to get to a hospital due to the lack of ambulances, rampant insecurity on the roads and a night-time curfew. Meanwhile, many women are giving birth in unhygienic conditions in informal displacement camps.

In the past four months, few pregnant women have received antenatal or postnatal care, and children have gone unvaccinated, raising the risk of future outbreaks of infectious diseases. Patients with chronic diseases such as diabetes, hypertension and HIV, as well as psychiatric patients, are going without lifesaving drugs. Victims of sexual violence are often unable to get medical and psychological care.

“The health system needs to be restored as soon as possible,” says Behn. “Health facilities need to be rehabilitated and receive more supplies and ambulances, and staff need to receive salaries and the opportunity to work in a safe environment. Most importantly, all armed groups in this conflict need to respect and protect health facilities and medical staff.”

MSF teams are rehabilitating a number of health facilities across the region and providing them with drugs and other medical supplies, as well as providing hands-on medical support in emergency rooms, maternity wards and outpatient departments. MSF teams are also running mobile clinics in rural towns and villages where the health system is not functioning, and in informal sites where displaced people are staying. However, there are still rural areas in Tigray that neither MSF, nor any other organisation, has been able to reach; MSF can only assume that people living in these areas are also without access to healthcare.

The health system in rural areas has collapsed

While the situation for displaced people in Shire is difficult, it is far worse for people living in areas outside of Tigray’s main towns.

Birhane* has walked over two hours from his village to get medical care. He says that the health centre that served his farming community of 2,500 people has been closed since November, and that all six staff have left.

“We are suffering from a lack of medical care. We don’t have any medication; the village’s two ambulances were taken,” says Birhane. “Many people are sick. Three pregnant women have died during childbirth in the past three months.”

“There is no food in the village. Our fields have been looted,” he continues. “Some of our women have been raped. We stayed for two months in the forest and we are still scared.”

Since the end of January, MSF is sending mobile medical teams to provide patients in villages and towns north, east and southeast of Shire with basic health care. We are also supporting some health facilities with medical supplies and just opened a base in the northwestern town of Sheraro, from where we are supporting the town’s rural catchment area.

Most of the health facilities our teams have visited are not functional. Many were vandalised and looted, and, in most facilities, the staff has left. Most people have not received any medical care since November.

Berhe*, a health professional working with MSF, says that the region used to have a well-functioning health system before the fighting started. Villages had health posts and there were health centres in smaller towns and hospitals in bigger towns. There were health extension workers visiting communities and a referral system with ambulances.

“Now, the health system is completely destroyed,” says Berhe. “When we visit rural areas, mothers say: ‘My child is three months old. He has not been vaccinated yet.’”

“Maternal and child health is very difficult now,” Berhe continues. “During one of our mobile clinics, we heard that a delivering mother died because she could not get assistance from health professionals. In the rural areas there are no health structures, no ambulances.”

As access to towns and villages along the main roads in northern Tigray is getting easier, we are now trying to reach people who are living in the bush, says Juniper Gordon.

“These are the people who really cannot access any kind of healthcare,” says Gordon. “We try to get there and give a bare minimum of healthcare and see their condition. We hear of people who have been in the bush for months and still don’t feel safe enough to go to the clinic.”

ንሎሚ ብሓጺሩ ናይ ኣፍሪቃ ሃገራት ከመይ ኢለን ዶባተን ተሓንጺጹ፤ ከመይከ ሃገራት ኮይነን ኣብ ዝብል ክትንክፍ እፈቱ፤ ምናልባሽ ንገለ ዘይኣድላዪ ሕሉፍን ዘየቃዱ ስምዒታት ንምዕጋት ይሕግዝ ድማ ይኸውን እብል።

ኣውሮጳውያን ርእሰማሎም ካዕቢቱን ሃብቲሞምን ከብቅዑ፤ ርእሰማሎም ካብ ሃገሩ ሓሊፉ ናብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ከስፋሕፍሕ ኣብዝጀመረሉ፤ እቲ መድረኽ ናይ ካብ ሃገርካ ሓሊፍካ እንተ ብቁጠባዊ መዳይ እንተ ብወረራ ናይ ካልኦት ሃብትን ጸጋታትን ክትመጺ ኣብ ዝጅመረሉ መድረኽ ኢዩ ሃጸይነት ዝበሃል።

ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ግን ሃብትኻ ንምኽዕባት ዝሰፍሐ መሬትን ህዝብን ብምሓዝ ስለዝነበረ፤ ንመግዛእቲ ኢዩ ነይሩ። እቲ ዝገዝእ ሃገሩ ጥራይ ክገዝእ እንከሎ፤ ንጉስ ኢዩ ዝበሃል ዝነበረ (ኪንግ)። ካብ ሃገሩ ወጺኡ ንካልእ ንጉስ ወይ ካልኦት ነገስታት ስዒሩ መግዛእቱ ዘስፋሕፍሔ ንጉስ ድማ ካብ ንጉስ ናብ ሃጸይ ወይ ድማ ንጉሰ ነገስት/ታት (ኤምፐሮር) ይሰጋገር። ስለዚ ኣብ ታሪኽ ሃጸይ ዝብል ክንሰምዕን ክነንብብን ከለና፤ ካብ ሓንቲ ሃገር ንላዕሊ ዝገዝእ ምዃኑ ምልክት ኢዩ። ኣብ ቀረባ ንታሪኽ ናይ ጎረበትና ኢትዮጵያ ምስ እነስተብህል፤ ስም ነጋውስን ሃጸያትን ንሰምዕ ኢና። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ኣማእታት ብዘበነ ነገስታት ዝፍለጥ መድረኽ፥ ኣብዛ ሰሜናዊት ኢትዮጵያ (ሸነኽ ዓፋርን ሶማልን ኦሮሞን ገዲፍና፤ ኣርባዕተ ንግስነታት ነበራ፤ ኣብ ትግራይ፤ ኣብ በጌምድር (ጎንደር) ኣብ ወሎ፤ ኣብ ሸዋ። ኣብ መፋርቕ 1800ግን፥ ካሳ ዝተባህለ ኣዲኡ ብድኽነት ዘዕበየቶ ጎንደሬ ክሳብ ኣብ ናይ ንግስነት ደረጃ በጺሑስ፤ ነቶም ዝተረፉ ሰለስተ ነገስታት ብውግእ ስዒሩ ንኣቢሲን ያ (ኢትዮጵያ)ሓንቲ ብምግባር ክነግስ እንከሎ፤ ስሙ ናብ ቴድሮስ፤ ስልጣኑ ድማ ካብ ንጉስ፤ ናብ ሃጸይ (ንጉሰ ነገስት) ኢዩ ተሰጋጊሩ። ካብ ራስ ካሳ፤ ናብ ንጉስ ጎንደር፥ ካብኡ ድማ ናብ ሃጸይ ተድሮስ ተሰጋገረ። ድሒሩ ኣብ ጊዜ ሃጸይ ምኒሊክ ድማ፤ ናይ ደቡብን: ደቡባዊ ምዕራብን ምብራቅን ሸነኻት ዝሓወሰ ስፍሓት ዝሓዘት ብሃጸይ እትምራሕ ኢትዮጵያ ኮነት፤ እቲ ሃጸይ ዝብል ስም ድማ ክሳብ ሃጸይ ሃይለሰላሴ ቀጸለ።

ሃገርና ኤሪትራ ኣብ ታሪኽ ኢትዮጵያ ብኩሉ ሸነኻታ ክትተነኻኸፍ ዝጸንሐት ኮይና፤ ጥልያን ምስ ሓዛ ድማ ዶባታ ንጹር ዝኾነት ሃገር ኮነትን ኣብ ዓለም ተለለየትን። እቲ ክጠቕሶ ዝደለኹ እውን ኢዚ መስርሕ ኣብ ኤሪትራ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፤ ኣብ ምሉእ ኣፍሪቃን ካልኦት ናይ ስሉስ ዓለም ሃገራትን ዘጋጠመ ኢዩ። ብሓጺሩ ኩሉ ኣፍሪቃውያን ሃገርና ወይ ዶብና ዝብልኦ፥ ዶባቱ በቶም ንቁጠባዊ ምስፍሕፋሕ ክብሉ ምንጪ ሃብትታቶም ንምውሓስ ብእካል መጺኦም ዝወረርወንን ዝገዝእወንን ሃገራት ዝተሓንጸጸ ኢዩ። ኣሓትን ኣሕዋትን፤ ኣኮታትን ሓውቦታትን ኣሞታትን፤ ኣብ ክልተ ወይ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ውን ዝፈላለየ ምዃኑ ዘየጠራጥር ኢዩ፤ እቲምንታይሲ፤ ገዛእቲ ነንሕድሕዶም ኣብ ዝተሰማምዑሉ ዝተሞርኮሰ ምድዋብ ደኣምበር፤ ብድልየት ነበርቲ ዝተወሰነ ስለዘይምንባሩ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ኤሪትራ ምስ ኣብ ዶባትና ዝርከቡ ኣህዛብ ዘለና ዝምድና ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፤ ኣረኣእያታትና ሓንሳብ ከሰማምዓና ሓንሳብ ክፈላልየና ንዕዘብ ኢና። እቲ ሃገራት ዝርከበላ ኣቀማምጣ ይኹን ሒዘንኦ ዝርከባ ህዝቢ፤ ሓሓንሳብ ከም እዝጊ ዝፈጠሮ ጌርካ ብምርኣይ፤ ኣብ መንጎ ኣህዛቡ ከይተረፈ ዝተጋነነ ፍልልያት ከምዘሎ ጌርካ ዝቐርብ ክዕዘብ እንከሎኹ ኣብ ሓንጎለይ ወትሩ ዝመጽእ ሕቶ ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ፤ ንኣብነት ኣብ ኤሪትራ ጥልያን እንተ ከምቲ ኣብ ውጫለ ዝተሰማምዖ፤ እንተ ብሓይሉ፤ እንተ ምስ ከም እንግሊዝን ፈረንሳይ ተሰማሚዑ፥ ገለ ክፋል ናይ ትግራይ፥ ወይ ናይ ዓፋር ወይ ናይ ሱዳን ኣብዛ ሕጂ ዘላ ኤሪትራ ሓዊስዋ ነይሩ እንተዝኸውንሲ፤ ነዞም ዝተወሰኹ (ኩላትናውን ተወሲኽና እንዲና) ከምዚ ሕጂ ብዛዕበኦም ዘለና ኣረኣእያ መሕደርናዶ፧ ወይሲ ልክዕ ከምዛ ሕጂ ነንሕድሕድና ዘለና ሕውነትን ሓድነትን ምኾኑ? ህዝቢ ዓጋሜ፤ ኣብ ጂቡቲ ዘለዉ ዓፋርን ዒሳን፤ ከምኡውን ናይ ሱዳን ሃደንድዋ ካብ ቅድሙ ኣካል ኤርትራ ነይሮም እንተዝኾኑ፤ ከም ኤሪትራውያን ምተኸብሩን ምተፈትዉን ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ካብ ዝኾነ ኣብ ልዕሊኦም ኰርድ ዝኽእል ውን ክንከላኸለሎም ባህርያዊ ምኾነ።

እሞ እዚ ኣኽእሎታትውን ነይሩ ክነሱ፤ ስለምንታይ ኢና ገሌና ንጎረባብትና ካብ ግቡእ ንላዕሊ ከነጓንን፤ ከነካፍእን ክሳብ ክንፍንፍንን ንርአ። ታሪኽ እንተዘይፈላልየና፤ ብባህርያዊ መስርሕ ምዕባለ (በሰላም ይኹን ብውግእ)ዝተበጽሐ ዝለመድናዮን ዝተቐብልናዮን ሃገራውነት ነይሩ እንተዝኸውን ካብዚ ሎሚ እንርከበሉ ዝተፈልየ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፤ ምናልባት እውን ኣዝዩ ዝተፈልየ ክኸውን ይኽእል ነይሩ እኳ ኢዩ።

ነዚ ክጽሕፍ ዝደፋፍኣኒ፤ እዚ ብሰንኪ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ተረኺቡ ዘሎ ኣሰካፊ ኩነታትን፤ ኢድ ምትእትታው  ናይ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤሪትራን፤ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤሪትራ፤ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብቲ ኣብ ስደት ዝርከብ ኤሪትራውን፤ ዝረአ ዘሎ ፍልልያት ስለዘገረመኒ ኢየ። ፖለቲካዊ ሚዛናትን ፍልልያትን ንቡር ኮይኑ፤ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝወርድ ግፍዒ ግን ንበይኑ ኣርእስቲ ኢዩ። እዚ ጥርይ ዘይኮነ፤ ነቲ ዝግፋዕን ዝጸንትን ዘሎ ህዝቢ ብዘይምልከቶ፤ ብቅርሕንቲ እንቋዕ ደኣ! ዘስምዕ መደረታትን ትንተናን፥ ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ከምዘይጎረበትካን ምናልባትውን ዘመድካን ወይ ዘመድ ወዲ ሃገርካን ምዃኑ ኣብ ግምት ከየእቶኻ ዝመጽእ ርእይቶ፤ ካልእ ይትረፍ ብስም ሰብኣውነትኳ ኩኑን ኢዩ። ከምቲ ኣቐዲመ ዝጠቐስኩዎ፤ እዚ ህዝቢዚ ወይ ኣካልና፤ ወይ ኣካሉ ክንከውን ንኽእል ዝነበርና ምዃኑ ምዝካር የድሊ፤ እቲ ምኽንያት ድማ ብሰንኪ ወረርቲ ኣብ ዝተወሰነልና ዶባት ንነብር ብምህላውና።

እቲ ካብ ኩሉ ሓደጋዊ ዝገብሮ ድማ፥ ኣብ ኤሪትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት፥ ነቲ ምስ ድልየትን ሃንቀውታን ኤሪትራውያን ዘይሳነ ናይ ርሑቕ ምስጢራዊ ዕላምኡ ንምምላእ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ኣዕናዊ ምድላዋትን ተግባራትን መናፍሓትን፤ ኣብቶም ኮነ ኢሉ ሓንጎሎም ዝሓጸምቦን፤ ኣፈራሪሑ ሓራይ ዘበሎምን፥ ሓደጋ ዘይትንክፎም ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብሩ ኣጣቓዕቲ ሰብ ውልቃዊ ጥቕምታትን ሒዙ፤ ውዒሉ ሓዲሩ ንሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱ ስጉምትታት ምውሳዱ ኢዩ። ካብ ዕለተ ናጽነት ኣትሒዝና ሰላም ዘይረኸብና፤ ብስደት ዝተፈለጥና፤ ሃገርና ንድሕሪት ዝተደቑሰትና፤ ናይ ዓለም ፍልጠትን ጸጋታትን ዝተሓረሞ ህዝቢ ዘለና፤ ካብቲ ንናጽነት ዝኸፈልናዮ መስዋእቲ ዘይውሕድ ንኸፍል ዘለና፥ ኣብነት ናይ ዝኸፍአ መላኺ ዝመርሓንና ብምዃን እንፍለጥ ወዘተ ኰንና እነሀ። ነዚ ጉዕዞ ዚ ጊዜ ከይሃብና እንተዘየበርዓንናዮ ግን፤ ንመጻኢ ወለዶታት ንገድፈሎም ጸገም ቀሊል ኣይክኸውንን ኢዩ።

ብካልእ ሸነኽ ድማ እቶም ንኩሉ ተረዲኦምን፤ ብፍላይ ድማ፤ ካልእ ይትረፍ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ሃንደበታዊ መቕዘፍቲ፤ ብዓይኒ ሰብኣዊ ርህራሄን ድንጋጼን፥ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝበይውን ከምዚ ዝበለ መከራ እንተዝወርድከ? ካብ ዝብልውን ተበጊሶም ነቲ ተግባር ዝኹንኑን ኣንጻሩ ዘቃልሑን ሞጎስ ይብጽሓዮም ከይበልኩ ክሓልፍ ኣይደልን። ውሑዳትውን ኣይኮንናን። እዚ ድማ ናብ ዘሎ ጊዝያዊ ኩነታት ዘተኮረ ኳ እንተኾነ፤ ውዒሉ ሓዲሩ ንኤሪትራውያን ዘኹርዕን ብህዝቢ ትግራይ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ብህዝቢ ኩለን ጎረባብትና ሞጎስን ክብርን ምትእምማንን ዝፈጥር ከምዝኾነ ርዱእ ኢዩ። ቃንዛ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ፤ ቃንዛና እንተዘይኮይኑ፤ ንገዛእ ርእስና እንገብሮን እንምስርቶ ስርዓትውን ሰብኣውነት ዝለበሰ እንተዘይኮይኑ፤ ህዝብና ንዘሕለፎ ስቓይን መሪር መስዋእትን ዝዘንግዔ ኢዩ ዝኸውን። ናይ ባዕልና ቅኑዕ ውሳነ ኣብ ምውሳን እውን ኣሰሩ ክገድፍ ኢዩ። መዘዝ ፖለቲካ ብስም ህዝቢ ዝስራሕኳ እንተኾነ፤ ሓሓንሳብ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዘስዕቦ ሳዕቤን ከቢድ ክኸውን እንከሎ፤ ንክልቲኣቶም ፈላሊኻ ምርኣይ ልቦና ኢዩ።

ሰላምን ራህዋን ንህዝቢ

 

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብቲ ናይ 30 ዓመታት መሪር ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብግቡእ እንተዝስነድ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ዕለት ናይ ገዛእ ርእሳ ሓለገት ኣንቢራ እያ ሓሊፋ። 1961  ምጅማር ብረታዊ ቃልስን  1991 ምርግጋጽ ናጽነት ኤርትራን ከኣ ናይቲ ኣዝዩ ብዙሕ ዝርዝር ዝሓቖፈ ንዊሕ መስርሕ ብረታዊ ቃልስና ናይ መጀመርታን መወዳእታን ዕድለኛታት ጫፋት እየን። 15 መጋቢት 1964ን ተጐርባን ከኣ ኣብቲ መስርሕ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሰን ምልከት ኣንቢረን ካብ ዝሓልፋ ዕለታትን ቦታታትን ብኣብነት ዝጥቀሳን ዝዝከራን እየን። እነሆ ከኣ ንዝሓለፈ 57 ዓመታት ንዝክረን ኣለና።

ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ንምኹላፍ ብምስትነዓቕ ብሓይሊ ፖሊስ ዓባይ ጥራይ ክከላኸልዎ ዝገበርዎ ፈተነታት ውጽኢት ምስ ሰኣንሉ፡ በዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ዕለትን ቦታን ፍሉይ ሓይሊ ጦርሰራዊት ካብ ሃይኮታ ኣውፊሮም ምስቲ ልዕልና ትብዓትን ጽንዓትን እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ኣዝዩ ውሑድ ቁጽርን ድሑር ኣጽዋርን ዝነበሮ ኣሃዱታት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ገጢሞም። ዕላመኦም ነቲ ናይ ሰውራ ቁልዒ ንሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ንምጥፋእ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ  ኩነታት ካብ ትጽቢቶም ወጻኢ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ ናይ መጀመርያ ኣትኪልካ ፊትንፊት ግጥም 80-84 ኣባላት ጦርሰራዊ ተቐቲሎም ብዙሓት ከኣ ተወጊኦም። ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ መጀመርያ ዘውፈርዎ ኣስታት 200 ዝኸውን፡ ተወሳኺ ረኣዲ ሓይልኳ እንተሰደዱ ካብ ስዕረትን ክሳራን ክድሕኑ ኣይከኣሉን። እቲ ብሓርበኛ መሓመድ ዓሊ ኢድሪስ (ኣቡ ርጃላ) ዝምራሕ ዝነበረ ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ ጸላኢ እዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ጉድኣት ኣውሪዱን ኣሕፊሩን ነቲ ግጥም ናብ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ከሰጋግሮ እንከሎ፡ ብጥራዩ ዘይኮነስ ዋጋ ከፊሉ እዩ። በዚ መሰረት ኣብቲ ውግእ 18 ምዑታት ተጋደልቲ ክስዉኡ እንከለዉ 4 ከኣ ተወጊኦም።

ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ኣደዳ ዘይተጸበይዎ ስዕረትን ክሳራን ኮይኖም ናብቲ ዝመጽዎ ሃይኮታ ምስተመልሱ ኣብቲ ጉዳይ ኢድ ዘይነበሮም 8 ሲቪል ኤርትራውያን ቀቲሎም። ህዝቢ ንምርዓድን ምስ ሰውራኡ ከይተሓባበር ንምፍርራሕን ከኣ ናይቶም ስዉኣት ተጋደልትን ኣብ ከተማ ዝተቐትሉን ሬሳታት ኣብ ከተማታት ሃይኮታ፡ ኣቑርደት፡ ባረንቱን ከረንን ንነዊሕ ሰዓታት ሰጢሐሞ። ውጽኢቱ ግና ከምቲ ዝተጸበይዎ ራዕዲ ዘይኮነ ሕራነ ኮይኑ። (እዚ ኣሃዛት ወልደየሱስ ዓማር ንዝኽሪ ኣቡ ርጃላን ብጾቱን 15 ለካቲት 2010 ብእንግሊዘኛ ካብ ዝጸሓፎ ዝተወስደ እዩ)

ውግእ ተጐርባ ከም ኣገዳሲ ተዘክሮ፡ ፍሉይ ጅግንነት ዝተፈጸመሉን ካብቲ ካልእ ውግኣት ኣብ ልዕሊ ጸላኢ ዝለዓለ ክሳራታት ዘውረደ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ነቲ ግጥም ናብ ሓድሽ ናይ ፊትንፊት ቀዋሚ ግጥም ምዕራፍ ዘሰጋገረ ስለ ዝኾነን ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ካብ ምብራቕ ናብ ምዕራብ፡ ካብ ሰሜን ናብ ደቡብ ዝተፈጸመ ጅግንነት ኣፍደገ ዝኸፈተን ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ዝዝከር። እዚ ውግእ እቲ ወሳኒ ስንቅን ኣጽዋርን ኣብ ሕልና ሰባት ዝሰፈረ፡ ጽንዓት፡ ቅሩብነትን ተወፋይነት ምዃኑ ዘርኣአየ እዩ። ቅድሚ 57 ዓመት እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ መስተንክር ዝሰርሑ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ምስ ምንዋሕ ግዜ፡ ሎሚ ብህይወት የለዉን ኢልካ ምድምዳም ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። እቲ ዘንቀድሉን ዋጋ ዝኸፈልሉን ፍትሒ ናይ ምርግጋጽ ቃልሲ ግና እቲ ሓደ ካብቲ ሓደ እንዳተቐባበልና ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዘለዎ ደረጃ በጺሑ ኣሎ። እቲ ኣብ ግዜኡ ነዚ ረዚን ሓላፍነት ዝርከብ ትውልዲ ከኣ ምስ መድረኹ ዝመጣጠን ካልእ ተጐርባ ናይ ምስራሕ ሓላፍነት ኣለዎ። ነዚ ንምዝኽኻር ኢና ከኣ ንተጐርባ እንዝክራ ዘለና።

ኣብ ተጐርባ ዓወት ዝተመዝገበሉ ግዜን ኩነታትን ብብዙሕ መልክዑ ካብዚ ሕጂ ዘለናዮ ዝተፈልየ እዩ።  ናይ ሓይልታት ኣሰላልፋ፡ ናይቲ ቃልሲ እስትራተጅን ስልትን፡ ናይ መራኸቢ ምዕባለ፡ ናይ ጸላኢ ባህሪ፡ ጠቕላላ ዓለማዊ ኩነታት … ወዘተ  ዝተፈልዩ እዮም። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ናይ ተመኩሮ ምውርራርስን ምትእስሳርን የብሎምን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ሽዑ ኮነ ሎሚ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ቅድሚት ምስራዕ ኣብ ቦታኡ እዩ። ሽዑ ኮነ ሎሚ ወሳኒ ተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ኣብ ቦታኡ እዩ። ንትማሊ፡ ሎምን ጽባሕን ናይ ምትእስሳር ግድነት’ውን ህያው እዩ። ከምዚ ናትና ዝኣመሰለ ነዊሕን ኣብ ምዕራፍት ዝተኸፋፈለን ቃልሲ ብሓደ ውሱን ትውልዲ ዝውዳእ ኣይኮነን።እንታይ ደኣ ካብ ወለዶ ናብ ወለዶ ዝሰጋገር እዩ። ናይዚ ምስግጋር ቀንዲ ሞተር ከኣ መንእሰይ እዩ። ስለዚ እዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና እዋን ከም ወትሩ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ክፍልታት ሕብረተሰብ ንመንእሰይ ትውልዳዊ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክም ምዃኑ በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ምዝኽኻሩ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ሓላፍነት መንእሰይ ኩሉ ግዜ ዕዙዝ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ሓላፍነት ግና ከከምቲ መድረኹ ከቢድን ቀሊልን ክኸውን ይኽእል። ናይ ሎሚ መንእሰይ ሓላፍነት ካብ ናይ ግዜ  ተጐርባ መንእሰይ ሓላፍነት ዝተፈልየ ክኸውን ግድነት እዩ። ብመንጽር”ዚ፡ መንእሰይ ብዝመረጾ ዘይኮነ ኣብቲ ግዜኡ ብዘሎ ምዕባለ እዩ ሓላፍነት ዝስከም። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ከኣ  ናይ ሎሚ መንእሰይ  ነዚ ከቢቡና ዘሎ ኤርትራዊ ኮነ ከባብያዊ ሓላፍነት ተረኪቡ፡ ምስ ትማልን ጽባሕን ኣገናዚቡ፡ ናይ ምቅላስን ምስግጋርን ንማንም ከሰክሞ ዘይክእል ጽባሕ ካብ ሎሚ ዝሓሸ ከም ዝኸውን ናይ ምኽኣል ከቢድ ሓላፍነት ከም ዘለዎ ኣብ ርእሲ ግንዛበኡ ነዘኻኽሮ።

ጥምረት  ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት ውደባ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮን መንእሰያትን  ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ  (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ14 መጋቢት 2021 ንኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣስተምህሮ ሂቡ። ነቲ ኣስተምህሮ ዝሃበ ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውደባ ሰዲህኤ እዩ። እቲ ኣስተምህሮ ዝሃበሉ ኣርእስቲ ከኣ ሃገርን ሃገረ-መንግስትን ዝብል እዩ።

ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣብቲ ዘቕረቦ ሰፊሕ መበገሲ ሓሳብ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ኣረዳድኣ ሃገርን ሃገረ-መንግስትን ዘጋጥም ምድንጋራት ዝተፈላለዩ ኣብነታት ኣሰንዩ ብዝርዝር ኣብሪሁ። ምስዚ ኣተሓሒዙ ኣመጻጽኣን ባህርያትን ዝተፈላለዩ ዓይነት መንግስታትን መራሕቶም ኣብ ዝምልከት ገሊጹ።፡ ድሕረ-ባይታ ኤርትራን ህዝባን፡ ናብዚ ሕጂ ዘላትሉ ደረጃ ልኡላውነት ንምብጻሕ ዝነበረ ጉዕዞን ዘርዚሩ ኣቕሪቡ። ኣብ መግለጺኡ ኤርትራ እዚ ሒዛቶ ዘላ ደረጃ ዝሓዘት ብመግዛእቲ ኢጣልያ ኣብ 1890 ምዃኑ ብሰፊሑ ኣረዲኡ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቅድሚ ምግሃድ ኤርትራ ከም ሃገር እውን ምስ ብዙሕነቱ ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ ከም ዝነበረን  ኣነጺሩ።

እቲ ሓቂ ከምዚ ኮይኑ እቲ ብጉልባብ ኣግኣዝያንን ካለኦት ተበግሶታትን ሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምህሳይ ዝግበር ፈተነ ታሪኻዊ መሰረት ከም ዘየብሉ ገሊጹ። እቲ ሓደ ቋንቋ ዝዛረብን ብዙሕ ዘመሳስልዎ ነጥብታት ዘለዉዎን ህዝቢ ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ዜጋታ ምዃኑ ኣብ ብዙሓት ኣከባቢ ዘሎ ምዃኑ ኣስፊሑ ኣመልኪቱ። ከም ኣብነት ከኣ ኣባናን ኣብ ትግራይ ጥራይ ዝረአ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ብዙሓት ከባብታት ዘሎ ምዃኑ ከኣ ገሊጹ።  ርሑቕ ከይከደ፡ ከኣ ትግርኛ፡ ኩናማን ዓፋርን ኣብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ምህላዎም ጠቒሱ። መንቀሊ ኣግኣዝያን ቋንቋ ግእዝ እንተኮይኑ ካብ ንትግርኛን ኣምሓርኛን ናብ ትግረ ከም ዝቐርብ ብዝርዝር ኣብሪሁ።

ድሕርቲ መብርሂ ብተሳተፍቲ ዝተፈላለዩ ተወሰኽቲ መህብተሚ ሓሳባት  ሕቶታት ቀሪቦም። ነቲ ዝቐረበ ሕቶታት ምስ ህልዊ ኰታት ሃገርናን ከባብናን ብምዝማድ ሰፋሕቲ መልስታት ተዋሂቡ። ካብቲ ዝቐረበ ሕቶታት፡ “ሓደ ሰብ ካብ ሓደ ንላዕሊ መንነትዶ ክህልዎ ይኽእል?፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሃገርን ብሄርን ዘሎ ዝምድና እንታይ እዩ?፡  ምንቅስቓስ ኣግኣዝያን ንሓድነት ኤርትራ ክሳብ ክንደይ የስግእ?፡” ዝብሉ ይርከብዎም። ኣብ መወዳእታ ተሳተፍቲ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣስተምህሮ ቀጻሊ ክኸውን ተላብዮም።  እቶም ኣብዚ ኣኼባ ናይ ምስታፍ ዕድል ዘይረኸቡ ኣባላት ምእንቲ ክረኽብዎ ቀጻሊ መወከሲ ንክኸውንን፡ እቲ ኣስተምህሮ ብጽሑፍ ክዝርጋሕን ኣብ መርበብ ሓርነት ክስቀልን ብምትሕስሳብ ኣኼባ ተደምዲሙ።

Sunday, 14 March 2021 19:42

ናይ ሓዘን መግለጺ

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ነብስሄር ወይዘሮ ጽገ ክፍለ ምሖስ፤ ካብ ኣቦኣ ኣቶ ክፍለ ምሖስን ካብ ኣዲኣ ወይዘሮ ክብራ ጋሻዝጊን ብ1949 ዓ.ም ኣብ ገዛ-ላምዛ፣ ከተማ ድባርዋ ወረዳ ጽልማ፣ ኣውራጃ ሰራየ ተወሊዳ። ኣብቲ ተወሊዳ ዝዓበየትሉ ከተማ፣ ካብ ቀዳማይ ክሳብ ሻምናይ ክፍሊ ኣብ ቤት ትምህርቲ ድባርዋ ፈጺማ፡ ካልኣይ ደረጃ ድማ ኣብ ኣስመራ ናይ ተለኮሙኒከሽን ሞያዊ ስልጠና ፈጺማ።

ኣብ ከተማ ዓሰብ ኣብ ተለኮሙኒከሽን እንዳሰርሐት ከላ ምስ በዓል ቤታ ነብስሀር ኣስጎዶም ገብረመድህን (ወዲ ባሻይ) ሓዳር መስሪቶም ብሓንሳብ ይነብሩ ነይሮም። ኣብቲ እዋን’ቲ ውሽጣዊ ስሩዓት ናይ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኰይኖም ናብርኦም እንዳመርሑ ከለዉ፡ ኣብ መላእ ሃገርና ዝኽሰት ዝነበረ መሪር መግዛእታዊ ግፍዕታትን ንሱ ዝፈጠሮ ዘይንቡር ኵነታትን ተቓዊሞም ንሃገራዊ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ክጋደሉ ናብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ብ1975 ዓ.ም. ተጸንበሩ።

ወይዘሮ ጽገ ንወለዳ ምእዝዝትን ኣፍቃሪትን፡ ብኣሕዋታን መላእ ቤተሰቦምን ፍትውቲ፣ ሓላይትን ኣካቢትን ስለዝነበረት፣ “ዳዕሮ ገዛ” ዝብል ቅጽል ስም ከምዝነበራ ኣሕዋታ ይዝክሩ። ተቓላሲት ጽገ ሓብቲ ክልተ ስዉኣት ኣሕዋታ፣ ስዉእ እስቲፋኖስ ክፍለ ኣባል ህዝባዊ ግንባር፣ ስዉእ ሃይለ ክፍለ ኣባል ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ እያ። ኣሕዋታ ርግኣት፣ ሂወትን ገነትን ብህይወት ኣለዋ።

ወይዘሮ ጽገ ምስ በዓል ቤታ ወዲ ባሻይ ኣብ ኣመሪካ 1981 ዓ.ም. ኣትዮም ኣብ ከተማ ኦክላንድ እንዳሰርሑን ደቆም እንዳዕበዩን ምዉቕ ናብራ ይመርሑ ነይሮም። ብህይወት ኣብ ዝነበርሉ እዋን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ኣብ ኤርትራ ንምንጋስ ምስ ብጾቶም ኣባላት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኵሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሕን ዘይሕለል ቃልሲ የካይዱ ብምንባሮም፤ ብብጾቶም ፍቱዋትን ክቡራትን እዮም።

ወይዘሮ ጽገ ብዝሓደራ ሕማም ኣብ ሆስፒታል ክትእለ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ኣብ ገዝኣ ተመሊሳ፣ ክንክንን ምክትታልን ደቃ ከይተፈልያ ጸኒሓ ብ9 መጋቢት 2021 ዓ.ም. ብሰላም ዓሪፋ።

ወይዘሮ ጽገ ኣደ ሰለስተ ደቃ፡ ኪኮ፣ ራህዋን ቤትኤልን እያ።

ወይዘሮ ጽገ ን19 መጋቢት 2021 ዓ.ም. ኣብ ጎድኒ ነብስሀር በዓልቤታ ኣስገዶም ኣብ መቓብር ፕየድሞንት፣ ከተማ ኦክላንድ ካሊፎርንያ ሓመድ ኣዳም ክትለብስ እያ።

መላእ ማሕበረሰብ ኤርትራውያን ተቐማጦ ኦክላንድን በይ-ኤርያን ከምኡ’ውን ካብ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ብሞት ክብርቲ ወይዘሮ ጽገ ዝተሰምዖም ዝተሰምዐንን መሪር ሓዘን ንምግላጽን ንቤተስብ ንምጽንናዕን ብስልክን ኢመይልን መልእኽታትኩም ዝሰደድኩም ፈተውትን መቓልስታን ምስጋና ይብጻሕኩም፡ ሕሰም ድማ ኣይትርከቡ። ንሓብትን ኣደን ጽገ እዝጊኣብሄር ኣብ መንግስተ ሰማያቱ ይቀበላ። ንቤተ ሰባን ብጾታን ጽንዓት ይሃቦም ጠሊ ድማ ይሕደገሎም።

ቤተሰብ

ሓሙሻይ ክፋል

እዚ ኣብ ከባቢና ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ኩነታት ንሎሚ ይኹን ንመጻኢ ህይወት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝትንክፍ ብምዃኑ ብትዂረት ክንሪኦ ዘሎና ኢዩ። ንልዑላውነት ሃገር ዝፈታተኑ ሓያለ ምልክታታት ይርኣዩ ኣለዉ። ብቐንዱ ከኣ እቲ ንኤርትራ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ቅድም ብቐጻሊ መግለጺታቱ፡ ሎሚ ከኣ ብተግባር ንልዕላውነት ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣእትይዎ ይርከብ። እዚ ድማ ነቲ ኩሉ ግዜ ካብ ደቡብ ንኤርትራ ዝመጻ ስግኣታት ዝፈጥር ወስታታት ዝያዳ ኣራጒድዎ ምህላዉ ኢዩ ዘመልክት።

ኢትዮጵያውያን ደረጃታቱ ድኣ ክፈላለ ይኽእል'ምበር ናጽነት ናይ ኤርትራ ብዘይ ኣፍደገ ባሕሪ ዘትረፎም ስለዝኾነ ኣይወሓጠሎምን ኢዩ። ነዚኦም ኣብ ክልተ ደረጃ መቒልና ክንሪኦም ንኽእል ኢና። እዚ ድማ በቲ ኣብ ሃገሮም ኢትዮጵያ ክትከል ዝድለ ስርዓት ብዝህልዎም ኣረኣእያን ብዘለዎም ኣናብባ ኣብ ታሪኽን ዝውሰን ኢዩ። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ኢትኒካዊ ፖለቲካ ዝተመስረተ ፈደራላዊ ስርዓት ክትከል ዝደልዩን ነዚ ዝጻረሩን ኢዮም። እቶም ኢትኒካዊ ፖለቲካ ዝኽተሉ፡ ብመሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ብሔራት ዝኣምኑ፡ ኣብ ሰሜንን ደቡብን ኢትዮጵያ ዝርከቡ ሓይልታት ኮይኖም ብመትከል፡ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝጻረሩ ኣይኮኑን። ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ምጽራር ማለት ነቲ ዝኣምንሉ መትከል “ርእሰ ውሳኔ ብሄራት ክሳብ ምግንጻል” ዝብል ምጽራር ማለት ስለዝኸውን። ካብዚኦም ብቀንዱ ብምሳሌነት ክጥቀሱ ዝኽእሉ ካብ ሰሜን፡ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ካብ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ድማ ናይ ኦሮሞ ናጽነት ግምባር ኢዮም። እዚ ማለት ግን ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳያት ክልተ ሃገራት ብመንግስታት ዝፍጸም ጌጋታት ከጋጥም ምስ ዝኽእል፡ ወይ ውን  ምትሕልላይ ምስ ዝጠፍእ ነቲ መትከላዊ መርገጻት ሰንከልከል ከብሎ ኣይክእልን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ውሽጢ ህወሓት ናይ ዝነበሩ ገለ መራሕቲ ኣብዚ ሕቶዚ ዝተራእየ ናይ መርገጽ ምቕያር ከም ኣብነት ናይዚ ሰንከልከላት ክጥቀስ ይከኣል ኢዩ።

እቶም ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዘይቅበሉ ኣብ ማእከል ኢትዮጵያ ዝርከቡ፡ ህዝቢ ኣምሓራ ዝማእከሎም ኢዮም። እዚኦም ኢትዮጵያ ከምቲ ኣብ እዋን ኣመራርሓ ንጉስ ሃይለስላሰ፡ ወይ እዋን ደርግ ኣሃዳዊ ስርዓት ዝተኸለት ክትከውን ይደልዩ። ኣብ ናይ ጥንቲ ታሪኽ ብምምርኳስ ውን ንኤርትራ ከም ኣካል ኢትዮጵያ'ምበር ከም ናጻ ሃገር ኣይፈልጥዋን። እዞም ሓይልታት'ዚኦም ደርግ ምስተሳዕረ ኣብ እዋን ኢህወድግ መእተዊ ጠፊእዎም ዝነበሩ፡ ዉልቀ መላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ኣብ ኣስመራ ተቐቢሉ ህይወት ሰዂዑ ዘዕበዮም፡ ግንቦት ሰባትን ኣርበኞች ግምባርን ዝተባህሉ ውድባት ኢዮም። ሎሚ ብስም ውድብ “ኢዜማ” ኣብ ፖለቲካ ብስፍሓቶም ድሕሪ ብልጽግና ፓርቲ ብካልኣይ ደረጃ ዝስርዑ ንምርጫ ዝንቀስቐሱ ዘለዉ ኢዮም። ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኣቢይ ዝመርሖ ሰልፊ ብልጽግና፡ ንኣምሓራ ዝትንክፍ ብዝገብሮም ጌጋታት ብዙሕ ሕጉሳት  እንተ ዘይኮኑ፡ ምስ ብልጽግና ኮይኖም ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ ክቆጻጸሩ ወሲኖም ዝነጥፉ ዘለዉ ኢዮም።

ኣሰላልፋ ሓይልታት ኢትዮጵያ ነዚ ካብ መሰለ፡ ብዝምድናዊ ኣዘራርባ ኣየኖት ሓይልታት ኢዮም ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ተፈታተንቲ ዝኾኑ ኢልና ክንሓትት ግቡእ ይመስለኒ። እቶም ኣብ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ብሔራት ብመትከል ዝኣምኑ’ዶ ወይስ እቶም ነዚ ዝጻረሩ ሓይልታት? ከም ኤርትራውያን ነዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ብቅኑዕ ክንምልሶ የገድሰና ኢዩ።

ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ እቲ ኣብ ምምራሕ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተኸተሎ ዝነበ ዘይምዕሩይን ገባትን ኣመሓዳድራ ምስ ህዝቢ ዘጻልኦ ንጎኒ ገዲፍና፡ እቲ ካልእ ቀንዲ ዝጽለኣሉ ዝነበረ ምኽኒያታት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብክልተ ጉዳያት ነይሩ። እቲ ሓደ ንናይ ኤርትራ ሃገራዊ ናጽነት ኣፍልጦ ምሃቡ፡ እቲ ካልኣይ ድማ ኣብ ብሄራት ዝተሞርኮሰ ፈደራላዊ ስርዓት ስለዝተኸለን ኢዩ። ዘይከሓድ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገራዊ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ብዝሓዞ መርገጽ ፖለቲካዊ ዋጋ ከፊሉ ኢዩ። ብኣስፋፋሕቲ ኣምሓራ ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ገጽ ኢትዮጵያ ክሕከኽ ካብ ዝተደልየለኡ ምኽንያታት ሓደ  እዚ ኢዩ። ብዝተረፈ ወያነ ዝመርሖ ኢህወደግ ኣብ ምምዕባል ኢትዮጵያ ብጠቕላላኡ ክረአ ከሎ  ርኡይ ለውጥታት ኣምጺኡ ኢዩ።

ኣብ ቅድሚ ናይ ሰለስተ ሓይልታት ምሕዝነት፡ ናይ ኣብይ፡ ኢሰያስን ሓይልታት ኣምሓራን ከም ቀዳማይ ዕማም ዝተወስደ ንህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ምድምሳስ ኢዩ። በዚ ኣቢሉ ከኣ ኣብይ ነቲ ቀንዲ ዕንቅፋት ኣብ ስልጣኑ ኮይንዎ ንዘሎ የልግስ።ኣምሓራ ብትግራይ ዝተወስዶም መሬት ወልቃይትን ራያን የምልሱን ንሓደ ካብ ጸላእቶም የልግሱን ኣለዉ። ኢሰያስ ሕነኡ ዝፈደየ ኮይኑ ይስመዖ፡ ናብቲ ካልኣይ መደቡ መስገሪ ባይታ የጣጥሕ ኣሎ ማለት ኢዩ። እቲ ድሕሪ'ዚ ዝመጽእ እዞም ሰለስተ ሓይልታት ከመይ ክቕጽሉ ኢዮም ዝብል ኢዩ። ኣብይን ኣምሓራን ብዙሕ ዘየረዳድኦም ጉዳያት ኣሎ። ናይ ኣብይ መሰረታዊ ደገፍ ካብ ኦሮሞ ኢዩ። ኣብ ኦሮሞ እቲ ህዝባዊ ኣረኣእያ፡ ዘሎ ሕገ መንግስቲ ቀጻሊ ክኸውን ኢዩ። እዚ ልክዕ ከም ናይ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኢዩ። ምስ ናይ ኣምሓራ ድማ ተጻራሪ ኢዩ። ናይ ኣምሓራ ከኣ ምስ ናይ ኢሳያስ ኣረኣእያ ዝጣበቕ ኢዩ።ኣብ ሓደ ክመጹ እንተኾይኖም ናይ ኦሮሞ ወይ ናይ ኣምሓራ ሓሳብ ተሳዒሩ ክኸዱ ኣለዎም። እዚ ከኣ ዘይመስል ኢዩ። ኣብ ጉዳይ ኣዲስ ኣበባን፡ ኣብ ኣናብባ ታሪኽ ኢትዮጵያን ዘለዎም ፍልልይ ካብቲ ነፍሲ ወከፎም ምስ ትግራይ ዘለዎ ዝገፍሕ ኢዩ። ኣብ ኣናብባ ታሪኽ ኢትዮጵያ ኣምሓራን ትግራይን ዝያዳ ይቀራረቡ። ኦሮሞ ንታሪኽ ኢትይጵያ ዝግደስሉ ኣይኮኑን ሓወልቲ ሃጸይ ምኒሊክ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ክፈርስ ሕኒን ምስ በሉ ኢዮም።

ሓይልታት ኣምሓራ ንወያነ ምስዓር ከም ሓደ ስጉምቲ ንኤርትራ ናብ ሕቕፊ ኢትዮጵያ ምምጻእ ገይሮም ይቖጽሩ። ብኢስያስ ኣቢሎም እንተረኺቦማ ከኣ ኣሰናይ ኢዩ ንዕኦም። እንተዘይኮነ ግን ደቂሶም ዘይሓድርሉ ኢዩ። ኣቶ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ክልል ኣምሓራ ከይዱ ኣብ ዝተዛረቦ፡ ንዝተረፋ ህይወቱ ንኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ከዕውት ዝኽእል ስራሓት ከወፊ ምዃኑ ገሊጹ ነይሩ። ምስቲ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሓደ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ዝብሎ ተደማሚሩ፡ ከመይ ክዝርዘር ኢዩ ኣብ መጻኢ ንርእዮ። ከቕስነና ዝኽእል ጉዳይ ግን ኣይኮነን።

ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኣብይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብመምርሒ ናይ ኣቶ ኢሰያስ ክኸይድ ጸኒሑ። ኣብ ከመይ ዝበለ ዘይውጻእ ጸድፊ ኣእትይዎ ከምዘሎ ከኣ ዘይርዳእ ኣይመስለንን። እቲ ምስ ኢስያስ ኮይኑ ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ክመርሕ ዝነበሮ ሕልሚ ዝተሓምሸሸ ይመስል።  ሎሚ ምስ ኢሳያስ ኮይኑ ነዚ ኣትይዎ ዘሎ ጸድፊ ክወጾ ከቢድ ክኾኖ ከም ዝኽእል ንምግማት ኣየሸግርን ኢዩ። ካብ ኢስያስ ብዝቕበሎ መምርሒ ዓዲ ልዕሊ ሚእቲ ሚልዮን ሃገር ክመርሓ ኣይክእልን ኢዩ። ኢሳያስ ምስዚ ኩነታትዚ ተጠዓዒሙ ዘኽይድ ባህርያት ከምዘይብሉ ከኣ እንፈልጦ ኢዩ። ኣብ ልዕሊ ወያነ ሕነኡ ምፍዳይ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ነገር ስለዝሰርዖ ግና ንኣቢይ “ንስኻ ኢኻ ትመርሓና” ኢልዎ ስለዝነበረ ገለ  ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘራኽብ ቅርጻታት  ኣውጺኦም፡ እታ መፍትሕ ናይ ምምራሕ ንኣብይ መን ይፈልጥ ይህቦ ውን  ይኸውን። እዚ ኩሉ ግን ካብዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ብዝፍጽምዎ ገበናት ኣትየሞ ዘለዉ መንቀራቑሮ ክወጹ ምስዝኽእሉ ኢዩ።

ስርዓት ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ንምውዳቕ፡ ልኡላውነት ሃገርና ክሕሎ ፍትሕን ሰላምን ክነንግስ እንቃለስ ዘለና ኤርትራውያን፡ ንረብሓ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ዘይኮነ ግጥም ኢሳያስ ስዒሩ ክወጽእ ከሎ ናትና ዓወት ከምዘይከውን ክንፈልጥ ይህልወና። እቲ ክንከዶ ዘለና ኢሳያስ ኣብ ዝኸዶን ዝኣተዎን ጸረ ህዝቢ ተግባራት ተሳዒሩ ከምዝወጽእ ምግባር ኢዩ። ብውሑዱ ድማ ነዚአን ከነዐዉት ንቃለስ።

ኣብ ትግራይ ኣትይዎ ካብ ዘሎ ውግእ ክወጽእ፡

ሰብኣውን ነገራውን ዓቕሚታት ሃገርና ዘማስን ዘሎ  ውግእ ጠጠው ክብል፡

ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝፈጸሞን ዶብ ሰጊሩ ኣብ ትግራይ ይፍጽሞ ብዘሎን ገበናት ኣብ ሕጊ ክቐርብ ክንጽውዕ ይግባኣና።

Responsibility for the tragic war in Tigray is being laid at the door of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed. But the real culprit is further north.

Eritrea’s President Isaias has plotted and schemed ever since his forces captured Asmara in 1991. Not satisfied with turning his own country into the most repressive state in Africa – without a functioning constitution, parliament, press or freedom of speech, assembly or religious expression – he has intervened in every one of his neighbours.

  • President Isaias has supported Sudanese rebels, fought with Djibouti, Yemen and Ethiopia (1998 – 2000),
  • When the Islamic Courts fled from Somalia, they found a haven in Asmara. President Isaias backed the Islamist group, al-Shabaab,
  • Ethiopian rebel movements were given training and logistical support by President Isaias. In July 2011 the UN Monitoring group on Somalia and Eritrea accused the Eritrean government of plotting to bomb the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa during the summit of African heads of state in January 2011.

US concerns about Eritrea’s role in the Tigray war

President Isaias considered military intervention in Tigray long before war broke out in November 2020.

As President Isaias stated when he gave his annual interview on Eritrean television, he began planning for the war after meeting the Tigrayan leader, Debretsion Gebremichael in Omhajer in January 2019.

When the war in Tigray erupted, Eritrean forces attacked from the north, joining offensives by Ethiopian troops and Amhara militia from the south and the east.

The involvement of the Eritrean forces in Tigray is now accepted by the United States, the European Union and Britain. Even the Ethiopian government now quietly admits their role in this war.

There has been wide condemnation of the role of Eritrean troops in atrocities in the town of Axum and beyond.

President Biden has drawn a line in the sand.

On 27 February Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that: “The immediate withdrawal of Eritrean forces and Amhara regional forces from Tigray are essential first steps.”

According to diplomatic sources, Secretary of State Blinken spoke to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy twice in early March, and told him that Eritrean and Amhara forces must be withdrawn from Tigray within 72 hours.

This has not taken place.

There is a great deal at stake

In November 2020, a day after the Tigray war broke out, a range of senior American former diplomats issued a statement.

They warned that the conflict could lead to the: “acceleration of polarization amid violent conflict [which] would also mark the death knell for the country’s nascent reform effort that began two years ago and the promise of a democratic transition that it heralded.” This could lead to “the fragmentation of Ethiopia [which] would be the largest state collapse in modern history.”

This fragmentation would not just threaten the Horn of Africa, it could be send ripples of instability across the Arab world and into the rest of Africa.

It would strengthen the hold of Islamist movements like al-Shabaab and their international Islamist allies.

It is a prospect that threatens Washington, Paris and London – as much as it does Addis Ababa.

But unless Eritrea can be forced to end its role in the Tigray war, and President Isaias shown that he cannot continue his perpetual practice of destabilizing his neighbours, it is difficult to see how this can be averted.

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