Friday, 16 February 2018 09:56

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 15.02.2018

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South African President Jacob Zuma resigns under pressure from ANC

South African President Jacob Zuma attends a session during the 30th annual African Union summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Jan. 28. Zuma resigned Wednesday. (Simon Maina / AFP/Getty Images)

South African President Jacob Zuma bowed to intense pressure from his party and resigned Wednesday, ending nearly nine years of rule marred by corruption scandals and fiscal mismanagement that shamed the party of Nelson Mandela and inflicted serious damage on one of Africa's biggest economies.

The 75-year-old leader's approval ratings had been sinking along with those of his ruling party, the African National Congress. In the end, the party turned against him and sided with his deputy, Cyril Ramaphosa, who unseated Zuma as party president in December and now becomes acting president of the country.

The ANC national executive committee issued Zuma an ultimatum Monday: resign or be recalled from office.

Zuma, who had already been resisting pressure from party leaders to quit, remained defiant at first. On Wednesday, he went on television and, in a lengthy statement, insisted that he had done nothing wrong.

"What is the rush? I have been asking this question all the time," he told SABC television. "You can't force a decision as is being done now."

"It's the first time that I feel the leadership is unfair," Zuma said. "It's 'No, you must just go.' The ANC does not run things that way. It's a kind of ANC that I begin to feel that there's something wrong here."

But late Wednesday, Zuma backed down and in a television address announced his decision to resign.

"I do not fear exiting political office," he said. "However, I have only asked my party to articulate my transgressions and the reason for its immediate decision that I vacate office."

He insisted the decision to dismiss him was unjustified, but said he decided to resign in order to avoid violence between members of the ANC.

"I am forever indebted to the ANC, the liberation movement I have served almost all my life," he said. "I respect each member and leader of this glorious movement. I have served the people of South Africa to the best of my ability. I am forever grateful that they trusted me with the highest office in the land."

Ramaphosa, now the acting president, is expected to be elected president at a meeting of the ANC parliamentary caucus in coming days.

Zuma had been due to leave office when his term ended in 2019. But Ramaphosa and his supporters wanted Zuma out well in advance of next year's presidential election in hopes that the ANC would have time to rebuild its support.

The opposition Democratic Alliance had said any departure deal should be made public and threatened to go to court if Zuma was given immunity from prosecution on corruption charges he is trying to fend off.

Zuma rose to power on the important role he played in the struggle against apartheid and on his charisma, often rousing party supporters, dancing and singing his trademark apartheid-era struggle song "Bring Me My Machine Gun." He ended a depleted figure, booed at party gatherings.

His method of governing — using the law to go after enemies, and state contracts and government jobs to enrich allies — is common in many African countries. But many South Africans, including sections of the ANC, were horrified at the scope of the scandals that followed him.

Soon after taking office in 2009, Zuma upgraded his mansion in the coastal province of Kwazulu-Natal, charging the state for "security upgrades," including a swimming pool, a visitor's center and an amphitheater. He was eventually forced to pay back $600,000 to the government.

Less than a year into his presidency, family members and friends had accumulated scores of companies, getting rich on the patronage that his political machine lavished.

Lawmakers and government officials have alleged that a powerful business family used its friendship with the president to manipulate cabinet appointments. Critics say the Gupta family — which has joint ventures with one of Zuma's sons, Duduzane Zuma, and has employed two other Zuma family members — "captured" the state in an effort to advance its commercial interests, which include mining, media and aviation.

The family and Zuma have denied the allegations.

In a sign that the political winds have shifted, a police anti-corruption unit known as the Hawks raided the home of the Guptas on Wednesday. The Hawks confirmed three arrests had been made and said two other people had agreed to hand themselves over to police.

The arrests related to a dairy farm project in the Free State province that was supposed to direct money to poor black South Africans. Instead, almost all the money is alleged to have been used to pay for a Gupta family wedding.

Under Zuma, many of the people shuffled into government jobs were unqualified, ill-equipped or corrupt. He drew widespread criticism in 2016 when he dismissed a reputable finance minister, Nhlanhla Nene, and tried to install a former mayor of a small municipality with little experience in finance.

That same year, a Chinese rhino horn trafficker claimed in a television documentary that he "did business" with the wife of David Mahlobo, a former state security minister and close Zuma ally. He claimed Mahlobo was his friend and displayed cellphone photos of them together.

Mahlobo denied either he or his wife had any connection with the trafficker and was never investigated. He remains in the cabinet as minister for energy. Zuma had been promoting a controversial $83-billion nuclear power plan that Ramaphosa says the country cannot afford.

The proposed deal with Russia was pushed hard by Zuma and Mahlobo, with critics accusing the government of undue haste in pursuing the deal.

Zuma was tainted by scandal even before voters elected him. He had been accused of rape, then acquitted, and charged with making over 783 allegedly corrupt payments as deputy president before prosecutors dropped the charges weeks before the 2009 election, clearing his way to become president after the vote.

But, popular in the party, he overcame the political damage from those episodes with a personal story that made him a hero in the fight against apartheid.

He grew up illiterate, forced to herd cattle as a child instead of going to school, after the death of his father, a policeman. His mother left him in the care of relatives and went to the city of Durban to earn money as a maid, and he began to teach himself to read, using other children's school books.

He joined the ANC in 1959 and was jailed for 10 years on Robben Island with Mandela, who went on to become the nation's first black president. Zuma never received a visitor; his mother was too poor to travel to see him.

Upon release, he rose through the ranks of the ANC to head the intelligence arm of its military wing.

His history and his outsized personality propelled him to the leadership of the party. He was a populist who exuded charm and warmth, unlike former President Thabo Mbeki, the cool and remote successor to Mandela.

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The pressure for Zuma to step aside began to mount last fall after a court ordered the reinstatement of corruption charges that had been dropped in 2009 — a decision he is now fighting — and the deepening scandals over the influence of the Gupta family.

Increasing that pressure were the effects of fiscal mismanagement.

Last year, global credit rating agencies downgraded South Africa's debt rating to junk. State-owned enterprises piled up debt, requiring repeated bailouts. Recently the finance minister warned that electricity provider Eskom was in such bad shape that it could topple the entire South African economy.

Zuma lost control of the party at a national conference in December, failing in a bid to ensure his ex-wife, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, succeeded him in a move designed to shield him from prosecution.

Instead Ramaphosa narrowly won the presidency of the party and the right to succeed Zuma as the nation's president if the ANC wins parliamentary elections next year. In South Africa, the majority party in parliament elects the president.

Zuma also lost control of the ANC's national executive committee, the only party body with the power to fire him — or in the parlance of the party, "recall" him.

Ramaphosa had started turning against his boss last year, telling a radio interviewer that he believed the president was guilty of rape, despite his 2006 acquittal.

At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, last month, Ramaphosa said that South Africa had been captured by corrupt elements close to Zuma.

As the sense of crisis deepened, the national currency surged at every suggestion Zuma would go.

His decision to resign saved the ANC the embarrassing spectacle of voting with opposition parties in parliament to oust him. The party had supported him in past no-confidence votes.

Zuma had been scheduled to deliver the state of the nation speech to parliament last Thursday. The address will now be delivered by Ramaphosa on Friday evening, after he is elected president that morning, the ANC has said.

After several days of negotiations between Ramaphosa and Zuma, the party's executive committee met in a marathon 13-hour session Monday to decide the issue. A letter of recall was delivered to Zuma by the party Tuesday.

Zuma is not the first South African president to be forced out of office. In a power play orchestrated by Zuma supporters, Mbeki resigned in 2008 after he was "recalled" by the executive committee, nine months before his term was due to end.

Many hope that Ramaphosa will clear out corruption in the ANC by appointing a strong chief of the National Prosecution Authority and empowering that person to go after powerful figures in the party — even at the risk of losing some key political allies.

 

Twitter: @RobynDixon_LAT

UPDATES:

2 p.m.: This article was updated with details of Jacob Zuma's resignation speech.

This article was originally published at 1:05 p.m.

Source=http://www.latimes.com/world/africa/la-fg-south-africa-zuma-presidency-20180214-story.html

 

ዝኾነ ይኹን ኣብ ትሕቲ ኣርዑት ጭቆና: ምዝመዛን ወጽዓን ዝነብር ህዝቢ፥ ነቲ ዝውጽዖን ዘጋፍዖን  ስርዓት ከለሊ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣሜን ኢሉን ረድዩን ዝግዛእ ፍጡር ስለዘየለ። ኣሜን ኢሉ ዘይግዛእ ካብ ኮነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ ክሳተፍ ዓቢ ተደላይነት ኣለዎ። ተሳትፎኡ ከኣ ብቐጥታ ብኣካል፡ ናይ ደገፍ ድምጽን ናይ ገንዘብ ሓገዝ ብምብርካትን ክኸውን ይኽእል።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ዝምልከቶም ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ እንተዘይተሳቲፎም ጽባሕ ካብቲ ብምልኪ ዝሳቐይዎን ዝግፍዕዎን ክላቐቑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ምኽንያቱ ነቲ ናይ ምልኪ ኣተሓስስባን ጽልዋኡን ንምውጋድ ዋናታት ክኾኑ ስለ ዝይክእሉ መመሊሶም ክድቆሱን ክምዝመዙን ኢዮም። በዚ ምኽንያት እቲ ጨፍሊቑ ጅሆ ሒዝዎም ዘሎ ምልኪ ወይ ኢደ-ወነናዊ ስልጣን ናይ ምብዳሁ ሓላፍነቶም ከም ምዃኑ ምስዝዝንግዑ ተወጻዕቲ ንሶም እዮም ክኾኑ። እቲ ምንታይ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ናይ ዝተወሰኑ ሰባት፥ ዓሌት፥ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ ወይ ሃይምኖት ሓላፍነት ስለዘይኮነ።

ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ናይ ምልጋስ ሓላፍነት ናይ መላእ እቲ ጭቁንን ግፉዕን ዜጋ እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳያት ሃገሮም እጃሞም ከበርቱን ክዋስኡን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዜጋታት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ዘይምስታፎም ሕመቕ ናይ ሰልፍታት ወይ ውድባት ገይሮም ክወስድዎ ወይ እውን እተን ሰልፍታት ልዕሊ ዝዓቕመን ከብርክታ ክጽበዩ ኣይግባእን። ከምየሲ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ክበሃል እንከሎ እቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እንተላይ እቲ ጸረ ምልኪ ዝቃለስ እውን ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባኡ ካብ ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ናጻ ክኸውን ኣለዎ ማለት እዩ። በዚ ምኽንያት፡ እቲ  ኣንጻር ምልኪ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ ብዘይ ተሳትፎ መላእ ዜጋታት ክዕወት ኣይክእልን እዩ።  ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ጽባሕ ንመላእ ዜጋታት እታ ሃገር ዘርብሕን ዘቕስንን ኩነታት ክፈጠር እምበኣር፡ ናይ ዝሰፍሐ ተጨቚነ ዝብል ዜጋ ግደን ሓላፍነትን እዩ።

እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ነተን ኣለዋ ዝበሃላ ሰልፍታት ክከታተልን፥ ሓደ ብሓደ ክፈልጠንን ከለልየንን ይግባእ። ህዝቢ ክሰምርን ሓቢሩ ክነብርን ዝምነን ዝብህግን፥ ካብ ጭቆና ተላቒቑ ድሞክራሲያዊ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ከንግስ እንተኾይኑ እምበር፡ ኢዱን እግሩን ኣጣሚሩ ተዓዛባይ ጥራይ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። እቲ ምንታይ ቅኑዕ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ብተሳትፎ መላእ ህዝቢ እዩ ክረጋገጽ ዝኽእል። ንዲሞክራሲ ብግቡእ ምፍላጥን ብተግባር ምምኳርን ሓደ ካብቲ ቀንዲ መሰረት ኣዕኑድ ናይ ግዝኣተሕጊ ስለ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ከይተሳተፈን ኣብ ተግባር ከይኣተወን እንታይ ዓይነት ስርዓት ክተክል ምዃኑ ጽባሕ ክሕርብቶ እዩ።

በዚ ሕጂ ኣብ ደገ እንከሎና እንዕዘቦ ዘሎና፡ እዚ ዘይበሃል ቁጽሪ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ተደርዲረን እንከለዋ ወግሐ ጸብሐ ክፈናጨላን ኣብ ነንሓድሕደን ክወናጀላን እንከለዋ ግደ እቲ ካልእ ኣብ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ዘየሎ እንታይ ከኸውን ነይርዎ? ነቲ ምፍንጫል ምውጋድን ነቲ ሓቂ ፋሕቲሩ  ንዝተጋገየ ጊጋ ከምዘሎ፥ ንቅኑዕ ከኣ ቅንዕነቱ ብምሕባርዶ ኣይኮነን? ዋላስ እንታይ ገደሰኒ ዘይንስልጣን እዮም ዝቆራቑሱ ዘለዉ ኢልካ ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይሲ ጽባሕ ንግሆ ፍትሓውን ርትዓውን ሕብረተሰብ ክንከውንዶ ንኽእል? ተዕዛባይ ጥራሕ ምዃን ወይ’ውን ንጉዳይ ሃገር ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይ ወገሐጸብሐ ምፍንጫል ነቲ ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዘርብሕ እምበር ካልእ ትርጉም የብሉን። ብኸምዚ ኣገባብ ድማ ንሃግርናን ህዝብናን ካብዚ ግፍዓዊ መላኺ ስርዓት ከነናግፎ ኣይኮናን። ንሓድነትና እውን ኣብ ሓደጋ ከነእቱ ምዃና እዩ ዝሕብረና። ኣብ ከምዚ ህሞት ከኣ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ንምድሓን ዝብል መደብ ወይ ሓሳብ ክህልወና ኣይኮነን።  

ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ኣብ ዝካየድ መስርሕ ውሑዳት ጸየቕቲ፡ ተበለጽትን፥ መደናገርትን ክህልዉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነዚኦም ንምልላዮምን መስመሮም ንምትሓዝን ከኣ ናይቲ ዝሰፍሐ ጸረ-ምልኪ ዝኾነ ኣካል እዩ። እዞም ተበለጽትን ጸየቕትን ብጸረ-ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝጎዓዙን ከኣ ተቐላጢፎም ናብቲ ናይ ፍልልያት በዓቲ እዮም ዝዕቆቡ። በዚ ኣቢሎም ከኣ እቲ ናይ ምድንጋር ሰይጣናዊ ስራሓቶም ንምስላጥ ዘየለ ፍልልያት ንምዕማቚን ንሓሶት ብኹምራ ደጋጊሞም ኣብ ኣእምሮ ደቂ ሰባት ክሰዂዑን ለይቲ ምስ መዓልቲ ብግሁድ ይኹን ብስውር እናተንቀሳቐሱ ንምልኪ ዘጠናኽሩ እምበር ንምልኪ ዝድምስሱ ኣይኮኑን። መሰረት ዘይብሉ ሓሶትን መናፍሓትን ሓቅነት ዘይብሉ ክስን ብምዝውታር ከኣ ዲሞክራሲያዊ መስመር ክትተክተል ማለት ዝበት እዩ። ስለዚ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ነዚ መላኺ ስርዓትን ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ካብ ሱሩ ክመሓው ድሌት ዘለዎ ዘበለ ሓቅን ሓሶትን፥ ሕጋውን ዘይሕጋውነትን ፈልዩ ክመራመርን ፍርዲ ክህብን ዘይተዳለወ ደላይ ፍትሒ ከይተረደኦ ነቲ ስርዓት ደገፍ እዩ ዝኸውን ዘሎ።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ኣኼባታት ተሳቲፎም ርእይትኦም ክህቡን ርእይቶ ካልኦት ክስምዑን ክቕበሉን፥ ሓቀኛ ዲሞክራሲ ክምኮሩን ከተግብሩን ክጽዕሩ ኣለዎም። ዜጋታት ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ህይወት ኣንቀሳቐስቲ ብምዃኖም ነዚ ብዕቱብ ክስረሕሉ እንተኾይኖም ዓገብ ንዝበሃል ዓገብ ክብሉ፥ ንዝኹነን ክኹንኑ፥ ጸቕጢ ምግባር ዘድልዮ እንተኾይኑ ጸቕጢ ክግበሩ እንከለዉ እዮም ውሕስነት ናይ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዘረጋገጽ። ንሓድሕድካ እናተጎራፈጥካን፥ ብሓሶት እናጠቀንካን ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ክተውሕስ ማለት ዘይከውን እዩ። ልክዕ እዩ ዲሞክራሲ ናጽነትን መሰልን ኢዩ ጥራሕ ኢልና ንውድኦ ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝግዝኣሉ ወይ ዝጠልቦ እውን ዕረ እናጠዓመካ ናይ ምምላእን ምትግባርን እውን እዩ።

 

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብቲ ናይ 30 ዓመታት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን፡ ምስቲ ዝነበረ ትንፋስ ዘይህብ ጥምጥማት ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ተሰሪሖም እዮም። ውግኣትን ዓወታትን ምሕራር፡ ካብ ዓሊግድር ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ከረን። ብኡ ኣቢልካ ናብ መንደፈራ፡ ዓዲዃላን መረብን፡ በቲ ካልእ ኣቕጣጫ ድማ ካብ ናቕፋን ኣፍዓበትን ክሳብ ደምቀምሓረን ካልኦት ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ከባቢታትን ብዙሕ መስተንክራት ተሰሪሑ እዩ። ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ከኣ ኣካል ናይዚ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ጀግንነት ዝፈጸምሉ ስርሒታት እዩ።

ኣብዚ ካብ ማይ ባሕሪ ብጭልፋ ዝተጠቐሰ ናይ ጅግንነት ውዕሎታት ዋጋ ዝኸፈሉ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት እዮም። ኣብዚ ናይ ዓወት ሜዳታት ናይቲ ወርትግ ዘይስልክዮ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኩለ-መዳያዊ ተሳትፎ መወዳድርቲ ኣይነበሮን። እዞም ጀጋኑ ተጋደልትን ህዝብን ነዚ ክቡር ዋጋ ክኸፍሉ እንከለዉ ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ኣዝዩ ረዚን ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ሸቶ ነይርዎም። እዚ ሸቶ “ናጽነትን ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ህዝባን” ኢልካ ጥራይ ዝጥቀስ ዘይኾነ ናብ ምሉእ፡ ሰላም፡ ዲሞክራስን ልምዓትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሕመረቱ ነባሪ ራህዋ ዝቋመት እዩ ነይሩ።

ከምዚ ኣብዚ ሰሙን ክንከታተሎ ዝጸናሕና ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ቅድሚ 28 ዓመታት ዝተፈጸመ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ክዝክር ቀንዩ። እዚ ስርሒት ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝተፈንቀለሉን ዝተሓግሓገሉን ስለ ዝኾነ ምዝካሩ ግቡእ እዩ። “ኪኖ’ቲ ምፍንቃል ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ፡ እቲ ንሱ ዝግልገለሉ ዝነበረ ወጻዒ ኣተሓሳስባኸ ምስኡዶ ተፈንቂሉ ወይስ ኣይፋሉን?” ዝብል ሕቶ ሃሰስ ምባሉ ኣገዳስነት ኣለዎ። እዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ፈንቅል ምስ ሓፈሻዊ ትጽቢት ህዝቢ አርትራ፡ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ናብ ዓወት እምበር፡ ናይ መወዳእታ ዓወት ከምዘይነበረ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ድሕሪ 28 ዓመት ናይቲ ስርሒት ኮይና ክንርእዮ እንከለና ዘተዓዛዝብ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ክቃለስ እንከሎ ብኣካል ንምልጋሱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ቀንዲ ዕላምኡስ እቲ ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ዝጥቀምሉ ዝነበሩ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ኣተሓሳስባታት ዳግማይ ከምዘይሰርር በንቊስካ ንምድራብይ እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ሎሚኸ ኩነታት ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ዓዲ ይሃሉ ኣብ ግዳም ዘመልክቶ እንታይ እዩ። ብርኢቶና ጀግንነት ፈንቅል ኮነ፡ ካልኦት ስርሒታት ጌና ናብ መሰላትን ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይተሸርፈን። ከምዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እዮም ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን “ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ሎሚ ድሕሪ ናጽነት’ኳ ዝያዳ ይኸፍኣና” ዝብሉ ዘለዉ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ከም ምግናን እንተወሲድናዮ፡ “ኤርትራ ብመንጽር፡ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ካብ ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ዝፍለ ህይወት የብላን” ዝብል ሚዛን ግና ብትኽክል ኣብ ኤርትራ ንዘሎ ኩነታት ዝውክል እዩ።

ወየን ቀደም ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ “ደቅኽን ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓይልታት ጸላኢ ከምዚ ዓይነት ጀግንነት ፈጺሞም” ዝብል ብምስጢር ዝዝርጋሕ ብስራት ሰሚዐን ዝሕበና ዝነበራ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ “ደቂ ስዉኣት ደቅኽን ኣብ ባሕሪ ሚዲትራንያን ሃሊቖም” ዝብል ቀጻሊ መዓንጠአን ዝኹምትር መርድእ ይሰምዓ ኣለዋ። ከምቲ ቀደም ውላደን ከም ዝተሰወአ ምስ ዝፈልጥ፡ ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ “ኣደ ወንበደ” ኢሉ ከየሳቕየን፡  ብወግዒ ምስ ቤተሰብ ዘይኮነ ንበይነን ንውሽጢ ዝነብዓ ዝነበራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ እውን ብሰንኪ ጥልመት ናይቲ ብዙሕ ሓርነታት ከውሕስ ዝተጸበየኦ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ውላደን ኣብ ባሕሪ ጥሒሉ ሞይቱ ወይ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ብዘጻወድዎ መፈንጠርያ ብበደዊን ተቐንጺሉ ክሰምዓ እንከለዋ ኣብዘይንቡር ናይ ሓዘን ኩነታት እህህህ ይብላ ኣለዋ። እቲ ቀደም “ኣብ ማርያም ግቢ ተኣሲሩ” ዝብል ዝነበረ ኣሰንባዲወረ ሎሚ ከኣ “ኣብ ዓዲ ኣብዮቶ ተኣሲሩ” ብዝብል ምትክኡ’ውን መለሳ የብሉን።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ፈንቅል ንዝኣመሰለ ስርሒታት ዝዝክረሉ ጎራሕ ምኽንያት ኣለዎ። እቲ ዝኽሪ  “ሕድሮም ንዘይምጥላምዩ” ምባሉ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ወዮ ነቲ “ህዝብና ብሳላ መስዋእትና ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ከይሕረሞ ሓደራ” ዝበልዎ ከም ዝተጠልመ ንርኢ ስለ ዘለና። ስለዚ ህግደፍ ነዚ ዝዝክርሉን ውሕዳት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ዝጠለሙ ደገፍቶም ዘሳዕስዕሉን ምኽንያት ኣካል ናይቲ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ሕሉፍ መሊስካ ጅሆ ናይ ምሓዙ ጉርሖም እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናይ ደቁ ጅግንነት ክዝከረሉ ዝብህጎ’ኳ እንተኾነ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዝያዳ ዘድልዮ ግና፡ “ትማሊ ከምዚ ይገብር ነይረ፡ ጽባሕ ከኣ ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ዝብል ምስምስ ዘይኾነስ “ሎሚ ከምዚ ይገብር ኣለኹ” ዝብል ግብራዊ ቃል ጥራይ ምዃኑ ክርዳእ ንዝደሊ ብሩህ’ዩ። ህዝቢ ንዝተወሰን ግዜ እምበር ንሓዋሩ ክዕሸው ስለ ዘይክእል፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከውርዶ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ጭቆና በቲ ኣብ ፈንቅልን መሰል ዝኽርታትን ዘንብሮ ዕንበባታትን ዘሰልፎ ኣረጊት ኣጽዋርን  “የዕሽዎ ኣለኹ” ኢሉ ዝኣምን እንተኾይኑ ድሕሪት ተሪፉ ኣሎ።

ስለዚ ነቶም ኣብ ምሕራር ምጽዋዕን ካልእ ከባብታትን ንሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ዝፈንቀሉ ክብርን ሞጐስን ይብጸሓዮም። እንተኾነ ብፍላይ ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባ ክረአ እንከሎ ካብ መግዛእቲ ፈሊኻ ዘይረአ፡ ጸረ-ሰላም፡ ጸረ-ልምዓትን ጸረ-ደሞክራስን ኣርዑት ናይ ምፍንቃል ዕማም ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ከም ዘሎ ኣይንዘንግዕ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ኮነ ኢሉ ነዞም ህዝብና ድሕሪ ናጽነት ክረኽቦም ዝግበኦ ዝነበሮ ጸጋታት ይነፍጎ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ህዝቢ እውን ካብኡ ዝጽበዮ ፍታሕ የለን’ሞ እቶም ንለውጢ እንቃለስ ዘለና ክንነቕሓሉ ዝግበኣና ዕማም እዩ።

#Refugees

Israel wants to deport 40,000 Africans. Many who left found misery at their destination, and a deadly journey to Europe their only escape

 ly journey to Europe their only escape

African migrants demonstrate against forced deportation in Herzlia, Israel, on 7 February (AFP)
Tessa Fox's picture
Last update: 
Monday 12 February 2018 13:44 UTC
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TEL AVIV - The group of 30 asylum seekers are crammed into the back of several Toyota utility vehicles, as they speed across the Sahara. 

The passengers have paid smugglers thousands of dollars to get out of Sudan and into Europe, but their journey has been treacherous - and for some already deadly.

With no water to get them through the the scorching, stifling heat, many die, as their friends watch in horror. But according to Kiflom, an Eritrean who was among the group, none of the drivers could care.

"Why should we care? God willing you will die too," Kiflom is told by one of the drivers.

They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot died in the Sahara, then in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean 

- Sheshai, Eritrean refugee in Holot prison, Israel

Kiflom was one of the few who survived, and eventually made it to Italy. But his journey began when he left Israel in April 2016 under its so-called "voluntary departure" programme, which moves unwanted African migrants to a third country with promises of financial support and official refugee status at their destination.

But many of the thousands of mainly Sudanese and Eritreans who left between 2014 and 2016 found their new hosts to be less than welcoming, the promised support failing to materialise, and escape to Europe their only chance of a better life. For many, it was also their death sentence.

Horror stories such as these, contained in a report by the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, Better a prison in Israel than dying on the way, are being used as a warning for 40,000 African migrants and asylum seekers still in Israel. 

Under a draconian acceleration of the old 'voluntary' scheme in January they were given two options: mandatory deportation within 60 days, or indefinite detention in Israel.

Sheshai, also an Eritrean, considers this options from a cell in the Holot detention centre, southern Israel. He has lived in the country for eight years, but was sent to Holot five months ago. He now has less than a month to decide his future.

"A lot of friends left Israel," he told Middle East Eye. "They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot of people died in the Sahara, then a lot of people died in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean.

"We prefer to stay in prison," he says, although he paints a grim picture of what that means: "We don't have anything, every day we sleep. We [just] have a phone, we use it for internet. We walk around the prison, to de-stress."

A dream turns to a nightmare

Indeed the stories from the other side, from those who have already left, is almost exclusively one of confusion, broken promises, and often death. 

Many are marooned without support and find themselves quickly on the move, crossing the borders of one failed state after another - including South Sudan and Libya - before betting everything on a boat to Europe.

Haile and Isayas, who both left under the voluntary scheme, told the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants that the support promised by Israel never materialised.

Both were given $3,500 and tickets to Rwanda, but from there they were on their own.

Isayas told the migrant hotline: "Israel says you can get documents and receive asylum and that you'll have a good life, like a dream."

But on landing in Rwanda's capital, Kigali, Isayas's documents were confiscated and he was led to a "hotel" where he and other migrants were watched by guards to ensure they didn't leave.

All in Isayas group "stayed in the hotel for a few days before being smuggled to Uganda".

Haile's money disappeared fast, and the last of his funds was used to pay smugglers to get him across the Mediterranean. He was one of the lucky ones: surviving the crossing, he found sanctuary in the Netherlands, where he lives now under refugee status.

African migrants stand behind barbed wire at the Holot detention centre (AFP)

No refugee status

The promises of refugee status were also often broken by the third country. Dawit, another voluntary departure, told HRM he was denied access to UNHCR, the UN's refugee agency.

"We said we want to go to the UNHCR, but they tell us 'no, no, no... If you do not move to another country we will return [you] to your country'."

Feeling "scared, pressured and insecure", Dawit crossed from Rwanda to Uganda after paying people-smugglers with money given to him by Israel.

Andie Lambe, the executive director of International Refugee Rights Initiative, has studied the plight of asylum seekers moved from Israel to Uganda under the 'voluntary deportation' programme.

Read more ►

African migrants in Israel opt for jail over deportation

Lambe said many were taken to a hotel on arrival, "where they could stay for free for two nights", before being left to fend for themselves.

Not one of those she had dealt with were ever granted refugee status - and many told Lambe they were told not to "bother trying" to apply.

"There is a responsibility on the Israeli state to make sure this is happening, if they are going to put that promise in their communications with potential deportees," she said.

Many left high and dry in Uganda found their way to South Sudan, a country itself in the grip of civil war and starvation and where millions of its own civilians had been forced from their homes.

Lambe said the deportees from Israel found themselves there as a direct result of getting nothing from the government of Uganda.

A UN vehicle guards civilians in South Sudan, which has been torn apart by civil war (AFP)

Gabriel, one of those who moved into South Sudan, described how he and others got there.

"All the way with no water, nothing. I don't want to repeat this. It was very hard. We were in the car for almost three days... With goats and sheep, we hid on top," Gabriel tried to explain his journey.

On reaching the border, Gabriel and the other asylum seekers had to each pay $2,000 to cross.

Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it

- Isayas, Eritrean refugee

Once in the capital of Juba, the Eritrean asylum seekers felt most at risk from South Sudanese rebels due to connections between the government of South Sudan and Eritrea.

Feeling in constant danger of being deported back to Eritrea, as well as being robbed and imprisoned for months due to not having identification, the asylum seekers moved north to Sudan.

However, many were picked up by Sudan's government, which works with Eritrea to return asylum seekers, many of whom have fled forced, life-long conscription to its army.

Samson was one of those scooped up by Sudanese police. After paying a bribe for his freedom, he found many of his friends had already been sent back to their home country.

"Now where are they? I don't know… [maybe] they will die in Eritrea."

African migrants attempt the crossing to Europe (AFP)

Libya's horror

What came next for those who escaped was even worse: Libya.

The journey to Libya haunts the asylum seekers who survived. "At night it comes to us in our head, it repeats… It wakes me up, what I saw… I don't want to remember this… I want to close that door," Kiflom, who survived the desert crossing, told HRM.

Many were placed in overcrowded warehouses for months. In rooms of up to 1,500 people, they were subject to rape, daily violence, slavery, and no food or water.

Like other prisons they had been in, ransoms were required for escape. "Those who did not have money stay longer." Many died.

The asylum seekers could only get on boats to Italy when the smugglers had found at least 500 people wanting go. Overloaded, the motors on the boats broke.

"We went 500 people into the sea, and out of them returned just maybe 100 people… From Israel there were 10 people on the boat, and we got out only three, you understand? Seven people died," Tesfay, a survivor, told HRM.

They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant.

- Dror Sadot, Hotline for Refugees and Migrants

Isayas is thankful he survived. He lives now in Italy. But he will never stop thinking of the people who died.

"Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it," he said.

Dror Sadot, a spokesman from HRM, told Middle East Eye that such stories would always get back to those awaiting deportation.

"They know what happened to their friends, when they left Rwanda or Uganda, they know many died on the way.

"They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant."

Of those left, Dror Sadot said many believe they will not be imprisoned for long by Israel, and it's better to wait it out.

Sheshai has hope the High Court in Israel will reverse the governments plan to deport them. "I hope a lot of people in Israel stand with us, with refugees," he said.

 

Source=http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-african-migrants-voluntary-deportation-205044968

February 11, 2018

The Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24.    (Reuters)
Collision course? Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24. (Reuters)

International interest in and around the Red Sea is intensifying, bringing increased geopolitical competition.

To the north, the Suez Canal links the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean and represents a crucial maritime trade route, transporting about 2.5% of global oil shipments, Global Security.org said.

At the other end, the Bab el Mandeb Strait — one of the world’s most important chokepoints, only 29km wide at its narrowest point — com­mands the southern entrance. It has taken on added geostrategic importance since the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen began in 2015.

Further south is the Horn of Africa, a hotbed of maritime piracy that prompted navies from around the world to form task forces to fight it.

The Red Sea’s enhanced geostrategic importance is driving unprecedented development and competition. Last year, China boosted its power projection capabilities by inaugurating a nearly $600 million naval base in Djibouti. The newest entrant is Turkey, which recently signed an agreement with Sudan to develop a port at Suakin.

China and Turkey will join the United States, which has operated its only full-fledged expeditionary military base on Africa, Camp Lemonnier, also in Djibouti, since 2002, as well as the French, Italian and Japanese forces.

Saudi Arabia has been running operations with coalition allies out of a base in Assab, Eritrea. The United Arab Emirates has a military presence in Yemeni Red Sea ports of Aden, Mokha and Mukalla as well as the island of Perim in Assab, and in Berbera in autonomous Somaliland. Last year, Turkey opened a military base in Somalia to train Somali forces.

The Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen has necessitated Arab Gulf countries locking off maritime supply routes to Houthi rebels and developing a supporting logistics network for operations. The Saudi-led coalition has been wary of providing Houthi rebels space to blockade or disrupt maritime traffic by mining and anti-ship weapons from the Yemeni coast, especially around the Bab el Mandeb.

Such burgeoning international interest in and around the Red Sea in the absence of a formal regional framework is straining the environment as a growing number of stakeholders seek to safeguard their interests by counterbalancing competitors. As such the Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

At the global level, the rise of China has been driving international competition. The Chinese want to safeguard freedom of navigation for key maritime trade routes and massive investments into Africa as part of its One Belt, One Road Initiative. The United States wants the regional security landscape preserved favourably, especially with Israel being in close proximity but also against terrorist threats and to counter a rising China and resurgent Russia.

The Saudi-led coalition is seeking to ease the socio-political instability that has been taking hold around Saudi Arabia’s periphery in good part by counterbalancing the regional footprint of Iran, which supports the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

Finally, there is the north-east African geopolitical competition. Egypt has strained relations with Sudan, which Cairo charges with supporting the Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt opposes Sudan-backed Ethiopian plans for the Renaissance Dam under construction since 2011. When finished it will be Africa’s largest hydro-electric power station and generate much-needed electricity for Ethiopia and Sudan but reduce water flows to Egypt’s Nile.

Sudan, like Ethiopia, has been the subject of investments and support from Qatar. Egypt views a potential emerging pro-Muslim Brotherhood alliance between Turkey, Qatar and Sudan as an incubating threat. Sudan recalled its ambassador to Egypt following reports Egypt had dispatched troops to Eritrea, which borders Sudan, in response to the announcement of Turkey’s Suakin agreement.

Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, Egypt, Sudan, Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia all border the Red Sea or its entry points but a growing number of extra-regional powers are moving in swiftly to safeguard their interests.

Some analysts say the Red Sea basin was previously overlooked for its strategic value. Being part Middle East and part Africa, it was approached in a segmented way. The absence of a multilateral regional framework to manage affairs or disputes in the Red Sea is probably a key reason why outside powers have been able to formalise their own presence and, ironically, may be making its emergence even less likely.

Written By Sabahat Khan

Sabahat Khan is a senior analyst at the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA).

Source=https://thearabweekly.com/why-intensifying-international-interest-red-sea-driving-military-buildup

ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብ10 ለካቲት 2018 ብቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ዝተዳለወ’ሞ ስርሑ ንክጅምር ትጽቢት ክግበረሉ ዝጸንሐ  መድረኽ ፓልቶክ (EPDP youth corner) ብወግዒ ስራሕ ኣጀሚሩ። ኣብዚ መእተዊ ቃሉ ነቶም እዚ መድረኽ ተኸፊቱ ስራሕ ንክጅመር ዝጸዓቱን ናይቲ መኽፈቲ ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድን ኣመስጊኑ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ምይይጥ ናይቲ መድረኽ ሕግን ስርዓትን ምኽታልን ኣብቲ ዝተላዕለ ዛዕባ ምትኳርን ዘለዎ ኣገዳስነት ድማ ኣብሪሁ።

ብጻይ መድሃኔ ህብትዝጊ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ብወገኑ  ናብ ምኽፋት እቲ መድረኽ ንምብጻሕ ዝተኻየደ ጻዕሪ ዘርዚሩ፡ ዕላማ እቲ መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ይኹኑ ኣይኹኑ ቦታኦም ኣብዚ ደሞክራስያዊ ቃልሲ ምሕያልን ምስፋሕን ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ ሓቢሮም ንኸህብትምዎ ጸዊዑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ከኣ ንዕዱም ጋሻን  ኣብዚ መኽፈቲ ሃናጽን መተባብዕን ሓሳባት ንዝሃቡን ኣመስጊኑ።

ናይቲ ዕለት ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድ (ኣቡሃሽም) “ክስተት ጀኦ-ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኣብ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ” ኣብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሰፊሕ መበገሲ መርሂ ሂቡ። ኣብ መብርሂኡ፡ ናይዚ ፍሉይ ኣጋጣሚ ዕዱም ብምዃኑ ሓጐስ ከም ዝስመዖ ጠቒሱ፡ ሰዲህኤ ነቲ ብውሽጥን ግዳምን ከጋጥሞ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ዕንቅፋታት ከከም ኣመጻጽኣኡ እንዳመከተ የካይዶ ንዘሎ ቃልሲ ንኢዱ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ፡ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካ ማለት እንታይ ማለት ምዃኑ፡ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ዝምድና ህዝብታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ ታሪኽ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝተኻየዱ ውግኣት፡ ህልዊ ቅልውላው ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ጽልዋን፡ ተጽዕኖ ፈለግ ኒል/ናይል ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ … ወዘተ ኣብ ዝብሉ ነጥብታት ሰፊሕን ዝርዝራውን መብርሂ ንተሳተፍቲ ኣቕሪቡ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ኣብዚ ሓያሎ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ ንዕዱም ጋሻ ብምምስጋንን ኣብ ቀጻሊ’ውን ኣብዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መድረኽ ሓሳቡን ርእይትኡን ንኸይፍለዮም ብምዝኽካር ዝተፈላለዩ ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም። ካብቶም ዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት፡ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝብል ከባቢ ዘጠቓልለን ሃገራት ብዓል መን እየን?፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ፈለግ ናይል (ኣባይ) ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ግብጽን ዘሎ ኩነታት ናበይ ክምዕብል እዩ፡ ብመንጽር ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊኸ ከመይ ይረኣ? ኣብ መንጎ ሱዳንን ኤርትራን ዘሎ ወጥሪ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ብከመይ ክጸልዎ እዩ? ውግእ የመንን ናይተን ኣብቲ ውግእ ተሳቲፈን ዘለዋ ሃገራት ወተሃደራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ምስፋርን ተጽዕኖኡ ክሳብ ክንደይ እዩ?፡ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ከ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ካብ ናይ ኢድ-ኣዙር ውግእ ንምድሓን  እንታይ ክንገብር ይግበኣና?” … ወዘተ ዝብሉ ይርከብዎም። ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ንነፍሲ ወክፍ ሕቶ ብሩህ መልሲ ሂቡ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ተሳተፍቲ ንንጹር መብርህታትን ምቕሉል ኣቀራርባን ጋሻ ኣመጒሶም እቲ ሓሳባት ኣፍልጦኻ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢና ክብ ዘብል ምንብሩ ምስ ሓበሩ ንኣገዳስነት ቀጻልነት ከምዚ ዓይነት መድረኻት ከኣ ጸዊዖም።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ቀደም ጀሚሩ ኣንጻርኩሎም ወጻዕቱ ክቃለስ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ኢዩ ኣብ መስከረም 1961 ዓ.ም ብጅግና ስዉእ ኣቦ ሰውራሓምድ እድሪስ ዓዋተ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝጀመረ።

ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ድማ መራሕቱ ገለ ብልቢ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ክቃለሱ ከለዉ ገለ ድማ መልክዖም ሓቢኦም ሓለይቲ ህዝብን ሃገርን ተመሲሎም ንገዛእርእሶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዝመጽሉ  ኣገባብ ይሓልሙን ይኣልሙን ኔሮም። ካብዚ ተበጊሶም ድማ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ክፍልታት ተመቓቒላ ከም ትቃለስ ጌሮማ፡ ታሪኽ ከም ዝሕብሮ ሓደ ካብቲ ኣሉታዊ ምምሕዳር ክፍልታት ሓንቲ ክፍሊ ናይ ካልኦት ክፍልታት ዕማም ከም ዘይናታ ዕማም ትሪኣዮ ምንባራ እዩ። ብጻዕሪ መሰረታት ግን ናብ ሓድነት ዘምርሕ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ ተባሂሉ ዝፍለጥ መስርሕ ሓድነት ተኻይዱ።ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ድማ ኢዩ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዲሞክራሲ ክትግበር መራሕቲብምርጫ ክመጹ ብማለት ኣብ 1971 ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዝተወሰነእንተኾነ እቶም ኣነ እንተሞይተ ብድሕረይ ሳዕሪ ኣይብቆላ በለት ኣድጊዝባህሪኦም ኣብ ጉባኤ ከይተበጽሐ ክፍንጨሉ መሪጾም፡፡

ምፍንጫል ድማ ክሳብ ክንደይ ሃሳዪ ምዃኑ ተራእዩ ኢዩነጻነት ኤርትራ ኣብ መጨረሽታ ሰብዓታት ክረጋገጽ ዝግብኦ ዝነበረ ክሳብ 1991 ተመጢጡ ቃልስና ብምምጣጡ ድማ  ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸሩ ጀጋኑ በሊዑ፡፡ በዚ መንገዲ ድማ ኤርትራ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ነጻ ወጺኣ ድሕርዚ ድማ ኢዩ ኣቶ ኢሰያስ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ንቃለስ ኣለና ክብል ከምዘይጸንሐ ንሱ ናይ ኩሉ ወዳኢ ኮይኑስ ኣብ 20 ሰነ 1991 ዓ,ምብዛዕባ መደብ ግዝያዊ መንግስቱን ድሕሪ ክልተ ዓመት ድማ ረፈረንዱም ክካየድ ምዃኑን ምስ ሓበረ  ብዛዕባ‘ተን  ካብ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ወጻኢዝነበራ ውድባት ዝተቓለሱን ኣሽሓት ስዉኣት ብጾት ዝኸፈሉን ኣሽሓትውን ዝሰንከሉሉን ክዛረብ ከሎ ድርቅንኡን ባሓትነቱን ንምርኣይ  ኣንቱም ብስም ውድባት ተታሊልኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ከምኡውን እቶም ምስ ጸላኢብረት ዓጢቕኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ ድሕሪሕጂ  ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን ካብ ሕጂ ንደሓር ብወገን ብኣውራጃ ብሃይማኖት ኣምሲሉ ፖለቲካ ክገብርዝተረኽበ ድማ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ክብልዩ ዝደምደመ።

በሉስከ ብቐዳምነት መንዩ መሓሪ መንከኢዩኸ ተመሓሪ ዝፈርድ ህዝቢምበር ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ውን ኢሰያስ ኣይኮነን፡ ንሱ ግን ህዝባዊ መሰል ምምንጣል ኣመሉን ሕልሙን ስለዝኾነ ኣይገደሶን፡ እታ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ኢሉ ምፍርርሑ ግን ክሳብ ሕጂ ትቕጽል ኣላ በሃላይ ኢየእስከ ንምዘንሞ ምስዚ ኩሉ ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ሃገር ብዘይ ቅዋምን ብዘይተመርጸ ብኢወነንኡ ብዝተኾየጠ ዲክታቶርዶ ምተመርሐትእመስለኩምስለዚ እዛ ብርኩታ እምኒ ኣላታ ከምዝበሃል እቶም ፍትሒ ንምንጋስ ህዝባዊ ስልጣን ንምርግጋጽ ንቃለስ ኣለና ንብል ዘየዐውተና ዘሎስ፡ ሚልዮናት ዶላራት ኣውጺኡ ከምዘይንሰማማዕ  ይገብረና ከይህሉ ዘየጠርጥርከ እንታይ ኣለና? ኩሉ ንኢሰያስን ስርዓቱን  ዝጻረርን ንህግደፍ ይቃወም ኢየ ዝብል ኣፉ ዝብሎ ዘይኮነስ ተግባሩ ኢና ክንርኢ ዝግባእ። ውድባት ሰልፍታት ኣብዚግዜዚ እንተኾነ እተን ተመሳሳሊ መደብ-ዕዮ ዘለወን እንዳሰመራ ብዝሒ ውድባት ሰልፍታት ክንክያ፡ እተን መደብ ዕዮአን ዘይመሳሰል ድማ ከም ኤርትራውያን ፍልልያተን ወጊነን ብሓባር ክሰርሓ ኢዩ ዝግባእ ዝነበረእንተኾነ ኣብክንዲ ምስማር ምፍንጣሕ ኣብ ክንዲ  ፍልልያት ምጽባብ ፍልልያት ምግፋሕ ኢዩ ዝርአ ዘሎ። በዓል እከለ ሙኩራት ኢዮምሞ መሪሖም ከዐዉቱና ኢዮም ኢልካ እምነት ዘንበርካሎም ኮኑ በዓል እከለውን ምሁራት ኢዮምሞ ንውድብና ንሰልፍና ከዐርይዎ  ኢዮም ዝበልካዮም  እቲ ምኩር ዝበልካዮ ምፍንጫል ይህንድስ እቲ ምሁር ኢዩሞ ከዐሪ ኢዩ ኢልካ ዝተጸበኻዮ ክዘርግ ምዕዛብ ብጣዕሚ ኢዩ ዘሕዝነካ። ስለዚ ኢየ ድማ ንጽሑፈይ ንማይ ዝበልካዮስ ንበረድ ኣይግበሮ  ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ዝሃብኩዎ።

ኣብ መጨረሽታ ክብሎ ዝደሊ ዝኾነ ሰብ ናቱ ርእይቶ ክህልዎን ንዕኡ ከዐውት ክቃለስን ድማ መሰሉዩናተይ ርእይቶ እንተዘይተዓወተ ኢልና ፈንጨራዕ ኢልና ንዕንድር እንተኾንና ግን ብተዘወዋሪ መንገዲ  ንመላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ነገልግል ከም ዘለና ክንርዳእ ይግባእ።ካልእ ብሓቂ ንፍትሒ ንቃለስ እንተኰናስ በበይንና ከነዐውቶ ከምዘንኽእል ኣሚንና ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ክንራኸብ ምዃንና ተረዲእና ፍልልያት ክመጽእ ከሎ ከምቲ ‘‘ካብ መርዓ በዓለገስ ፍትሕ ጭዋ ይሓይሽ‘‘ ዝበልዎ ተኸባቢርካ ምፍልላይውን ልቦና ኢዩ እቲምንታይሲ ጽባሕውን ክንራኸብ ስለዝኾንና።ስነ-መጎት ዘይብሉ ጸርፍን ልቅባትን ድማ፡ መግለጺ ዋናታቱ ካብ ምዃኑ ሓሊፉ፡ ዝለግብ ከምዘይኮነ ክእምት እፈቱ።

መዓሾ ኣስራት 

ጀርመን 11 ለካቲት 2018

The process towards unifying all the forces for democratic change in the Eritrean Opposition Camp failed in all its efforts in the past two decades. The struggle from dictatorship to democracy requires skills and knowledge about the identity rooted divisions and their management.

In this article, I will delve on addressing the real causes of conflict in the opposition political and civic organizations and what is the root cause that they split every time now and then. The Eritrean internal conflict is deep-rooted conflict based on identities This deep-rooted conflict has never got the right solution from the very beginning of Eritrean political struggle for self-determination and later during the armed liberation struggle and now at this time of struggle from dictatorship to democracy. Eritrean leaders has inherited violent and destructive conflict management and this authoritarian and totalitarian culture of excluding, ignoring or attempting to eliminate each other has never brought peace inside and outside Eritrea. The Eritrean political elites must learn the past violent conflict resolving methods and adopt the new democratic methods based on mutual respect and leading towards peaceful co-existence.

 Developing  a national awareness requires objectivity, tolerance of cultural difference and knowledge of the diverse Eritrean people's history and their struggle for independence and freedom. Tolerance and resilience- the properties we all lack to solve our internal and external conflicts. It is disappointing that every now and then that the Eritrean political organizations split in groups because of personal chemistry. The recent split inside EPDP was not based on political program or national principles according the two groups arguments and counterarguments, it was simple resolve it by sitting together and negotiate on the issues of conflict.

What we experience inside the our political leaders their incapability of solving their internal conflict and reminds us that still they lack the skills of managing conflicts. What can we the grass-roots do in order to help them come together. What we need is open mind and heart and discuss the issues of conflict in the Eritrean political arena.

What we see and experience in the opposition camp in the social media is not constructive but destructive in all aspects. The political leaders have been manipulating and exploiting the unawareness of our people for their narrow benefits, this is the main cause of multiplication of  political organizations now and then. The Eritrean people must be aware of such elements who preside their personal interests before the people's interests. The people must rise against such leaders and warn to change their destructive attitude of conflict management and search new tools for conflict management suitable to our case in Eritrea. We must say now enough is enough no more walls of hate and disintegration but building bridges for peace and harmony to win the dictatorship inside Eritrea and transfer the power to its owner- the Eritrean people.

Tools for conflict management in the opposition camp

The Eritrean internal conflict is identity -driven and emotionally charged mobilized to violence instead of building trust and harmony. The situation of the Eritrean Forces for democratic change( political and civic organizations) is in crisis. We failed to resolve our internal conflicts in the past 15 years. Let us learn from our failures search for new methods of conflict management.

What we need is a new range of flexible and adoptable tools that can take consideration of the interests that helps us solve the personality-related conflicts. The aim of this article is to concentrate on developing the resources and materials by assisting the construction of the process of negotiation/ dialogue and its outcome. Designing good conflict management based on the democratic values is criteria to come together and negotiate. Democracy itself is not a panacea itself but if we in the opposition camp believe in democratic principles we must first resolve our internal conflicts peacefully without external intervention. We must own the process. An imposed solution cannot resolve our internal conflict, such imposed or coerced conflict management failed is not sustainable.

In this article I would like to propose that Negotiation/ Dialogue is the only possibility and in this case we must assist the opposition leaders to:

- enter the process of negotiating a political settlement by helping them generate creative scenarios for progress towards an acceptable outcome.

- provide them with a wide range of political options both for designing the most appropriate negotiations process for them and selecting the democratic structure suitable to our situation

- assisting them in developing solutions which are acceptable and appropriate with our situation

- provide information on the range of varied approaches to building sustainable democracy inside the opposition camp  to gain the people's trust and legitimacy.

In conclusion, I would like to remind all the forces for democratic change focus on issues not on personalities.

References:

1. SIDA/ Sweden International Development Agency, " Democratization and Armed Conflicts.

2. IDEA/ International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, " Building Trust and Cooperation