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ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ መኽሰብ ኣልቦ ማሕበርን ብጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝዳሎ ፈቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራክፎርት ቦከንሃይመር ቫርተ Mertonstr. 26 - 28 Frankfurt am Main ካብ ዕለት 03 ክሳብ 05 ነሓሰ 2018 ኣብ ሓድሽ ኲነታት ሃገርና ክካየድ ምዃኑ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተሓበረ እዩ። ካብኡ ዝነቐለ ንፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብዚ ቅንያት እዚ ኣካቢብዎ ዘሎ ሓድሽን ኣዝዩ ዘደንጹን ተደራቢ ፍሉይ ኲነታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ድማ፡ “ድሕሪ ሕጂ ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ክልተ ኣህዛብ እዩ ዝብል እንተሎ፡ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጥ እዩ” ዝብል መበገሲ ዝገበረ፡ “ካብ ሕጂ ንዳሓር ንስኻ ኢኻ ትመርሓና፡ እዚ ንቐላዓለም ዝብሎ ዘለኩ ዘይኮነስ ብሓቂ እዩ” ክብል ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ፣ ነቲ ዋንነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክነሱ ብኢደ ወነኑ መንዚዑ ሃገርን ህዝቢን ክረግጸሉን ከብርሰሉን ዝጸንሐን ዘሎ፡ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ክናቈተሉን ዝጸንሐ በትረ-ምልኪ ንቀዳማይ ምኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ከረክብ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ምስራኣየ ናይ ዕብዳን ቃል ዝኣተወሉ እዋንዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ሽማግለታት ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ንኢሳያስ ከቕርብሉ እንከለዉ ምናልባሽ ዝፈተዉዎ መሲልዎ ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ፡ ኣብ ባህሊ ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ግን ካብ ዕርቂ/ሽምግልና ሓንጊዱ ንዝኸደ፡ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ኣምሪሖም እዮም ኣብ መንገዲ ዝኽርፍዎ። ብሓጺሩ እስኪ ሕለፋ ዝብል ካልእን ዓብይን ትርጉምን እዩ ዘለዎ።

ህዝብን መንግስትን ኢትዮጵያ፣ ንጠባያትን ፖለቲካዊ ሃምን ኢሳያስ ዘንጊዑ፣ ማዕረ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ደልሃመት ይኣቱ እዩ እኳ እተዘይተባህለ፣ ኩሎም መለኽቲ ግደፍዶ ስልጣን ብፍቶቶም ንካልእ ከረክቡስ፣ ህዝቢ ኣገዲዱ ምስ ሳዓሮም እውን፣ ብኣኣ ክግነዙ ከምዝጽዕሩ ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ድማ፣ ነቲ መራሒ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ዝመጣጠሮ ዘሎ ብሂላት ብሓባራዊ ርድኢትን ተበግሶን ክዓጽፎ ኣብዚ ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ጅማርኡ ከርኢ ትጽቢት ይግበረሉ ኣሎ። ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበር ኣብ ጀርመንን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ድማ፣ ይንኣስ ይዕበ ዘይኮነስ፣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ጥልመት ደው ንምባል፡ እወንታዊ ጅማሮታት ስለዝብህግ እዩ፣ ኣብ ከባቢኡ ንዝርከቡ ተወከልቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃሳትን ንኸሳትፍ ክጽዕር ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን።

ንኣገዳስነት ናይዚ ንነብረሉ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ኲነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ድማ፡ ብዙሓት ካብ ዕዱማት እወንታዊ መልስታት ለጊሶም ኣለዉ።

በዚ መሰረት፡ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ናይዘን ዝስዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ምንቅስቓሳትን ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም ዘመልክት ሕድሽ ሐበሬታ ዝተረኽበ ምህላዉ ተረጋጊጹ ኣሎ።

  1. ሰልፊ ኣልናህዳ ኤርትራ
  2. ፈደራላዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓ ኤርትራ
  3. መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን ንዘተ
  4. ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ
  5. ድሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ሓድነት ኤርትራ
  6. ምንቅስቓሳት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ
  7. ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ

ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዜና ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ከምዝጠቐስናዮ፡

  1. ሰውራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ኤርትራ
  2. ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ
  3. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ
  4. ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሕን ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም እውን ሓቢርና ምንባርና ዝዝከር እዩ። ነቶም ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ክሳብ ሎሚ ዘይመለሱ እንተኮነ እውን፣ እቲ ውራይ ሓባራዊ ስለዝኾነ ፡ ኣብ ዝተመደበ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ግዲኦም ከበርክቱ ዳግማይ ጸዋዒት ዘድሊ ኣይመስለናን።

ብዘይካዚ፡ተወከልቲክልተጀርመናውያንሰልፍታት፣CDU Frankfurt Fraktionvorsitzender Herr Michael zu Löwenstein und Gießen Bundinis 90 die Grünen vertreter Herr. Dr. Klaus Dieter Gothe ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ እዮም።

ድሕሪ ቀዳማይ ፖለቲካዊ ዕማም ፈስቲቫል 2018 ምፍጻሙ፡ ካልኣይ መደብ ፈስቲቫልና ባህልን ልምድን ህዝብና ምዕቃብን ምዝውታርን ስለዝኮነ ወናማት ሙዚቐኛታትን ገጠምትን ብዘቕርብዎ ዜማታትን ሙዚቓን ተሳተፍቲ ፈስቲቫል ክዘናግዑ ምዃንም ተሓቢሩ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ብደሓን የራኽበና!!!

Friday, 27 July 2018 10:43

probe into UNHCR fraud

Written by
Source: IRIN
23 July 2018
 
Sally Hayden

Refugees have told IRIN that since the investigations began, they’ve been intimidated and harassed by some Sudanese staff at the UNHCR office in Khartoum, as well as by state security agents and officials of the Sudanese government’s Commission of Refugees. Refugees say they have been called on the phone or asked to meet with these officials and then been pressured not to testify on pain of having their cases for resettlement closed or losing access to other assistance. The Sudanese Commissioner of Refugees did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

On 15 May, IRIN published a reportbased on interviews with more than a dozen refugees and a former UNHCR staff member. They alleged that decisions on which refugees would be permanently resettled to a third country were often made on the basis of bribes rather than standard eligibility criteria. Two days later, UNHCRsuspended resettlementfrom Sudan and confirmed that in February and March it had launched investigations into alleged corruption, and would soon deploy an anti-fraud team.

In a statement announcing the suspension, UNHCR encouraged anyone with information to contact its Inspector General’s Office(IGO), an oversight body that investigates complaints of misconduct, “without delay”.

Over the past 10 weeks, an IGO investigator has contacted refugees and asked them to do phone or Skype interviews. In an email seen by IRIN, “potential witnesses” were told their interviews could be recorded and details could be disclosed on a “need to know” basis with both the subject of the investigation and those involved in taking disciplinary action. The email also stated that they would be asked to swear an oath to tell the truth and shouldn’t discuss the investigation with anyone without prior IGO approval.

But refugees told IRIN they didn’t believe the investigation process offered sufficient confidentiality, and expressed concern that the UN’s refugee agency could provide little help if they were retaliated against. They said they didn’t believe they could come forward safely because of ties between some UNHCR staff and the Sudanese state, and feared reprisals from corrupt Sudanese and UN officials who may be exposed by the investigation.

“Refugees are afraid to speak because those at UNHCR have connections with the [Sudanese] security and can do whatever,” one refugee said.

In an emailed response, UNHCR said it is concerned by refugees’ allegations to IRIN of harassment by local UNHCR Khartoum staff and Sudanese officials. “We take these allegations very seriously,” the email stated. UNHCR encouraged refugees and others to report such behaviour to the IGO.

The IGOreceives hundredsof complaints around misconduct every year, including allegations of fraud in the resettlement and refugee status determination processes. When the IGO launches an investigation, they interview witnesses, the people accused of wrongdoing, and may gather documentary and other forms of evidence, according to investigation guidelines published in 2012.

Protection and privacy

Resettlement is a complicated process taking anywhere from several days (in emergency cases) to several years.

“Refugees are afraid to speak because those at UNHCR have connections with the [Sudanese] security and can do whatever.”

As IRIN reported in May, refugees in Khartoum allege that middlemen and local UNHCR staff with close ties to the refugee community have been requesting bribes to speed up and corrupt the registration and resettlement process. The going rate to do that for unregistered asylum seekers in Khartoum was about $15,000, refugees said. Resettling a whole family boosted the price to $35,000-$40,000 – money usually raised by relatives abroad. Around 1.2 million refugees are now in Sudan, and more than 2,000 people were resettled from there in the year ending September 2017, according to UNHCR.

In Khartoum, many refugees and migrants live in a constant state of concern over security and safety, analysts and researchers report. “In Sudan, migrants are vulnerable to a litany of abuses,” Human Rights Watch Sudan researcher Jehanne Henry, now the associate director of the Africa division, wrote last year. “Many live in legal limbo; can be rounded up and arrested at any time and summarily tried for immigration violations; and can be jailed, fined, and deported without due process or transparency.”

They face endemic abuse and harassmentfrom the Sudanese police, who regularly arrest them to solicit bribes and are accused of physical violence and sexual assault. Just last week, a video emerged online allegedly showing an undercover police officer raping a refugee woman in a Khartoum street, provoking debate around the sexual abuse of refugees by police officers.

Amid this atmosphere, refugees are anxious and constantly worried about their own safety. This is compounded by their confusion over who is actually carrying out the UNHCR investigations. Several told IRIN that UNHCR officials in Sudan not affiliated with the IGO, as well as some international UNHCR staff, had asked them to visit the Khartoum office to be interviewed. This scenario worried the refugees, who said they would be at risk because the very people they are making allegations against would see them. They were also concerned that translators might feed details of their testimony to the accused personnel.

“I thought it was going to be confidential,” said one refugee, after taking part in an interview in the UNHCR compound in Khartoum. “I don’t like the idea of going to that office,” the refugee said, adding that those accused were not good people and had a “network of people in key areas”.

“There are many refugees who [have] witnessed the corruption but are afraid to [say] it,” the refugee said. “The consequences [of coming forward] will be life-threatening.”

Another refugee recounted an incident in the reception of the UNHCR office in May in which Sudanese staff involved in the resettlement process warned refugees not to share any information about their cases with a visiting international team who were asking about the corruption allegations. “The local staff spoke to the refugees in Arabic, saying ‘don’t tell them’,” the refugee explained, adding that the international staff who were present did not understand Arabic.

UNHCR spokesman Babar Baloch said last month that protection is provided for witnesses in certain cases. “Witness protection is a top priority, and where serious safety concerns arise UNHCR has mechanisms in place to respond,’’ he said. “However, as you will understand, for obvious reasons, we won’t be able to discuss details publicly.”

UNHCR did relocateseveral witnesses during a similar investigation surrounding Kenya’s Kakuma camp in 2001. And IRIN was told by a UNHCR official who is not based in Khartoum, and who requested anonymity, that some refugees whose testimony was deemed sensitive have been moved elsewhere for their safety during other investigations, including another one in Kakuma in 2016-2017.

Yet two refugees in Khartoum who are potential witnesses to the Khartoum investigations told IRIN their direct pleas to the IGO and UNHCR for protection, including to be moved to a safe place, had been declined or ignored. Both told IRIN they fear for their lives.

“What they should be doing is resettling them,” a current UNHCR resettlement officer, who has witnessed IGO investigations elsewhere in East Africa and requested anonymity, said. “It’s a perfect resettlement case.” Without emergency resettlement or the option of witnesses entering a safe house, the officer said: “No one talks. No one will tell them what’s happening. So it just keeps happening.”

Fear of the Sudanese state

UNHCR has previously highlighted the concerns it faces around protection during investigations. A March 2018 overview of the IGO’s workstated that “lessons learned from key investigations” included that “the support that UNHCR can provide to witnesses who face security risks when they are involved in investigations is limited” and “the primary responsibility for witness protection lies with the host State.”

“No one talks. No one will tell them what’s happening. So it just keeps happening.”

Several refugees who said they were afraid to take part in the Khartoum investigation said they knew they couldn’t turn to Sudanese officials if testifying led to problems. They referred to an incident in April 2017 when dozens of refugees protested at the UNHCR Khartoum compound to draw attention to their allegations of corruption in the resettlement process. Six refugees who were present told IRIN that UNHCR staff had called the police, who set upon the protesters, leaving one woman with a broken leg.

When asked about the incident, UNHCR Sudan spokesman Steven O’Brien initially denied the police were called. Later, when provided with a video that appeared to show police inside the UNHCR compound on the day of the protest, UNHCR spokesman Baloch clarified that police officers had been present but said there was “no evidence of force being used”.

It is unclear how many people have voluntarily come forward to participate in the Khartoum probe, and UNHCR does not comment on current investigations. However, some refugees told IRIN they have long been too afraid to report exploitation and would not participate if asked, particularly out of fear of losing the protections and services associated with refugee status.

“We have never dared to complain because the UNHCR refugee card is the only thing that protects us from Sudanese officials,” one Eritrean woman said. Several refugees told IRIN they feared reprisals could take the form of their files with UNHCR or the Sudanese Commission on Refugees being closed or “lost”, which would mean losing their right to legal protection and the services that go along with it.

The 2017 human rights reportfrom the US State Department notes that refugees and asylum seekers in Sudan are “vulnerable to arbitrary arrest and harassment” in urban areas for incorrect or missing identity cards and authorisation documents.

“We fear retribution and jail, because if we’re removed from the protection of the UNHCR, we have no protection from the Sudanese government,” the Eritrean refugee explained. “So, I would love to file a complaint but fear the consequences of doing so. I feel like nobody at the UNHCR really cares about what we go through.”

A process on hold

As the investigation continues, the impact of the suspended programme is unclear, beyond the fact that hundreds of resettlements have been delayed for at least several months. Around 170 refugees were resettled from Sudan each month in the year ending September 2017, according to UNHCR.

Speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the topic, several former UN staff in Khartoum and elsewhere said they were worried that the suspended programme might put refugees waiting for resettlement at risk.

“So, I would love to file a complaint but fear the consequences of doing so. I feel like nobody at the UNHCR really cares about what we go through.”

“Sometimes these investigations take months and months and months to get to the bottom [of],” the former Sudan head of another UN agency told IRIN. “If people in urgent need of resettlement are sitting around for months, [UNHCR is] certainly not supporting their protection.”

Since mid-May, as the investigation has gone on, refugees and former UNHCR staff in Sudan interviewed over the past two months by IRIN have gone from being hopeful about the prospect of change to worrying that the situation may get worse.

“Maybe, once the media is gone, they will keep doing it,” a former UNHCR Sudan staff member said, referring to the alleged corrupt practices. “The situation is complicated in Sudan.”

Source=https://eritreahub.org/refugees-in-sudan-intimidated-during-probe-into-unhcr-fraud

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ በቦትኡን በብዓቕሙን ብድምቀት ዝጽንብሎም ዝተፈላለየ ደረጃ ዘለዎም ዓመታዊ ብዓላት ብዙሓት እዮም፡ ንኣብነት ብሃገራዊ ደረጃ-ዝክረ ሰማእታት፡ ብዓል ናጽነትን ፈስቲቫላትን።

ብመንፈሳዊ ደረጃ- ሓድሽ ዓመት ልደት ፋሲጋ፡ ብዓዲ ደረጃ ደማ ንግደት ወዘተ--እዞም ብዓላት‘ዚኣቶም ኣብ ዝኸበርሉ ዕለት መንቀልን ትርጉም ኣመጻጽእኦምን ብግቡእ ካብ ምግላጽ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ሕብረተሰብና ዘለዎም መሃሪ ኣስተዋጽኦ ኣቃሊልካ ዘይርኣዩ ዓውደ ርክብ ስለ ዝዀኑ ጥጡሕ ባይታ ፍልጥት እንተተባህሉ ኣይዓበዮምን።

ምኽንያቱ፡ ኣብዚ ሰፊሕ ብዓል‘ዚ ብዙሕ ህዝቢ ኣሎ፡ ካብ ብዙሕ ህዝቢ ብዙሕ መሃርን ጠቓምን ኣስተምህሮ ኣሎ፡ ምድምማጽ ምክብባር ምጽውዋር ትሕትና ፍቕሪ ትዕግስቲ ልዝብን እሂን ምሂን ናይ ምብህሃል ስነ ልቦና ኣብ‘ዚ ዓውዲ‘ዚ ስለ ዝበቝሉን ዝስስኑን።

ብዓል ፈስቲቫል ከኣ ከም ኣካልን ተምሳልን ናይዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ከም ምዃኑ መጠን ኣገዳሲ እዩ፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ ወጻኢ ንዝነብሩ ኤርትራውያን እሞ ኸኣ መወዳድርቲ ኣይርከቦን‘ዩ። በዚ ምኽንያት‘ ድማ ሰፊሕ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ

ካብ ሰማንያታት ኣብ ሃገረ ጀርመን ብተ.ሓ.ኤ. ዓድጣልያን ድማ ብህ ግ.ሓ.ኤ እናተኻየደ፡ ኣብ ምቅልጣፍን ምዕዋትን ሰውራ ኤርትራ ዕዙዝ ፖሎቲካውን ምጣኔ ሃብታውን ድፕሎማስያውን ሞራላውን ሕብረተ- ሰብኣውን ኣስተዋጽኦ ዘበርከተን ዘበርክት ዘሎን።

እዚ ዓወዲ‘ዚ ብፍላይ ብልቦናን ብሓባርን ክእለን ክስርሓሉን እንተተኻኢሉ ፍሩይ ውጽኢት ክርከቦ ከም ዝኽእል ዘጠራጥር ኣይኰነን።

ነዚ ኣብ ግምት ብምእታውያ ድማ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ. ነዚ ሰፊሕ በዓል‘ዚ ትጽቢትን ባህግን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተማሊኡ ፍትሓዊትን ዲሞክራሲያዊትን ነጻ ኤርትራ ተረጋጊጹ ህዝቢ ብምልኣትን ብሓባርን ክሳብ ዘብዕላ መኣዲ ዘተን ልዝብን ገይራ ክትሰርሓሉ ዝጸንሐትን ዘላን። እንሆ ድማ ሎሚ ዓመት‘ውን ከም ወትሩ ብእዋኑ መበል 32 ዓመት ንምብዓል ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማገለ መዚዛስ፡ ኩሉ ኣድላይ ነገራት ኣጻፊፋ መደብ ዕዮኣ ወዲኣ ኣጋይሽ ኣብ ምቕባል ደረጃ ተሰጋጊራ ምህላዋ ካብ ትሕብር ሓጺር ስለ ዘይዀነ ዘይሰምዐ ኣሎ ዝብል ግምት የብለይን። ምናልባት ምስ ዝህሉ ግን ኣብ ሓርነት ኦርግ ክፍሊ ራዲዮ ትግርኛ ክትረኽብዎ ከም እትኽእሉ ምሕባር ኣኻሊ እመስለኒ፡፡ ኣብዚ ዝለዓል ሕቶ እንተልዩ ጉዳይ ተሳትፎ‘ዩ፡፡

እዚ ፈስቲቫልዚ ምስቲ ኣብ ከባቢ ሃገርና ዝርኣ ዘሎ ሓድሽ ምዕብልና ይዳሎ ብምህላዉ ተራኺብካ ናይ ምዝታይ ጥጡሕ ባይታ ስለ ዝዀነ። ከም ወርቃዊ ዕድል ንልዝብ ወሲድና ኩልና ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ብምልኣት ክንሳተፎን ክንጥቀመሉን ይግባእ።

እዚ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ምዕብልና፡ ብዋጋ ህዝብና ንረብሓ ካልኦት ኣብ ክንድ ዝኸውን፡ ንረብሓ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ዝሓወሰ ዝዀነሉ መንገዲ ንምንዳይ ሓቢርና ሰሚርናን ክንላዘብን ምርጫ ዘይኰነስ ግድነት እዩ። ናብዚ ዝወስድ ጎደና ከኣ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገር ተሳታፋይ እምበር ተዓዛባይ ብምዃን ከም ዘይኰነ ንኹልና ርዱእ እዩ።

ስለ ዝዀነ ሕጅ‘ውን ብዝሓለፉ ድኽመትና ተናሲሕና ጸገምና ንምውጋድ ክንላዘብን ተዳልዩ ዘሎ ጣውላ ዘተ ተጠቒምና፡ ተበታቲኑ ዘሎ ዓቕምና ጠርኒፍና ሃዋርያ ድሕነት ክንከውን ምእንታን ክንክእል ቈጸራና ምስ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ብዘይጾታዊ ሃይማኖታዊ ውድባውን ፖለቲካውን ፍልልይ ካብ ዕለት 03-05/08/2018 ኣብ ፍራክፎርት ሃገረ ጀርመን ይኹን።

ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዚ ትማሊ ዝርኤናዮ ተስፋዝህብ ብልጭታ፡ ውጽኢት ናይቲ ንርብዒ ዘመን ዝተረገጽናዮን ዝደመናዮን ዝነባዕካናዮን ብሕዙን ልብና ዝጸለናዮን‘ዩ ሞ ንምሉእ ባህግና ዝምልስ ንበሰላ ቁስልና ዝፍውስ ሰላምን ራህዋን ክዀነልና እምነ።

ሓቢና ንስራሕ ከንድምዕ! ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ!  

ዓንደጽዮን ግርማይ

ጀርመን

Hey, all you Abyssinians out there.  While you are wasting time squabbling with each other and not talking to each other, the governments of the Arabian Peninsula are eating your lunch.

Have you noticed that warships from the United Arab Emirates are operating out of the port of Asab 24/7?  Their interest is in Yemen, not in Eritrea or Ethiopia.  There are reports that Saudi Arabia has taken a 50-year lease on Asab.  If that is true, the next step will be Sharia Law in the Horn of Africa big time.

I think it is time for Abyssinians to take back control of the west bank of the Red Sea before it is too late. 

One way to accomplish this is for Eritrea and Ethiopia to finally end the war of 1998-2000 and normalize relations. It can be done as a win-win.

Eritrea and Ethiopia should send delegations to a neutral venue, like Geneva.   With the two delegations present, the following agreements will be signed:

  • Badme will be returned to Eritrean control pursuant to the Algerian arbitration agreement.
  • Immediately after the symbolic return of Badme to Eritrean control in a brief ceremony in the morning, that afternoon, the two delegations will negotiate the following agreements:
  • Each government will guarantee that its territory will not be allowed to be used by elements hostile to the other government as a base for destabilization of the other government.
  • Pre-war economic relations will be restored to the status quo ante, including a dedicated duty-free Ethiopian section of Asab Port under a 50-year lease at an indexed rental.
  • The IMF will be requested to establish a currency exchange daily settlement regime between the Birrh and the Nakfa. 
  • There will be free movement of persons between the two countries, including the right to work and establish businesses.
  • There will be embassies established in both countries with an exchange of ambassadors.
  • The border will be totally demilitarized. 
  • Merchandise produced in each country will not be subject to trade duties in the movement between the two countries. The two countries will have a common external tariff.
  • Establishment of security control and the exploitation of resources in the Red Sea will be joint.

Upon the signature of a final normalization agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia, the following will take place:

  • The United Nations Security Council will lift sanctions against Eritrea.
  • Eritrea and Ethiopia will jointly negotiate Red Sea security agreements with Arab countries bordering on the water way.
  • Eritrea and Ethiopia will jointly guarantee the security and neutrality of the State of Djibouti. 
  • Eritrea and Ethiopia will agree to exchange intelligence about terrorist activity in the Horn of Africa.

The foregoing is a list of ideas that are out on the table. It is imperative that Ethiopia and Eritrea begin to normalize. Otherwise, the countries east of the Red Sea will make major inroads west of the Red Sea to the detriment of both countries as well as to American interests.

 

Source=http://www.cohenonafrica.com/homepage/2015/12/28/the-red-sea-is-slipping-into-total-arab-control

An abandoned tank by the roadside in Eritrea. Shutterstock

July 19, 2018 2.39pm SAST

The end of hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been met with relief in the region as well as globally. But what does it mean for Eritrea, which has been dubbed the North Korea of Africa. The Conversation Africa’s Julius Maina spoke to Martin Plaut about the implications for the small and reclusive state.

How did Eritrea earn its reputation as a reclusive state?

Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean president, has operated on the presumption that no-one would come to Eritrea’s aid after it launched its armed struggle for independence from Ethiopia in 1961. It was never entirely true, but they certainly didn’t have the support of any major power.

When Eritrea gained its independence in 1993 he saw no reason to alter his view. As a result, major international aid agencies were made unwelcome. Even the United Nations has found it difficult to work in the country.

After 2001, when the president cracked down on all opposition – including from within his own party – all major news organisations, including the BBC, Reuters and AFP – were banned from having offices in the country. International journalists have only been allowed to visit sporadically. This has left Eritrea under-reported.

Isaias is moody and reclusive by nature. Since the regime is a dictatorship which has never allowed elections of any kind, the country reflects the politics of its leader.

The country has been named as a sponsor of regional terrorism. To what extent is this still the case?

Following Eritrea’s bitter border war with Ethiopia between 1998 and 2000, the government in Asmara became a sponsor of the Somali Islamist group, Al-Shabaab, and a number of Ethiopian rebel groups . It did so to undermine the Ethiopian government, which was fighting a war in Somalia against the Islamists. Eritrea’s support for Ethiopian rebel groups had a similar aim in mind.

These activities – as well as a border clash with Djibouti – led to the UN Security Council imposing an arms embargo against Eritrea in 2009. The embargo didn’t include economic sanctions.

UN appointed experts monitored the arms and logistical support Eritrea provided to Al-Shabaab in great detail. In recent years they’ve reported back that they have no evidence of current Eritrean backing for Al-Shabaab.

In the last few weeks the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, has said he thinks the sanctions regime will become obsolete, since Eritrea and Ethiopia have resolved their differences.

How will recent events affect politics and commerce in the Horn?

The prospects for the Horn could be transformed if the Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement holds and their border dispute is truly resolved.

The closure of their mutual frontier for the past two decades has had a terrible effect on people all along the 1,000 km long border. Family ties and trade patterns were severely disrupted.

The people of the two countries have never been at loggerheads: there is little real animosity between them. The divisions have been between the ruling parties of both countries.

With these apparently resolved, life in the Horn can resume as normal. The Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab will hum with life once more, as Ethiopian trade flows through them. And the potash deposits on their border can be developed. Since Ethiopia is currently Africa’s fastest growing economy this could ease bottlenecks such as international investment in Eritrea which will no longer be viewed as a war-risk. And instead of competing to fund and support rebel movements in each other’s countries, Ethiopia and Eritrea can combine to tackle the real enemy: poverty.

What will the impact be on Eritrean society?

This is the most difficult question and predictions are fraught with difficulty. Having been such a closed dictatorship it is impossible to say with any certainty how the country will be transformed.

On the one hand, Isaias could allow democracy to emerge, since he no longer has a foreign enemy on his doorstep. The constitution, which was ratified by the National Assembly, could be implemented. Free and fair elections could be held and a multi-party system allowed to emerge. The president might even decide to retire now that peace has been achieved – he is 72 years old.

This is all possible. But it’s not very likely. The president is extremely cautious and believes he is indispensable to the country: without him it will lose its way. He is more likely to move only gradually towards allowing limited freedoms. This could include ending indefinite conscription, since the rationale for this has ended. Such an approach would be consistent with his past behaviour. But it might result in growing frustration from citizens who have accepted economic hardship and a lack of democracy during a time of war, but might do so no longer. What forces this might unleash and how the citizens will react, only time will tell.

How do these developments affect Eritrea’s refugee outflow?

The end of hostilities should mean that Eritrea’s indefinite National Service is ended. National Service (or conscription) is required of all citizens between 18 and 40 years old. In theory this lasts for no longer than 18 months. Yet many Eritreans have served for 20 years and more. Pay is minimal and conditions harsh: for women there is the threat of rape or sexual abuse. This has been – by a long shot – the main driver of the refugee exodus that has seen up to 5,000 people leaving the country every month.

Freed from conscription, some servicemen and women will return to their farms or seek employment in towns. One possible consequence is that unemployment could become serious, unless inward investment takes up the slack.

If the border with Ethiopia is opened up again thousands of people in refugee camps in Ethiopia might return home. The refugee outflow might even be reversed. This is an optimistic prognosis. More likely, refugees who have risked everything to reach safety will remain in the camps until the outcome of the dramatic changes can be assessed and the transformation is made permanent.

Eritrea’s refugee outflow will only end when both prosperity and freedom become established facts. Until then it is likely that some will continue to seek a better life abroad, even if in smaller numbers.

Source=https://theconversation.com/what-peace-will-mean-for-eritrea-africas-north-korea-100063

 

The Eritrean dictator, Isaias Afeworki, has the other day appointed Semere Russom as his Ambassador in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, where many Eritreans opposed to the repressive regime in Asmara have taken refuge since a long time. This is a sincere warning to them and other Eritreans who intend to visit Addis Ababa in the future.
 
Semere Russom was dictator Isaias Afeworki's envoy in the Sudan for many years since the mid-1970s. Prominent political and military leaders of the ELF were among the many victims inside the Sudan of Semere and his boss, Isaias Afeworki, in the years before and after independence. For example Yemane Teklegiorgis, a veteran EPLF fighter and member of its security outfit (Halewa Sewra) was with Semere Russom the day Haile Gharza was murdered inside Khartoum in 1984. Yemane, now an author of a book on those and similar grisly killings organized by Semere Russom in the Sudan, will hopefully retell the story himself as he already did in writings and his bold interviews with Eritrean opposition mass media.
Semere Russom 1Among Semere's ELF victims were: Haile Gharza, Saeed Saleh; Woldedawit Temesghen; Idris Hangela, and Mahmoud Hasseb
 
But Haile Gharza was not the only victim of Semere Russom and his master, Isaias Afeworki. Earlier on 5 June, 1983, Saeed Saleh was murdered in Kassala. Woldedawit Temesghen fell on 20 July 1985  followed by the murder of Idris Ibrahim Hangala on 20 September 1985; Mahmoud Hasseb on 3 September 1989.
 
Even the former leader of the ELF army, Abdalla Idris, was targeted personally by Semere Russom in Khartoum although the targeted figure could skillfully escape death.
Semere Russom 2   
Other assassination/kidnap victms: Michael Ghaber; W/Mariam Bahlibi; Teklebrhan G/Tsadiq, Mohammed Ali Ibrahim.
 
Semere Russom and those who followed in his footsteps in the Sudan also continued the killings and kidnappings  from the Sudan.  Among the earliest victims were: Michael Ghaber who was targeted for killing by two identified assassins in 1989, and later killed in a mysterious "accident" on 25 May, 1922.  Earlier to Michael Ghaber's death/murder,  two top leadership members of the ELF-RC, Woldemariam Bahlibi and Teklebrhan Ghebdretsadiq (Wedi Bashai) were kidnapped from Kassala on 26 April 1992 and their whereabouts is not known to this day. Tens of other leading freedom fighters were assassinated kidnapped by the likes of Semere Russom, among them the EPDP leadership member Mohammed Ali Ibrahim, who was kidnapped from Kassala on 12 February 2012.
 
"Ambassador" Semere Russom's mission in Addis Ababa as of this week will be organizing work for the security agents of the Asmara regime who reportedly  numbered not less than 230 as of the date of dictator Isaias Afeworki's visit to Addis Ababa between 14-16 July 2018. Semere Russom was not only an enemy of rival freedom fighters but also was anti-Eritrean struggle for freedom until the 1970s.

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked makes promise after new batch of Eritrean army recruits say they expect to serve 18 months

Source: Haaretz

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked speaking to members of Ethiopia’s Jewish community during a visit to a synagogue in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, April 22, 2018.Mulugeta Ayene/AP
 
 

Israel will begin deporting Eritreans back to their homeland the moment it ends mandatory military conscription of indefinite duration, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked said Tuesday.

Reuters had reported earlier Tuesday that the latest batch of recruits drafted into the Eritrean army had informed relatives they were told their service would end in 18 months.

Speaking at a gathering of her Habayit Hayehudi party in Tel Aviv, Shaked said the government was closely monitoring the implementation of the peace agreement signed by Eritrea and Ethiopia earlier this month, which has raised hopes that Eritrea will end mandatory conscription of indefinite duration.

“If, following this agreement, the conscription requirement is canceled, Israel could return the infiltrators to Eritrea – and that’s great news for residents of south Tel Aviv,” Shaked said, referring to the area in Israel with the highest concentration of African asylum seekers.

But sources involved in the issue said that even if the Eritrean army announces an end to indefinite army conscription, this is still just an initial promise – which is a far cry from the actual end of forced conscription in Eritrea.

In 1995, two years after declaring independence from Ethiopia, Eritrea instituted mandatory 18-month military service for everyone between the ages of 18 and 50, with the goal of furthering state-building after its 30-year war for independence. This service was supposed to consist of six months of military training, followed by a year of working on development projects.

A man walking past the ruins of a building in the port city of Massawa, Eritrea, July 22, 2018.A man walking past the ruins of a building in the port city of Massawa, Eritrea, July 22, 2018.\ TIKSA NEGERI/ REUTERS

 

But the Eritrean government has maintained unlimited military service ever since a two-year border war broke out with Ethiopia in 1998. The dispute dragged on despite the signing of a cease-fire agreement in 2000.

 

Tens of thousands have ended up in Europe, making Eritreans one of the main constituencies among refugees and migrants on the Continent.

Relatives of the new recruits said they were informed of the new 18-month limit at a graduation ceremony for conscripts on July 13.

The peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea has led to warming ties, which have included reciprocal visits by the countries’ leaders, the opening of embassies in each other’s capitals and the restoration of telephone service between the countries.

Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel did not deny the reports but said there had been no formal announcement, noting it was “early days” in the rapprochement with Ethiopia. “Policy announcements of this significance are invariably made through our official outlets, and that has not been done so far,” he told Reuters.

Earlier this month, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Eritrean leader signed a historic deal in the Eritrean capital of Asmara, declaring an end to their “state of war,” which was one of the longest military stalemates in Africa.

The neighbors agreed to open embassies, develop ports and resume flights – concrete measures that have swept away two decades of hostility in a matter of weeks.

The Asmara government has long insisted that conscription is vital for national security, saying it fears attack by Ethiopia.

The president said at the ceremony earlier this month it had “special significance” because it was occurring after Eritrea and Ethiopia had made peace.

In Asmara, some people told Reuters they were awaiting official announcements declaring an end to their duty.

“I have been in service for the last 20 years and am proud of the role I played,” one resident said. “But hopefully we will now be friends with our Ethiopian brothers, rather than enemies, and I hope to move on with my life

Source=https://eritreahub.org/israel-threatens-to-deport-eritrean-refugees-as-soon-as-indefinite-conscription-ends

ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ መኽሰብ ኣልቦ ማሕበን ብጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝዳሎ ፈቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራክፎርት ቦከንሃይመር ቫርተ Mertonstr. 26 - 28 Frankfurt am Main ካብ ዕለት 03 ክሳብ 05 ነሓሰ 2018 ኣብ ሓድሽ ኲነታት ሃገርና ክካየድ ምዃኑ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተሓበረ እዩ። ካብኡ ዝነቐለ ንፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ኣብዚ ቅንያት እዚ ኣካቢብዎ ዘሎ ሓድሽን ኣዝዩ ዘደንጹን ተደራቢ ፍሉይ ኲነታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ድማ፡ “ድሕሪ ሕጂ ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ክልተ ኣህዛብ እዩ ዝብል እንተሎ፡ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጥ እዩ” ዝብል መበገሲ ዝገበረ፡ “ካብ ሕጂ ንዳሓር ንስኻ ኢኻ ትመርሓና፡ እዚ ንቐላዓለም ዝብሎ ዘለኩ ዘይኮነስ ብሓቂ እዩ” ክብል ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ፣ ነቲ ዋንነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክነሱ ብኢደ ወነኑ መንዚዑ ሃገርን ህዝቢን ክረግጸሉን ከብርሰሉን ዝጸንሐን ዘሎ፡ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ክናቈተሉን ዝጸንሐ በትረ-ምልኪ ንቀዳማይ ምኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ከረክብ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ምስራኣየ ናይ ዕብዳን ቃል ዝኣተወሉ እዋንዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ሽማግለታት ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ንኢሳያስ ከቕርብሉ እንከለዉ ምናልባሽ ዝፈተዉዎ መሲልዎ ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ፡ ኣብ ባህሊ ህዝቢ ሃዋሳ ግን ካብ ዕርቂ/ሽምግልና ሓንጊዱ ንዝኸደ፡ ዝተሰለመ ፈረስ ኣምሪሖም እዮም ኣብ መንገዲ ዝኽርፍዎ። ብሓጺሩ እስኪ ሕለፋ ዝብል ካልእን ዓብይን ትርጉምን እዩ ዘለዎ።

ህዝብን መንግስትን ኢትዮጵያ፣ ንጠባያትን ፖለቲካዊ ሃምን ኢሳያስ ዘንጊዑ፣ ማዕረ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ደልሃመት ይኣቱ እዩ እኳ እተዘይተባህለ፣ ኩሎም መለኽቲ ግደፍዶ ስልጣን ብፍቶቶም ንካልእ ከረክቡስ፣ ህዝቢ ኣገዲዱ ምስ ሳዓሮም እውን፣ ብኣኣ ክግነዙ ከምዝጽዕሩ ዝፍለጥ እዩ። ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ድማ፣ ነቲ መራሒ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ዝመጣጠሮ ዘሎ ብሂላት ብሓባራዊ ርድኢትን ተበግሶን ክዓጽፎ ኣብዚ ሰፊሕ መድረኽ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ጅማርኡ ከርኢ ትጽቢት ይግበረሉ ኣሎ። ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበር ኣብ ጀርመንን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ድማ፣ ይንኣስ ይዕበ ዘይኮነስ፣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ጥልመት ደው ንምባል፡ እወንታዊ ጅማሮታት ስለዝብህግ እዩ፣ ኣብ ከባቢኡ ንዝርከቡ ተወከልቲ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃሳትን ንኸሳትፍ ክጽዕር ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን።

ንኣገዳስነት ናይዚ ንነብረሉ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ኲነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ድማ፡ ብዙሓት ካብ ዕዱማት እወንታዊ መልስታት ለጊሶም ኣለዉ።

በዚ መሰረት፡ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ናይዘን ዝስዕባ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ምንቅስቓሳትን ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም ዘመልክት ሕድሽ ሐበሬታ ዝተረኽበ ምህላዉ ተረጋጊጹ ኣሎ።

  1. ሰልፊ ኣልናህዳ ኤርትራ
  2. ፈደራላዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓ ኤርትራ
  3. መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን ንዘተ
  4. ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ
  5. ድሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ሓድነት ኤርትራ
  6. ምንቅስቓሳት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ
  7. ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ

     ኣብዝሓለፈ ዜና ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ከምዝጠቐስናዮ፡

  1. ሰውራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ኤርትራ
  2. ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ
  3. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ
  4. ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሕን ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም እውን ሓቢርና ምንባርና ዝዝከር እዩ። ነቶም ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ክሳብ ሎሚ ዘይመለሱ እንተኮነ እውን፣ እቲ ውራይ ሓባራዊ ስለዝኾነ ፡ ኣብ ዝተመደበ ሃገራዊ ጉዳይ ግዲኦም ከበርክቱ ዳግማይ ጸዋዒት ዘድሊ ኣይመስለናን።

ብዘይካዚ፡ተወከልቲክልተጀርመናውያንሰልፍታት፣CDU Frankfurt Fraktionvorsitzender Herr Michael zu Löwenstein und Gießen Bundinis 90 die Grünen vertreter Herr. Dr. Klaus Dieter Gothe ኣብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ክሳተፉ እዮም።

ድሕሪ ቀዳማይ ፖለቲካዊ ዕማም ፈስቲቫል 2018 ምፍጻሙ፡ ካልኣይ መደብ ፈስቲቫልና ባህልን ልምድን ህዝብና ምዕቃብን ምዝውታርን ስለዝኮነ ወናማት ሙዚቐኛታትን ገጠምትን ብዘቕርብዎ ዜማታትን ሙዚቓን ተሳተፍቲ ፈስቲቫል ክዘናግዑ ምዃንም ተሓቢሩ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ብደሓን የራኽበና!!!