National flags are seen along the road to Eritrea in Zalambessa, northern Ethiopia, in September before a border reopening ceremony. Two land border crossings between Ethiopia and Eritrea were reopened for the first time in nearly 20 years. AFP/Getty Images

About a mile from the Eritrean border in Zalambessa, Ethiopia, there’s a small building made of corrugated metal.

There’s not much inside, except for some sleeping mats and clay pots for coffee. But dozens of Eritreans have made it into a home, while they wait for the Red Cross to take them to refugee camps.

Over the past year, Ethiopia has stunned the world with its democratic reforms and warming relationship with neighboring Eritrea. The two countries have formally ended their 20-year conflict and reopened land crossings to allow people and goods to move freely between them. Now, a big question fills the air in the region: Will the dramatic transformation in Ethiopia spread to Eritrea, which is often referred to as the North Korea of Africa?

Sirak, 17, came to Ethiopia from Eritrea more than a month after the border opened in September. He wants only his first name used because he is afraid Eritrean authorities could seek retribution for his actions or criticism. Now, he spends his time walking around Zalambessa, marveling at the lack of troops on the streets and the frankness of conversations.

He says his family’s home in Eritrea was demolished by the government, and police wanted to know why they had built the house without permission.

“The police were coming every day, so everyone was hiding in the bush,” he said.Forced evictions and home demolitions have been a well-documented form of political retribution in Eritrea, whose government has never held an election and has been accused of brutal human rights abuses almost since its independence in 1993.

Asked if he believes things can change in Eritrea, Sirak demurs.

“It’s impossible,” he says. “It won’t change.”

Agents of change

Sirak appears meek and fearful compared with today’s Ethiopians, who are celebrating their newfound freedoms with swagger. Long under authoritarian rule, now Ethiopians can gather in groups to talk freely. They can criticize their government without fear they’ll be arrested.

Many Ethiopians along the border say Eritrea has to change also. They say when Eritreans come to Ethiopia, they will experience a freer society and they will demand the same at home.

“It’s not fair to make that comparison,” says Salem Solomon, an Eritrean-American journalist who covers the two countries for Voice of America. Ethiopia and Eritrea have completely different political systems, she says.

Salem lived in Eritrea until 2007; she went through military training and worked for the Information Ministry before she came to the United States. In Eritrea, says Salem, the government is omnipresent — the command economy and mandatory military service are just some of the ways it controls people’s lives. Salem says the government stays in power by doling out unpredictable punishments. That creates an atmosphere of intense fear.

“Even those who feel like they are so loyal and [are] vocal [about their] support for the government,” even they, she says, are not safe.

Awet Weldemichael, who studies Eritrea at Queen’s University in Canada, says another reason to be skeptical about any potential uprising is that Eritrea has been “hemorrhaging” youth.

Eritreans have been leaving the country by the thousands since it gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993. Scholars estimate that a third of Eritreans live outside the country. And since the borders with Ethiopia reopened in September, about 10,000 Eritreans have sought asylum in Ethiopia.

“And so in light of that … the agents of change are not there,” says Awet.

If change is to come, he says, it is unlikely to happen the way it did in Ethiopia, forced by years of protests. Instead, if change comes, it will most likely have to be pushed from the top.

Awet does warn, however, that Eritrea is such a closed country, it’s hard to make predictions.

“What I can tell you confidently,” he says, “is that the current course is unsustainable for Eritrea.”

In November, the United Nations lifted sanctions against Eritrea. But that’s unlikely to help, because it was mostly a weapons ban. Eritrea remains one of the poorest countries on the continent. Most of its people live below the poverty line, and 80 percent are subsistence farmers in a land susceptible to droughts. Over the years, Awet says, the population has been decimated by migration and by mass incarceration, and many helpful institutions have been destroyed or have ceased to exist.

A better life

In Badme, a border town about 200 miles west of Zalambessa, the border crossing is not yet officially open. Eritrean officials have warned that the road into Ethiopia still contains land mines.

But one Eritrean mother made her way across anyway. She was trying to hitch a ride back to Eritrea, so she sat right on the border, caressing the cheek of her 9-year-old boy.

She’s too afraid of the Eritrean government to share her name. Seven months ago, while she was cooking, her son ran away to Ethiopia with a friend.

As soon as it became possible, she packed up her things and came to look for him. She found him at a refugee camp outside Badme.

She says her boy was not the only kid fleeing Eritrea. She has seen many small children leave their homes and families behind.

“They’re too young to know anything about the government or democracy,” she says. “But what they know is that there is a better life outside of Eritrea.”

Sunday, 09 December 2018 11:05

Radio 88 Demsti harnnet Sweden 08.12.2018

Written by

Tibor Nagy and President Isaias Afwerki

After the visit to Eritrea by the USA’s top Africa diplomat, Tibor Nagy, question have continued about what was discussed – in particular what he did about the US citizens imprisoned by the Eritrean government and the US Embassy employees held in detention by President Isaias.

In telephonic interviews Mr Nagy, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, refused to go futher than saying that: “the full range of interests between the two countries were discussed” including the human rights situation in Eritrea. He said he wanted relations to develop until they were as “warm and cordial” as they were with Ethiopia, but that US – Eritrean relations would be develop “step by step” and “take time.”

Eritreans working for the US Embassy in Asmara were arrested in 2001. Other imprisoned include Ciham Ali Abdu, who has been held since 2012.

6 Years After Her Imprisonment in Eritrea, US Citizen’s Family Demands Answers

December 07, 2018 11:19 AM
Source: VOA News

An undated photograph of Ciham Ali Abdu. Ciham is believed to be imprisoned in Eritrea. She was last seen in 2012.
An undated photograph of Ciham Ali Abdu. Ciham is believed to be imprisoned in Eritrea. She was last seen in 2012.
 

Ciham Ali Abdu has brown eyes and a broad smile. As a teenager, she found inspiration in art, fashion and language. Growing up in Asmara, Eritrea, she enjoyed time with friends, music and swimming.

In family photos, Ciham appears carefree. She poses casually for the camera, her hair pulled into a braided ponytail.

But other realities were just out of frame.

Ciham Ali Abdu was born in Los Angeles, California, and grew up in Eritrea. As a child, she enjoyed swimming, fashion and music.
Ciham Ali Abdu was born in Los Angeles, California, and grew up in Eritrea. As a child, she enjoyed swimming, fashion and music.

After a border conflict with Ethiopia ended in an uneasy truce, Eritrea was on a war footing, and the authoritarian government was prone to punish anyone who challenged the president’s grip on power.

That desire for retribution would thrust Ciham into the crosshairs, her family says.

‘Relentless grief’

Ciham was born in Los Angeles, California, but moved to Asmara, the capital, as a young child. Eritrea isn’t a rich country, but Ciham lived a comfortable life.

Her father, Ali Abdu Ahmed, was a high-ranking government official and trusted confidant to President Isaias Afwerki. In 2012, when Ciham was 15, her father was Eritrea’s information minister. He shared updates about the country with the world and articulated key policy points.

Suddenly, and for unknown reasons, Ali had a falling out with Isaias, setting off a chain reaction that would leave the top minister’s family broken.

In November 2012, Ali fled to Australia to seek asylum.

Weeks after his defection, Ciham attempted to cross the border into Sudan. She was apprehended, and her family has neither seen nor heard from her since.

Human rights groups, along with Ciham’s family, believe she has been languishing in prison.

Day after day, they wait anxiously for news: information about her whereabouts; clues about her health; a sign that she is still alive.

After her father, the information minister, fled Eritrea, 15-year-old Ciham attempted to cross the border into Sudan. Authorities apprehended her, and she hasn’t been seen since.
After her father, the information minister, fled Eritrea, 15-year-old Ciham attempted to cross the border into Sudan. Authorities apprehended her, and she hasn’t been seen since.

Six years later, they have heard nothing. The Eritrean government refuses to acknowledge Ciham’s American citizenship — or her mere existence. The U.S. government has been similarly non-committal, acknowledging only that they have seen “reports” about Ciham’s case.

For Ciham’s family, the total information blackout has added to the ongoing anguish.

“It is excruciating, and relentless grief and agony,” Saleh Younis, Ciham’s uncle, told VOA in an email response.

Pressure points

Ciham’s family believes the Eritrean government won’t release her without outside pressure. But the U.S. forfeited a major bargaining chip when U.N. sanctions were lifted without preconditions, Saleh said.

“I don’t understand how the U.S. gave up its sole leverage — sanctions — unilaterally, without demanding to know the whereabouts not just of Ciham Ali but its embassy employees.” Those employees have been missing even longer, Saleh added.

But the United States could still push for answers, he said, through its relationships with countries that influence Eritrea — Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates.

“[The U.S.] should consistently raise this issue just as it would if, say, an American religious leader was to disappear,” Saleh said.

Incommunicado

Neither arbitrary arrest nor indefinite detention is uncommon in Eritrea, where the government treats dissent and perceived threats to its authority with swift, harsh justice. In a 2016 report, a United Nations commission of inquiry concluded that dissidents face systemic torture, enslavement and reprisals against family members.

Ciham is one of many prisoners in Eritrea, along with journalists and political figures, who have been jailed without charges or a trial. What makes Ciham’s case unique is the complete lack of information about her whereabouts or well-being.
Ciham is one of many prisoners in Eritrea, along with journalists and political figures, who have been jailed without charges or a trial. What makes Ciham’s case unique is the complete lack of information about her whereabouts or well-being.

But Ciham’s case is unique, Saleh said, because no reliable information about her whereabouts or well-being has emerged.

“My dad was frequently arrested, and my younger brother is arrested. In each case, we got information from people who used to be in prison with them, or saw them when they were being hospitalized. But with Ciham, she is just marking her sixth year in prison, and there is nothing.”

The rare communications the family receives from regime loyalists and unknown messengers involve upsetting details about what has happened to Ciham, but Saleh said it’s impossible to separate what might be legitimate from what he called “sadistic” messages designed to further punish Ciham’s loved ones.

Immediate and unconditional release

Ahead of a high-level U.S. delegation to Asmara led by Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Tibor Nagy earlier this week, the international rights group Amnesty International called on the United States to request the release of Ciham and other prisoners detained without trial or legal representation.

“We are demanding that the U.S. envoy shall prioritize human rights, and shall not leave human rights concerns as expendable when dealing with political interests with the Eritrean government,” Fisseha Tekle, a human rights researcher with Amnesty International, told VOA.

Recent diplomatic advancements in the Horn of Africa might create new opportunities to push for Ciham’s release. So far, though, neither the U.S. nor Eritrean government has commented on her case.
Recent diplomatic advancements in the Horn of Africa might create new opportunities to push for Ciham’s release. So far, though, neither the U.S. nor Eritrean government has commented on her case.

“Assistant Secretary Nagy must make robust representations to push for the immediate and unconditional release of both Ciham and all those detained across the country solely for peacefully exercising their human rights,” said Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International’s director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

Fisseha underscored that Amnesty’s concerns extend beyond Ciham.

“Including Ciham, there are so many people who have been arrested without trial, without charge, for so many years, and the condition of their arrest — it’s not even known,” he said.

On a conference call for media Thursday, Nagy didn’t address Ciham’s case, and neither the U.S. nor the Eritrean government responded to interview requests for this story.

With no leads to follow or diplomatic breakthroughs to draw hope from, Ciham’s family can, for now, only find comfort in their memories, and a collection of photographs that depict an innocent girl unaware of the upheaval that would soon engulf her.

Al-Shabaab

This content was published on December 7, 2018 6:33 PM Dec 7, 2018 - 18:33

eritreans

The normalising of relations between Switzerland and Eritrea is having an impact on asylum seekers. 

(Keystone)

Following a recent United Nations Security Council resolution, the Swiss government has decided to lift targeted sanctions against Eritrea. 

The sanctions - that include an arms embargo, travel bans and asset freezes - will be repealed as of Friday evening, said a government statementexternal link. The UN Security Council had imposed the sanctions in December 2009 after Eritrea was suspected of supporting armed groups like Al-Shabaab with a view to destabilising the region. A border dispute with Djibouti also helped contribute to the decision. 

The sanctions were lifted by the UN on November 14 after no conclusive evidence of Eritrea’s support of Al-Shabaab had been reported by the specially appointed Eritrea Monitoring Group. A meeting between the presidents of Eritrea and Djibouti in September also helped convince the Security Council to drop the sanctions. 

About 20,000 Eritreans live in Switzerland, the largest Eritrean diaspora in the world. In addition, Eritreans make up the largest national group of asylum seekers in Switzerland. 

Switzerland is moving towards a normalizing of relations with the Eritrean government. Recent announcements on resumption of development cooperation and reinforcement of diplomatic presence point to progress in this direction. The slow return of Eritrea to the international community fold has also had an impact on Switzerland’s asylum policy towards Eritreans fleeing compulsory military service.

swissinfo.ch/ac

Source=https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/politics/al-shabaab_switzerland-lifts-targeted-sanctions-against-eritrea/44603344

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

“ሃገረይ ዝበለ ተዘኪሩ ይነብር” (የማነ ባርያ)፡ “ንግዜኡ’ኳ እንተሓየለኒ እስዕሮ’ምበር ኣይስዕረንን ጸገመይ” (ኣብርሃም ኣፈወርቂ)

ልዕሊ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ ዝስራዕ ሓያል የለን። እዚ ህዝባዊ ሓያልነት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ታሪኽና ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተረጋጊጹ እዩ። ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት ብሓደ ውሱን ጽላት ዝግለጽ ዘይኮነ ብብዙሕ መዳያት ዝግለጽ እዩ። ናይቲ ዝተፈላለየ ኣስማት ዝወሃቦ ቀያሪ ዓቕምታት መሰረት ከኣ ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት እዩ። ህዝቢ ሓያል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣማኒ እውን እዩ። ክንዳይ ኮይኑ ድምጸይ የስመዓለይን ንመሰለይ ይሕለቐለይን እዩ ኢሉ እምነት ንዘንበረሉ ኣካል ይድግፎን የተባብዖን። ነዚ እውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ንኤርትራ ናብዚ ሕጂ ዘላቶ ክብሪ ዘብጸሐ መሪርን ነዊሕን ቃልሲ ኣረጋጊጽዎ እዩ። ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ ህዝቢ እምነት ብዘንበረሉ ክጥለም እውን ተራእዩ እዩ። ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ወሲኽካ፡ ትማሊ ዝነበሩ ኮኑ ሎሚ ዘለዉ ገዛእቲ ኣብቲ ምጅማሮም ናይ ህዝቢ መሲሎም እዮም ዝቐርቡ። እዚ ፈተነዚ እውን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣጋጢምዎ እዩ። ሕጂ ብጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝደሃኾ ዘሎ ከኣ ናይዚ መርኣያ እዩ።

መግዛእታዊ ሓይሊ ኢትዮጵያ ተወጊዱ፡ ናይ ታሪኽ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ኣብ ኤርትራ ስልጣን ዝሓዘ ህግደፍ፡ መጻኢ ኣቕጣጫኡ ጽቡቕ ከምዘይነበረ ካብ ቅድም ምልክታት ነይሩ እዩ። “ድሕሪ ደጊም ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን” ዝብል በሓቲ ፈኸራ ንዘቕለበሉ፡ ሓደራ ህዝብን ስዉኣቱን ናይ ምጥላም መቐይሮ ነይሩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ናብዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ ፍጹም ገዛእነት ዝማዕበሉ ህዝቢ ናይ ምጥላምን ኣገዲድካ ምድሃኽን ደረጃ ዝዓረጉ ካለኦት ምልክታት እውን ነይረምዎ እዮም። ምናልባት ህግደፍ ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ እሾኽ መርገም ክዘርእ እንከሎ፡ ህዝቢ ዘይከታተሎ ከም ዝነበረ ይመስሎ ኣይነበረን። እንተኾነ እቲ ሓቂ ከምኡ ኣይኮነን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እቲ ብክቡር መስዋእቲ ደቁ ዝመጸ ዓወት ኣቕጣጫኡ ለዊጡ ኣንጻር ረብሓኡ ምእንቲ ከየቕንዕ፡ ናይ “ምእንቲ መጎጎ ትሕለፍ ኣንጭዋ “ ኣገባብ እዩ ይኽተል ነይሩ። ንሕማቕ ምስሊ እቲ ጉጅለ ክኸዋውል ክብል፥ “ ባዶ ሳጹን እንድዮም ተረኪቦም፡ ካብ መግዛእቲ ዝተወርሰ ሕማቕ ባህሊ እዩ፡ ካብቲ ዝሓለፍናዮዶ ነዊሑና፡ ንነጻነት ተቓሊስና ንሳ ከኣ ረኺብናያስ ሕጂዶ መሊስና ምስ ደቅና ክንበኣስ” ብዝብሉ ምኽንያታት ዝኽዋውለሎም ኤርትራዊ እውን ውሑድ ኣይነበረን።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ነቲ ዝተደጐለ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ ከም ጠቕሊሉ ዝጠፈአ ብምቑጻር፡ ጠላም መንገዲ መሪጹ። ካብቲ “ነመሓይሾ ነገራት ስለ ዘለና ግዜ ሃቡና” ዝብሎ ዝነበረ መኻን መብጸዓ ወጺኡ፡ ናይ “ኣብትበጽሕዎ ብጽሑ” ሜላ ተኸቲሉ። ንኹሉቲ ህዝቢ ኣሚኑ ብሕጋዊ ኣገባብ ክትግብረሉ ዝሃቦ ሕድሪ ብኢደወነኑ ክሕንክሮ ጀሚሩ። ካብ ህዝቢ ይቀላቐል ንዝነበረ ህዝባዊ ዓገብ በሃልነት ከኣ እንተዓዂኹ ኣይገድፈንን እዩ ብዝብል ኣተሓሕዛ ፈራሓት ጨፋሊቕዎ። ህዝቢ ኩነታቱ መዚኑ ደጊም ናተይ ኣይኮንካ ዝብለሉ ሃዋህው ንከይፈጥር ከኣ ግዜ ዘይህብ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ተግባራቱ ቀጺልዎ። እቲ ሓቂ ግና ከምቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝሓሰቦ ዘይኮነ፡ ከምቲ “ዝተደጐለ ሓዊ ዝጠፈአ ይመስል” ዝበሃል ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ፈኸም ምባል ኣየቋረጸን። ዋላኳ ከምቲ ኣብርሃም ኣፈወርቂ “ከምቲ ዝበሃግናዮ መዓስ ኮይኑ፡ ከምቲ ዝኾነልና እምበር” ዝበሎ፡ እቲ ዝድለ ዓወት ኣብቲ ዝተጠልቦ ግዜ እንተዘይኣመዝገበ፡ ኣብ ርእሲቲ ብግሉጽን ውዱብን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቀጻሊ ናይ ተቓውሞ ቃልሲ፥ ካብ ምንቅስቓስ ናይ ናጻነት ውጉእት ማይሓባር ጀሚርካ፡ ክሳብ ድርሰት ብርሃነ ኣብርሀ ኣብ መደበር ህግደፍ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ተቓውሞታት ቀንዲ መርኣያኡ ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት እዩ። ኣብ መወዳእታ እዚ ህዝባዊ ሓያልነት ከም ዝዕወት ከኣ ዘማትእ ኣይኮነን። ወጽዓ ህግደፍ ዕድመኡ ነዊሑ በዚ ዘለዎ ኩነታት ምቕጻሉ ዝገድፎ ኣሰር ግና ቀሊል ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ሓደጋታት ንምንካይ እቲ ዘይተርፍ ዓወት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህግደፍ ከም ዝቕልጥፍ ምግባሩ ኣዝዩ ተደላዪ እዩ።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ዝተደጐለ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ ከም ዝጠፈአ እምበር፡ ጽባሕ ናብ ጐሃርሃር ዝብል መጋርያ ክልወጥ ምዃኑ ክርዳእ ባህርያቱ ስለ ዘይፈቕደሉ፡ ነቲ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንመሰሉ ስለ ዘይግደድ ኣንጻር ህግደፍ ኣይክቃለስን እዩ፡ መንእሰይና ነብሱ ስለ ዝፈቱ ቀዳምነቱ ስደት እዩ፡ ህዝብና ቁሩብ ትንፋስ እንተሂብካዮ ሰፊሕ መሰል ኣየድልዮን እዩ፡ ኤርትራዊ ብጸገምን መከራን ዝገረረ ስለ ዝኾነ ምስ ጸገም ተለማሚድካ ናይ ምኻድ ተመኮሮ ኣለዎ፡ “””” ወዘተ” ዝብሉ ንህግደፍ ዘሻህርቱን ንፍናን ህዝብና ዝደቑሱን ኣበሃህላታት ይስምዑ እዮም። ናብቲ ሓቂ ንምምጻእ እንተኾይኑ ግና ምናልባት ከምቲ “ዝብእስ ክሳብ ዝደልዎ ይሕንክስ” ዝበሃል፡ ውሱን ለውጢ ምዝንጋዕ ኣየምጽእን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ብመሰረቱ ግና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይተቖርመመን ዘይተሸርመመን፡ ሰላሙ፡ ዲሞክራስኡ፡ ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላቱ፡ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ድማ ልኡላውነቱ ኣብ ዘተኣማምን ባይታ ክሳብ ዘውሕስ ዓይኑ ሰለም የብልን ቃልሱ የቋርጽን ማለት ዘበት እዩ።

ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት ግብራዊ ሓያልነት ዝኸውን ብድብድቡ ተሰሪሑ ዝተዋህበ ስለ ዝኾነ ኣይኮነን። ህዝቢ ሓያል ዝኸውን ብዛዕባ መሰሉ ዝነቐሐን ምእንታኡ ዝሓትትን ቃልሱ ክሳብ ዓወት ዝቕጽልን ክኸውን እንከሎ እዩ። ነዚ ሓያልነቱ ዘተግብረሉ ውደባዊ መሳርሒ ከኣ የድልዮ። ህዝቢ ናይ ብዙሓት እኩብ ድምር እዩ። እዚ ህዝቢ ዝብል መዓር ዝወሃቦ ውሁድ ኣካል፡ ሓያልነት ክውንን ከኣ ሓድነቱ ዘተኣማምን ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እዞም ረቛሕታት ኣብ ዘይተማልእሉ ግና እቲ “ንሓይሊ ህዝቢ ዝስዕሮ የለን’ ዝብል ኣድማዒ ኣይከውንን እዩ’ሞ ንወሳንነት ሓድነትና ብጽሞና ንሕሰበሉ።

Since the start of its search and rescue mission in February 2016, the MSF’s boat, the Aquarius, has assisted nearly 30,000 people in international waters between Libya, Italy and Malta.

MSF Rescue

London: As men, women and children continue to die in the Mediterranean Sea, international medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Borders (MSF) and its partner SOS Méditerranée have been forced to terminate the lifesaving operations of their search and rescue vessel, Aquarius.

Over the last two months as people have continued to flee by sea on the world’s deadliest migration route, the Aquarius has remained in port, unable to carry out its vital humanitarian work. This is due to a sustained smear campaign, spearheaded by the Italian government and backed by other European countries to delegitimise, slander and obstruct aid organisations trying to save the lives of vulnerable people in the Mediterranean.

Coupled with ill-conceived policies aimed at trapping people outside Europe’s borders, this campaign has undermined international law and humanitarian principles. With no immediate solution to these attacks, MSF and SOS Méditerranée have no option but to end the operations of the Aquarius.

“This is a dark day,” says Vickie Hawkins, MSF UK’s Executive Director. “Not only has Europe failed to provide dedicated search and rescue capacity, it has also actively sabotaged others’ attempts to save lives. The end of Aquarius means more lives lost at sea; more avoidable deaths that will go unwitnessed and unrecorded. It really is a case of ‘out of sight out of mind’ for UK and European leaders as men, women and children perish.

During the past 18 months, European attacks on humanitarian search and rescue operations seem to have come from the playbook of some of the world’s most repressive states. Despite working in full compliance with authorities, the Aquarius was twice stripped of its registration earlier this year and now faces allegations of criminal activity – allegations we categorically refute.

Amidst these smear campaigns and manoeuvres to undermine international law, people rescued at sea have been denied access to safe ports, refused assistance from other ships and left stranded at sea for weeks at a time.

The unavoidable end to Aquarius’ life-saving operations is happening at a critical time. An estimated 2,133 people have died in the Mediterranean in 2018, with departures from Libya accounting for the overwhelming majority of lives lost.

In addition, the UK and European governments have further fuelled the unnecessary suffering of thousands by enabling the Libyan coastguard to intercept more than 14,000 people at sea this year alone and forcibly return them to Libya.  This is in clear violation of international law. In 2015, Europe made a commitment to the UN Security Council that nobody rescued at sea would be forced to return to Libya.

Karline Kleijer, MSF’s Head of Emergencies, “Today, the UK and its European counterparts are directly supporting forced returns while claiming successes on migration. Let’s be clear about what that “success” means: a lack of lifesaving assistance at sea; men, women and children pushed back to arbitrary detention with virtually no hope of escape; and the creation of a climate that discourages all ships at sea from carrying out their obligations to rescue those in distress.”

“Just as we said when we launched our search and rescue operations in 2015 – we refuse to remain idle on shore as people continue to die at sea,”says Kleijer. “As long as people are suffering at sea and in Libya, MSF will look for ways to provide them with the vital medical and humanitarian care they desperately need.”

Since the start of its search and rescue mission in February 2016, the Aquarius has assisted nearly 30,000 people in international waters between Libya, Italy and Malta.

Friday, 07 December 2018 11:01

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 06.12.2018

Written by
Thursday, 06 December 2018 22:23

What Is Saudi Arabia Up to in the Horn of Africa?

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As America shifts away from the war on terror, Ethiopia is looking to the Gulf to fill our void.

Source: The American Conservative

The relationship between the United States and its longtime staunch ally in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia, is on shifting ground. Why? Largely because U.S. foreign policy is focused less on the global war on terrorism and more on political and economic threats from the likes of China and Russia.

Since 2001, and as the fight against terror developed, the United States and Ethiopia have forged a strong bilateral relationship based largely on the latter’s large professional and capable army and ability to project both hard and soft power regionally.

In recent years, however, especially during the Trump administration, the U.S. has gradually come to perceive its biggest threats in Africa to be the presence of China and Russia rather than terrorism.

“Great power competition, not terrorism, is now the primary focus of U.S. national security,” Secretary of Defense James Mattis said in a January speech that outlined the 2018 National Defense Strategy. “We face growing threats from revisionist powers as different as China and Russia are from each other.”

 
 

This power struggle—driven by that age-old combination of rivalry and a desire to control the Suez Canal—isn’t necessarily a bad thing in itself. It could benefit the region’s benighted economies and has already achieved notable gains in terms of peace and stability, primarily with the opening of the Ethiopia-Eritrea border after 20 years of animosity and conflict. But the spider’s web of geopolitics could also unleash dangerous forces.

“U.S. policy is shifting and new powers are emerging,” says Hallelujah Lulie at Amani Africa, an Africa-based policy research, advisory, and consulting think tank. “There are all these rivalries, Iran versus Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabia versus Qatar, Egypt versus Turkey, Turkey versus Saudi Arabia; interests over the Red Sea and Yemen; economic influence as a proxy; while Saudi Arabia is an ally of the U.S.: it’s a complex battleground.”

The tempo cranked up in 2017 when Saudi Arabia initiated an Arab nation blockade of Qatar. Both countries and their respective allies then descended on the Horn, where they rushed to build military bases, sign defense pacts, and take over commercial ports.

Ethiopia, which now has Africa’s second largest population and increasing diplomatic and commercial clout, has been dealing with meddling foreigners for the past two centuries. It has has proven adept at playing nations off against each other and switching allegiances to suit itself, a process that’s usually involved the U.S. in some manner.

During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, Ethiopia forged strong ties with the United States. But after a military coup overthrew the emperor in 1974, it pivoted to Russia. After the next revolution in 1991, it was back with the U.S. After 9/11, the partnership only deepened.

But over the past few years, the Ethiopian government, belayed since 2015 by ongoing protests and internal squabbles within its ruling party, took its eye off of the bigger picture outside Ethiopia. The result was that it failed to prepare itself for America’s shift away from the war on terror and towards China. For one thing, Ethiopia continued to accept enormous Chinese investments in infrastructure and to forge economic and diplomatic ties with Beijing.

The result was that the Ethiopian government suddenly found that the United States wasn’t offering as steadfast diplomatic support as it had been. That meant it wasn’t as willing to look the other way when protests were suppressed and human rights controversies made news. It became increasingly susceptible to its inner frictions and thereby less stable and sure of itself.

At the beginning of 2018, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned—the first Ethiopian leader to voluntarily cede power—in an effort to placate criticisms of his party and calm the turmoil gripping his country. A week after Desalegn’s replacement, Abiy Ahmed, took office, the U.S. House of Representatives unanimously adopted resolution HR-128, a resolution unusually outspoken in its condemning of various human rights abuses under the Ethiopian government.

Some say the shift in America’s relationship partly explains why Ethiopia has been increasingly drawn into the orbit of the Saudi-UAE bloc. Abiy Ahmed’s first official visit outside Africa in May was to Saudi Arabia, followed by meetings with UAE’s rulers.

“States on the Horn such as Ethiopia are trying to leverage these rapidly changing geopolitical dynamics to enhance their own influence,” says Awol Allo, a UK-based law professor and frequent commentator on Ethiopia and the Horn, writing for the website African Arguments. “Amidst the growing competition for influence among the Middle Eastern axes, Addis Ababa has managed to avoid taking sides—at least publicly—and leverage its geostrategic significance as the region’s hegemon to attract much-needed investment from several different partners.”

Despite this, according to staff at the U.S. embassy in Addis Ababa, America remains committed to Ethiopia “more than ever” for a multitude of reasons. Ethiopia is the largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions globally, hosts one of the world’s largest refugee populations, plays a critical role in maintaining regional stability, and has enormous economic potential.

“The reform process launched by Prime Minister Abiy opens the door for further progress and collaboration in all of these areas, not least because democracy and good governance are powerful factors in building political stability and economic prosperity,” says a diplomat at the embassy. “Far from drifting away from Ethiopia, the U.S. is moving closer as we see a clear alignment in our priorities.”

The Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement is a good example of such an alignment between local and international players: both the U.S. and Saudi Arabia played a significant role behind the scenes in getting the formerly hostile sides to talk to each other. The peace and security dividend has some saying the Horn could finally come out of its decades-old shadow of conflict and suffering. Eritrea has also signed declarations of peace and cooperation with Djibouti and Somalia. After years of hostility over the building of the Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile, Ethiopia and Egypt have seen a significant improvement in relations. Sudan, too, has mended relations with Egypt and has managed to get American sanctions lifted.

But such geopolitical developments are not lost on the citizens of the affected countries. Both Ethiopians and Eritreans are fearful of the potential consequences of being caught up in the ensuing struggle for influence in the region. They’re also worried that their respective governments could neglect their duties in their haste to comply with powerful external sources that opt for brinksmanship without considering the consequences for the still vulnerable states in the region. The Horn, after all, has a history of minor frictions mushrooming into far bigger problems.

“[Ethiopia] is engaged in a dangerous game,” Awol says. “The combination of the Gulf’s transactional politics and Africa’s often kleptocratic leadership could prove treacherous as historic rivalries take on new twists and matters develop beyond the Horn’s control.”

James Jeffrey is a freelance journalist who splits his time between the Horn of Africa, the U.S., and the UK, and writes for various international media. Follow him on Twitter @jrfjeffrey.

እቲ ምስቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ኩነታት፡ ሃንደበት ዝተባህለ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝነበረ ዝምድና ካልእ መልክዕ ምስ ሓዘ፡ ብዙሓት ኣዛረብቲ ጉዳያት ተቐልቂሎም። ብዛዕባቲ ሓድሽ ምዕባለ ብወገን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ እንተላይ ብወገን ኤርትራ ክዝረቡ ዝግበኦም ዝነበሩ መግለጽታትን መብርህታትን ክቐርቡ ጸኒሖም። ብወገን ህግደፍ እቲ ዝያዳ ጐሊሁ ዝተራእየ ከምዛ ኣብ ማይ ዝኣተወት ኣንጭዋ ምጽቃጥ ኮይኑ፡ ኢሳይያስ ግና ሓሓሊፉ እሞ ድማ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ከደ ኣብ ዘይርጉእ ኣቀራርባ፡ ኣገራሚ ዘረባታት ክስንድው ጸኒሑ። ብፍላይ እቲ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ኣዋሳ ከይዱ ምስ ዓወነ “እዚ ለውጢዚ ሓድሽ ዘይኮነስ ዝነበረን ክንሰርሓሉ ጸኒሕና ዝተሓደሰን እዩ። መራሒ ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ኣስመራ መጺኡ፡ ንሕና ድማ ክሳብ ኣዋሳ በጺሕና፡ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣብ ሓላፍነት ምምጻኡ ከኣ ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ ደረጃ በጺሑ። ንዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ምርካብና ዕድለኛታት ኢና። ድሕሪ ሕጂ ንሱ ንኹልና ክመርሓና ፈቓድ ሂበዮ ኣለኹ። ነዓይ ከይሓተተ ናብ ኩሉ ከባብታት ኤርትራ፡ ኣስመራ ምጽዋዕ፡ ከረን ተሰነይን ኦሞሓጀርን ክኸይድ ይኽእል እዩ። ኣነ እውን ከምኡ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ እመጽእ” ዝበሎ ካብቲ ኣዝዩ ኣገራሚ ኣበሃህላታቱ ሓደ ነይሩ።

እቲ ምግራም ኣብ ኩሉ ሰማዕን ተዓዛብን ዝሓደረ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ ደግፍቲ ህግደፍ ከም ዝገድድ ብሩህ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ዝተረፈስ መልክዑ ደኣ ይቀያየር እምበር ካብ ኢሳይያስን ጉጅለኡን ዝጽበዮ ጣቋ ስለ ዘይነበሮ። ወዮም ኢሳይያስ ከም ቀንዲ ተሓላቕን ተኸላኻልን ክብርን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ዝጽበይዎ ዝነበሩ ወገናት፡ ነቲ ብኻለኦት ዝበሃል ንልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ዝህድድ ኣበሃህላ ክከላኸልስ ይትረፍ፡ ባዕሉ ጸራግ መንግዲ ከም ዝኾነ ምስተዓዘቡ ደንጽይዎም መሊሶም ካብ ኣፉ ክሰምዑ ተሃንጥዮም። ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ምዕጥጣይ ኣብ መድረኽ ቀሪቡ ኣብ ዝሃቦ ቃለ-መጠይቕ ከኣ “ደጊም ጉዳይ ልኡላውነትን ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘልዕሉ ወገናት፡ ሰላምና ክስምሙ ዝደልዩ እዮም” ክብል ብእዝኖ ሰሚዐምዎ።

ድሕሪዚ ሓሓሊፉ ኣብ ገለ ከባብታት ብወከልቲ መንግስቲ ምስ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ኣኼባታት ክካየድ ተዓዚብና። ኣብቲ ኣኼባታት ከምቲ ናይ ቀደም ብዝሒ ተሳተፍትን ጫውጫውን ከምዘየለ ርኢናዮ ኣሎና። ኣብቲ ኣኼባታት ብዙሓት ሕቶታት ቀሪቦም። ካብቶም ሕቶታት ቀዳምነት ዝሕዙ፡ ምስ ጉዳይ ምሕንጻጽ ዶብን ነቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ንግዳዊ ዝምድና ቀጥዒ ምስ ምትሓሓዙ እዮም። ኣብዚ ኣኼባታት ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ዳርጋ ክልተ ዓይነት ኮይኖም ከም ዘለዉ ምርዳእ ይከኣል። እቶም ሓደ ወገን ዳርጋ ሓቀኛ ኣካይዳ ህግደፍ ስለ ዘረድኡ ኣብ ምስማዕን ከንፈርካ ምርምጣጥን ዘድህቡን ፈውሲ ሕሜታ ዘጣቕዑን እዮም። እቶም ካሎት ከኣ ጌና ካብ ህግደፍ ዘይቀበጹ፡ ካብ ህግደፍ ናይ ሕቶታትና መልሲ ክንረክብ ኢና ኢሎም ዝትስፈዉ እዮም።

እቶም ንርእሶም ከይዓገቡ፡ ምስ ህግደፍ ምእንቲ ክነብሩ፡ ክሕተቱ እንከለዉ ዝምልሱ መራሕቲ ኣኼባ ብሓፈሻ ዝጥቀምዎ ዝነበሩ ኣገባብ ካብቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ ሃዲምካ ጓልነገር ምፍጣር እዩ። በዚ ንዘይተዓገሱ ሓተቲ ከኣ ክንድቲ ናይ ቀደምኳ እንተዘይኮነ ኣፈራሪሕካ ኣፎም ከተትሕዞም ምፍታን ካልእ ኣረጊት ሜላ ነይሩ። ኣብቲ ዝርካቡ መልስታቶም ጐሊሖም ካብ ዝረኣዩ፡ እቲ ልሙድ “ንመንግስትና ዝሓስበሉ ግዜ ንሃቦ” ዝብል መደንዘዚ ሓደ እዩ። ወዮ ትማሊ ዶብና ከይተጠረረ “ዘበት ኩነታት ናብ ንቡር ምምላስ” ዝበሃል ዝነበረ ናይ ሓሶት ፈኸራ ተረሲዑ፡ “ዶብ ይተሓንጸጽ ኣይተሓንጸጽ መሬትና ናብ ዝኸደና የብሉን” ከኣ ካልእ መደንዘዚ መልሲ እዩ። እቲ ዘገርም ከኣ “ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎ መንግስቲ ጌና ውሽጣዊ ጉዳያቱ ስለ ዘይወገነ ግዜ ክንህቦን ክንሕግዞን ኣለና” ዝብል እውን ከም መልሲ ይወሃብ። ሰማይ ዝሃገርኩም ውሽጣዊ ኤርትራዊ ጉዳያት ወጊኑስ ህግደፍ ንካለኦት ሓላዪ ኮይኑ ግዜ ክህብ። ኣብዚ ጉዳይ’ዚ “ኣብ ኤርትራ ደኣ ምውዳእስ ይተረፍ እንታይከ ዝተጀመረ ናይ ምውጋን ዕማም ኣልዩ እዩ ብጉዳይቲ ብዶ/ር ኣብይ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ግዜ ምርካብን ዘይምርካብን ንሻቐል?” ዝብል ሕቶ ምሕታት ኤርትራዊ ምዃን እምበር ደጋፊ ወይ ዘይደጋፊ ህግደፍ ምዃን ዘድሊ ኣይመስለናን።

እቲ ቀንዲ ቁምነር ካብዚ ህግደፍን መጋገርያታቱን ዘርእይዎ ዘለዉ ትሕቲ ጉጭ ልዕሊ ጉጭ እንታይ ንርዳእ ዝብል እዩ። ብርኢቶይ ካብዚ ኩነታት እንዳ ህግደፍ እንርደኦ፡

1ይ፡ ኩሉቲ ክግልገለሉ ዝጸንሐ መሕብኢ መጋረጃታት እንዳተቐንጠጠ ሓቀኛ መንነቶ ይወጽእ ከም ዘሎ ዘመልክት እዩ።

2ይ፡ ህግደፍ ብዛዕባ ሓቀኛ ተንኮለኛ መደባቱ ካብ ህዝቢ ዝሓብኦ ከም ዘለዎን ሓሓሊፉ ግና ይመልቆ ከም ዘሎን የምልክት። እቲ ክሕባእ ዝድለ ዘሎ ተንኮል መጻኢ ዕድል ሃገርና ዝውስንን ነቲ ሰንሰለታዊ ምእንቲ ኤርትራ ዝተኸፍለ ናይ ደቃ መስዋእትነት ዘይውክልን ምዃኑ ዘገምት እዩ።

3ይ፡ እዚ ሕጂ ህግደፍ ፈትዩ ዘይኮነስ ምትሓዝ ኣብይዎ ዝወጽኦ ዘሎ ስምዒታት፡ ሓድሽ ዘይኮነስ ብመንጽር ኤርትራዊ ኮነ ኢትዮጵያዊ ኩነታት ጥጡሕ ኣጋጣሚ ክጽበየሉ ዝጸንሐ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ ውዲት ምዃኑ ምእማት ዘኽእል እዩ።

4ይ፡ ብዓብይኡ ከኣ ነቶም ካብ ቀደሞም ህግደፍ በዓል ደሓን ከምዘይኮነ ኣሚኖም ክቃለሱ ዝጸንሑን ኣብዚ ጉጅለ እምነት ኣንቢሮም ክድግፍዎ ዝጸንሑ ኤርትራውያን ከቢድ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክምን ንወሳኒ ቃልሲ ዝዕድምን እዩ።

ስለዚ ዜርናዜርና ናብቲ “ናይ ኢሳይያስ ኣቕጣጫስ ንርእዮ ኣለና፡ ንሕናኸ እንታይ ንግበር?” ናብ ዝብል መሰረታዊ ሕቶ ኢና እንመጽእ። እዚ ዘለናዮ ግዜ ገለን ንህግደፍ ክንድግፍ ገለን ክንቃወም ዓቕምና በቲና መፍቶኡ ከይንኸውን ክንጥንቀቐሉ ዝግበና ወሳኒ ምዕራፍ እዩ። ኣንጻር ህግደፍ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ዛዕባታት ዘለና ፍልልያት ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ናይ ግድን ኣብ ዙርያ ምድሓን ኤርትራን ህዝባን ክንዓስል ይግበኣና። ንህግደፍ ንደግፍ ንቃወም፡ ኣብ ምዕቃብ ኤርትራና ግና ኩልና ሓደ ኢና ዝብል እምነት ኣለና። ምስ ህግደፍ ተላሒግካ ንኤርትራ ምድሓን ከም ዘይከኣል ግና ባዕሉ ይነግረና ኣሎ።

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ፡ ካብ ኤርትራውያን ሓሊፉ ንብዙሓት ኣዘራራቢ ኮይኑ ዘሎ፡ ግጉይን ጸረ መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ክውገድ ከም ዝግበኦ ኣይኮነንዶ ንሕና ኩሎም ምእንቲ ፍትሒ፡ ዲሞክራስን ልዕልና ህዝብን ዝሕለቑ ወገናት ዝተቐበልዎ እዩ። ናይዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ብኹሉ መልክዑ ሕማቕ ምባሉ ዝውሕዶ ህይወት ኣብ ኤርትራን ሳዕቤናቱን ኣብ እንግደዓ ህዝብና ተጻዒኑ ዘሎ እዩ። ነዚ ምስባሩ ዘይተርፎ ኣርዑት ወጽዓ ሓምሺሽካ ኣብ ክንዳኡ ራህዋን ፍትሕን ምንጋስ ከኣ ቀንዲ ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ። ህዝብና ነዚ ከቢድ፡ ግና ከኣ ክትግበር ዝኽእል ሓላፍነት ንምፍጻም ኣጽኒዑ ክሕዞም ካብ ዝግበኦ ወሰንቲ ናይ ዓወት ኣዕኑድ ኣለዉ። እቲ ቀዳማይ ደረጃ ዝሕዝ ዓንዲ ማእከል ሓድነቱ ምድልዳል እዩ። ህግደፍ ኣብዚ ኣንጻሩ ክግበር ዝጸንሐን ቀጻሊ ዘሎን ቃልሲ፡ ሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምድልዳሉ ንረብሓኡ ከምዘይኮነ ስለ ዝርዳእ ንክዘርጎ ህርድግ ከም ዝብል ካብ ተመኩሮና ዝቐሰምናዮ ሃብታም ተመኩሮ እዩ።

እቲ ወሳንነት ናይ ህዝቢ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ብሓፈሻ ናይ ኩሎም ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝተፈላለዩ ምጥርናፋትን ኣተሓሳስባታትን ዝተግሁ ዘለዉ ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትና ግደ ክብደት ክወሃቦ ዝግባእ እዩ። ውድባትና ዓወቶም ክንዲ ትጽቢቶምን ዕድሚኦም ኣብ ቃልስን ንከይኮኑ ዝዕንቅፍዎም ብዙሓት ጸገማት ኣለዉዎም። እቲ ቀንዲ ጸገሞም፡ ዋሕዲ ሰዓብቲ፡ ከምዚ ክገብር እየ ዝብል ራኢ ዘይምውናንን፡ ናይ ነገራዊ ዓቕሚ ውሱንነት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቀንዲ ጸገሞ በቲ ዝርካቡ ዓቕሞም ብሓባር ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ህግደፍ ከሰልፍዎ ዘይምብቃዖም እዩ። ከምቲ ህግደፍ ኣብ ዘይደልደለ ሓድነት ህዝብና ክነብር ዝህቅኖ፡ ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትና ብሓባር ዘይምስላፍ እውን ክጥቀመሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ህግደፍ ብብቕዓቱ ዘይኮነ ብድኽመት ናይቶም ተቓሊስና ከነወግዶ ዝግበና እዩ ዝነብር ዘሎ እንብል ከኣ ብመጽር’ዚ እዩ። እዚ ድኽመትና እዚ ካብቲ ብዙሕ ድኽመታትና ቅድሚት ከም ዝስራዕ ከኣ ተመኩሮና ምሂሩና እዩ። ብሓባር ንስራሕ ክንብል እንከለና ብኣወዳድባ ብዙሓት ኮይና ብሓደ ናይ ሓባር መትከል ንመራሕ ማለትትና እምበር፡ ተጨፍሊቕና ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ሰልፊ ንኹን ማለትና ኣይኮነን።

ተመኩሮና ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ከም ዘረደኣና ኣብ ክንዲ ነቲ ዘመሳስለና መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ ነዕኩኽ፥ ነቲ ንእሽቶ ዝፈላልየና ከነተዓባቢ ኢና ጸኒሕና። ንጉዳያት ኣብ ክንዲ ንለውጥን ንረብሓ ህዝብናን ብዘማእክል መምዘኒ፡ ብዓይኒ ናይቶም ኣብኡ ዝዋስኡ ባእታታት፡ ጠባይን መነትን ብምርኣይ ብሓባር ከይንሰርሕ ክዕንቅጸና ጸኒሑ እዩ። ብዘይካዚ ንናይ ትማሊ ጌጋታት ኣብ ክንድቲ ከምኡ ንከይድገም ከም ትምህርቲ ወሲድካ፡ ዝያዳ ንቕድሚት ምምዕዳው፣ ብሕሉፍ ቂም ተቐይድካ ኣብ ክንዲ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ምምንጫው፡ ኣብ ሕነ ምፍዳይ ምትኳርና ከኣ ካልእ ጸገምና ኮይኑ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ኣብ መጻኢ ናይ ምዕዋትናን ዘይምዕዋትናን ዕድል ከኣ ኣብዞም ጉዳያት ብእነርእዮ ሓላፍነታዊ ኣተሓሕዛን ምቕሉልነትን ዝውሰን እዩ።

ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልይ ዝመሰረቱ ብዙሕነት፡ ናብቲ ቀንዲ መደምደምታ ንምብጻሕ መማረጺ ሓሳባት ዘምጽእ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ዝጽላእ ዘይኮነስ ዝተባባዕ እዩ። ፍልልያት ብግቡእ እተተመሓዲሮም ዓቕሚ እምበር ዕንቅፋት ከምዘይኮኑ፡ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ክንዛረበሉ ዝጸናሕና እዩ። ብብዙሓት በዚ ንሕና ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ጐደና ተጓዒዞም ኣብ ውጽኢት ዝበጽሑ ተመኩሮታት’ውን ተረጋጊጹ እዩ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ከነዕውቶ ዘይከኣልና ፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ንመጻኢ እውን እንተዘይበቒዕናዮ ዘሊልናዮ ንሓልፈሉ ኣቋራጭ መንገዲ የለን። ነዚ ዘሊልካዮ ክትሓልፍ ምፍታን ወይ ብካለኦት ክረጋገጸልካ ምጽባይ መፍቶ ህግደፍ ካብ ምዃን ሓሊፉ ካልእ ትርጉን የብሉን። እዚ ከኣ ብግምት ዝበሃል ዘይኮነ፡ ብሓፈሻ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብፍላይ ከኣ መንእሰይ ወለዶ ዝነግረና ዘሎ እዩ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ እዚ መሰረታዊ ጸገም ንክውገድ ብማዕዶ “ከምዚ እንተዘይገበርኩም” በሃላይ ዘይኮነ፡ እኳደኣ ባዕሉ መሪሕ ተዋሰኣይ ክኸውን ትውልዳዊ ሓላፍነት ከም ዘለዎ ክዝንግዕ ኣይግበኦን።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ከም ኩሉ ውድባት በዚ ኣብ ቃልስና ከም ጸሊም ነጥቢ ክምዝገብ ዝኽእል ብሓባር ክትሰርሕ ዘይምብቃዕ ተመኩሮ ክሓልፍ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ምስዚ ኩሉ ግና “ሕጂ እውን ኣይበቓዕናዮን እምበር ንሓቢርካ ምስራሕ መተካእታ የብሉን” ብዝብል ነዚ ዝጸውር ባይታ ንምፍጣር ሃሰስ ካብ ምባል ዓዲ ኣይወዓለን። ናይ 4 ሰነ 2017 ሓድነታዊ እማመኡ ከኣ ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ። እዚ ሓቢርካ ክትሰርሕ ምብቃዕ ወሳኒ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ህልውናን ቀጻልነትን ዝውስን፡ ንምርግጋጹ ልባዊ ተወፋይነት ዝሓትትን ግዜ ዝበልዕን ዘገምታዊ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እቲ ኣንፈት ኣውንታዊ ኮይኑ ኣብቲ ዝድለ ድማዕ ኣይበጸሐን። እንተኾነ ነዚ ዘሊልካ እንትኸደሉ ኣቋራጭ መዋጸኦ ስለ ዘየለ ሰዲህኤ ይደፍኣሉ ኣሎ። ካብቶም ኩነታቶም መዚኖም ኣድላይነት ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ብምዕዛዝ፡ እንተስ ክሳብ ምጽንባር ንምኻድ ወይ ፍልልያትካ ኣመሓዲርካ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል ምስራሕ ምስ ሰዲህኤ ምስራሕ ኣድላይ ምዃኑ ዝተረዳድኡ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ሓደ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ (ሃድኤ-ሕድሪ) እዩ። እነሆ ከኣ ክልቲኡ ውድባት ዝምረሓሉ ሰነዳት መርሚሩ፡ ዕላማታቱ ሓደ ክንሱ በበይንኻ ምዃን ካብ ክሳራ ሓሊፉ መኽሰብ ከም ዘየብሉ ብምርዳእ ናይ ሓባር፡ ሓባራዊ ጉባአ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ጽዕጹዕ ቃልሲ ይርከቡ ኣለዉ። እዚ ስጉምቲ ካብቲ እንጽበዮ ሰፊሕ ናይ ብሓባር ምስራሕ ኣድላይነት መበገሲ እምበር፡ እኹል ተባሂሉ፡ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ተደሪቱ ዝተርፍ ከምዘይኮነ ናይ ክልቴና ወገናት ጽኑዕ እምነት እዩ። እቲ ከዕውተና እምነት ኣንቢርናሉ ዘለና፡ ካብ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ዘዋህለናዮ ተመኩሮ እምበር ኣብቲ ቃልሲ ሓደስቲ ስለ ዝኾናን ሓድሽ ማይ ዘይጠዓሞ ሓሳብ ስለ ዘምጻእና ኣይኮነን።

በዚ ኣጋጣሚ እዚ ጀሚርናዮ ዘለና መስርሕ ሓድነት ብውሱን ኣበርክቶ መሪሕነታት ዘይኮነ፡ ብመላእ መሰረታት ውድባትና ዝዕወት እዩ እሞ፡ መሰረታትና፡ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ክጽዕቱ ኣብ ርእሲቲ ድልውነቶም ንጽወዖም። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ እቲ ምስ ካለኦት ውድባት ጀሚርናዮ ዘለና እሂን ምሂን ብዘይምስልካይ ኣብ ፍረ ክሳብ ዝበጽሕ ከም እንቕጽሎን እምነትና ዕዙዝ ምዃኑ እንዳገለጽና ምስ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ውድብ ኣብ ሓቢርካ መዋጸኦ ምድህሳስ ክንጽመድ ቅሩባት ምዃና በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ንገልጽ። ናይ’ቲ “ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ” ዝብል ጭረሖና መሰረታዊ መልእኽቲ ከኣ ንሱ እዩ።

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