As famine warnings are triggered and food is stolen from markets, the government blames supporters of ousted president al-Bashir

Protesters build a brick barrier blocking on a main road in the capital Khartoum, during a demonstration against rising prices on 24 January.
Protesters build a brick barrier on a main road in the capital Khartoum, during a demonstration against rising prices on 24 January. Photograph: Ashraf Shazly/AFP/Getty Images
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Seven regions of Sudan have declared states of emergency following violent protests against food price rises. Curfews have been imposed and schools have been forced to close in 10 cities across Darfur, North Kordofan, West Kordofan and Sennar. Buildings were looted and burned, and food was stolen from markets and shops. The regions are among the poorest in Sudan.

The joint military-civilian government believes supporters of the former president, Omar al-Bashir, are behind the protests. The government recently ordered the prosecution of members of Bashir’s party.

Millions of people in the country are struggling as the cost of living continues to rise amid economic difficulties. The Sudanese pound dropped against the dollar from 260 pounds (£3.40) in November to 315 pounds last month. The annual rate of inflation increased to 269% in December, up from 254% in November, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics.

The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fewsnet) has said food insecurity could reach crisis levels in parts of Kordofan and Darfur in the coming months. The price of bread has soared. The cost of subsidised loaves, which have become scarce, have increased from 2 pounds to 5 pounds, while unsubsidised bread is being sold in some areas of Khartoum for 15 or 20 pounds, and up to 50 pounds in Darfur and Kordofan. In January, the price of 1kg of sugar was 220 pounds, up from 150 pounds in 2020. Sudan is being encouraged by the international community to devalue its currency in order to get loans.

Mohamed Babikir, an activist who took part in the protests that led to Bashir’s downfall in 2019, said protests had not stopped since 2019. “People are always protesting here and there, demanding justice for those who have been killed, or demanding better politics by having freedoms and the civilian transmission in governance.”

Bashir el-Sadig, a teacher at a girls’ secondary school in the capital of North Kordofan, El-Obeid, which has seen large protests, told the Guardian that more than half of his pupils need help buying food, adding: “Many of them work as cleaners as well, to help themselves and their families. People really are struggling and that’s the mistake of the government in the centre, they didn’t provide enough subsidised food.”

Abdulraheem Ahmed, a teacher at a boys’ high school in Er Rahad, a city to the south of El-Obeid, said: “My wife and I are only two, and we used to eat fruit every two months, now we stopped having fruit, because it is too expensive. I also walk to school instead of taking transportation, which costs me about 100 pounds. I think I should buy something to eat instead of wasting that on transportation.”

FEBRUARY 16, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Warnings about deterioration of press freedom as independent journalists endure harassment, denied access to embattled northern region.

Source: Al Jazeera

Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and the battle to control information

By James Jeffrey

The government-imposed lockdown of the northern region and communications blackout affecting the internet, mobile phones and landlines has made access and assessment for aid agencies dealing with the unfolding humanitarian crisis extremely difficult. It has also made it next to impossible for media seeking entry to investigate artillery attacks on populated areas, deliberate targeting and massacres of civilians, extrajudicial killings, widespread looting and rape, including by suspected Eritrean soldiers.

At the same time, journalists in the country have been detained, faced threats and harassment – and even attacks.

“This is the worst period in my 10-plus years of journalism,” said one Addis Ababa-based Ethiopian freelance journalist, who, like every journalist contacted for this article, insisted on anonymity due to fear of reprisals, both professional and physical.

The journalist noted that even before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered the November 4 offensive to remove the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) after attacks of federal army bases, the government was already using new anti-hate speech and fake news legislation against critical journalists. “The risk was mainly restricted to imprisonment and verbal harassment. Now, you have the extra risk of losing your life or having your house ransacked as well as vicious social media trolling.”

The journalist said they have had to abandon several writing projects, including one on the plight of a small ethnic group caught up in the secretive Tigray conflict, due to fears about “plain old thuggery and intimidation of journalists”.

‘Regressing signs’

The list of attacks on and intimidation of journalists in Ethiopia is growing. After the Addis Standard, one of Ethiopia’s most influential independent publications, issued a statement in early November urging the government to open channels of communication, Medihane Ekubamichael, a senior editor, was arrested at his home for “attempts to dismantle the Constitution through violence” and “outrage against the Constitution”. He was soon released – but then arrested again and held for about a month. Responsible for much of the paper’s day-to-day operations, his absence meant it had to reduce its journalistic output.

On January 19, Dawit Kebede Araya, a reporter with broadcaster Tigray TV, was found dead with gunshot wounds to his head in his car near Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has urged an independent investigation into whether his killing was motivated by his work.

On February 8, Ethiopian freelance journalist Lucy Kassa, who has reported about Tigray for several foreign media including the Los Angeles Times and Al Jazeera, said armed intruders broke into her Addis Ababa home. She said men knocked her to the ground, raided her apartment and took a laptop and other items related to her reporting, accusing her of “spreading lies” and supporting “the Tigray junta”.

Three leading Democratic US senators recently wrote to Abiy expressing concerns about the erosion of press freedoms and the government’s “draconian tactics”, while calling for the release of detained journalists.

Now, rights groups said the continuing clash about freedom of the press is rolling back gains made by the country’s long-suffering media, signalling a swing back towards authoritarian intolerance.

“The imprisonment of journalists, many of whom were held for weeks without formal charges, are an indicator of the deterioration of press freedom in Ethiopia and a sign that the government is regressing despite the positive reforms made in 2018 when Abiy became prime minister,” said Muthoki Mumo, CPJ’s representative for sub-Saharan Africa.

“Ethiopian journalists should feel free to publish critical reports and commentary, and this cannot happen in an environment where police can arrest and hold them for weeks without charge, blatantly weaponising the judicial system to intimidate the media.”

The press secretary for the Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia did not respond to several requests for comment.

Media landscape challenges

When Abiy was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, the committee praised his “discontinuing media censorship” among his achievements during his first 100 days in power. Positive changes to Ethiopia’s media landscape, including the country ending its block of more than 260 websites and lifting a ban on media outlets forced to work in exile, saw Ethiopia rise in the World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) from 150 out of 180 countries in 2018 to the 99th rank in 2020. The CPJ’s 2018 annual Prison Census report on journalists imprisoned for their work around the world included no Ethiopians – a first in 14 years.

But as Abiy’s tenure has progressed, so has criticism of his lack of transparency – the prime minister announced the Tigray offensive, in effect a declaration of war, on Facebook – and for repeating what has always happened in Ethiopia when a fresh administration arrives promising reform and freedom of speech: initially new media flourish as restrictions are lifted, but within a few years, the situation returns to the old ways of previous Ethiopian governments.

The CPJ’s 2020 Prison Census published in December 2020 included seven Ethiopian journalists, the third-most among sub-Saharan African countries, after Eritrea and Cameroon (six Ethiopian journalists have been released since the report was published).

Monitors do acknowledge that the government has to deal with a media landscape that is institutionally weak, in which freedom of expression is abused by some media to foment tension and partisanship, even ethnic violence.

“There are legitimate concerns from state and non-state actors about misinformation, disinformation and incitement, particularly during times of political tension,” Muthoki said. “However, these concerns should not be used as pretext to harass the media for critical reporting; to criminalise dissenting views; or as justification to throw journalists behind bars.”

It has long been understood that Ethiopian journalists have it tougher than Ethiopia-based foreign journalists who can more easily seek backup from international agencies or embassies. Ethiopian journalists from Tigray face even more difficulties from the conflict’s fallout. Ethnic Tigrayan journalists have reportedly been collectively suspended from state media outlets, while several anchors of state-owned Ethiopian television were suspended from work for objecting to the wording of news about the Tigray war, according to a source in the industry.

Commenting on an RSF statement about the attack on Kassa, who is Tigrayan, the government’s Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check said “all individuals need to be free from any form of harm” but added the press watchdog was wrong in describing her as working for foreign organisations because she did not have the necessary press authorisation.

CPJ condemned the government unit’s statement as “disgraceful”. “Instead of identifying these attackers and holding them to account, authorities have instead sought to discredit Lucy Kassa by saying she’s not a legally registered journalist, exposing growing hostility to the [press],” it said.

‘Extreme intolerance’

But the screw seems to be turning also on foreign journalists, too. Even while being denied access in Tigray, journalists have said that members of foreign media are also portrayed by the Ethiopian state as “traitors” and enemies of Ethiopia, “paid by Western governments to destabilise Ethiopia”. Foreign reporters also report difficulties renewing work visas, while some have been threatened with deportation. Just quoting the TPLF, the region’s former governing party that has clashed with Abiy, will get you in trouble, journalists have said.

“The level of intolerance around Tigray is as extreme as anything I have seen,” said one long-term commentator on Ethiopia who recently visited the country after working there for nearly a decade, and who described Abiy as displaying “classic dictatorial tendencies”.

There have also been suggestions by journalists the government is employing a coordinated strategy to oppress and undermine journalists through social media, state media and the Ethiopian diaspora. Al Jazeera could not independently verify these claims.

But just as the government is being accused of firing out reams of propaganda and leveraging claims of fake news, so, too, have its opponents. The anti-government strategy appears to be focused on increasing activity on social media – in particular, on Twitter – with supporters encouraged to create new accounts and respond to content about the conflict while also spreading hashtags and tweeting at influential Twitter users. The government has countered by positioning itself in the role of fact-checker and provider of reliable information, usurping the job that the media should be doing.

The result is an extremely confusing information environment compounded by a general sense of suspicion about the information coming out about the conflict – all of which journalists must contend with and try to make sense of, while being impeded by the government.

“The government needs to understand the media is an important component to building a strong democratic society that can inform the public and serve as a platform for dialogue,” said Tewodrose Tirfe, chair of the Amhara Association of America, a US-based advocacy group for the Amhara, Ethiopia’s second-largest ethnic group.

“The government needs to view the Ethiopian media as a partner and not limit journalists access to conflict areas and government officials.”

FEBRUARY 16, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Ethiopian troops – some of them special forces – have seized Eritrean refugees who escaped the war in Tigray and reached the outskirts of Addis Ababa.

Sixty-eight refugees (12 children, 25 women and 31 men), who were previously housed at the four UNHCR camps in Tigray, have been detained and are appealing for help.

All are registered with the UNHCR and fear that they could be forcibly returned to Eritrea. They are asking to be released, to live in Addis with others in the local Eritrean community.

The refugees are currently being detained near a checkpoint known as Tilu Dimtu  (ቲሉ ዲምቱ). This is in the suburb of Gelan, south of the city. They are said to be being held in a metal shed close to condominium homes in the area.

When the war broke out in November last year 96,000 Eritreans were housed in four UNHCR camps situated in Tigray. Previous groups of Eritrean refugees who managed to make it to Addis Ababa were forcibly returned to the camps from which they had fled.

The UN has managed to visit the two southern camps – Mai Ani and Adi Harush – but the two northern camps are reported to have been attacked, emptied and destroyed.

The northern camps (Hitsats and Shimelba) were home to nearly 34,000 Eritreans registered with the UN before the fighting. The UN has been unable to visit these camps, but satellite photographs show them to have been extensively damaged.

ኣብ ወርሒ ጥሪ ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸት ሓዳስ መሪሕነት ቀዳም 13 ለካቲት 2021 ካልኣይ ኣኼባኣ ኣካይዳ። ኣጀንዳ ኣኼባኣ ሰልፍና ንምዕባይን ንምሕያልን እንውጥኖ መደባት ብጽፈት ንምትግባር ኣሰራርሓና ከመይ ይኹን ዝብል እዩ ኔሩ።

ናይ ዞባ ተቖጻጻሪ ዝተሳተፎ ኣኼባ ዝበለጸ ኣሰራርሓ ንምምራጽ ዝኣክል ምይይጥ ኣካይዱ። ግቡእ መረዳእታ ንኽወስድ ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮታት መዚኑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ብመሰረት ቅዋም ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ዝወስድዎ ሓላፍነታት፡ ንነብሳ ኣብ ሰለስተ ሽማግለታት ማለት ናይ ዉደባን ቁጠባን፡ ናይ መንእሰያትን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮን፡ ናይ ዜናን ወጻኢ ርኽክባትን፡ መዲባ ብምስራሕ መደባታ ክተዐውት ወሲና።

እዚ ኣሰራርሓ’ዚ እታ ዝሓለፈት ሽማግለ’ዉን ዝሰርሐትሉን ጽቡቕ ዉጽኢት ዝተረኽቦን እዩ። ሕጂ’ዉን ዘዐዉት ኣሰራርሓ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ቀዳማይ ኣኼባ ዝተወሰነ ሓላፍነታት ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ እዩ፡

1. ደስበለ ካሕሳይ         ኣቦ መንበር

2. ቦኽረጽዮን ጉብሳ       ሰክረታሪ / ሓላፊ ርኽክባዊ ጉዳያት

3. ፍስሃየ ፍትዊ         ሓላፊ ዉደባዊ ጉዳያት

4. ኪዳነ ፍስሃየ           ሓላፊ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን

5. ኣስገደት ምሕረተኣብ   ሓላፊት ዜናውን ባህላውን

6. ግደይ መሓሪ         ሓላፊት ጉዳያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ

7. ረዘነ ገብረሚካኤል     ሓላፊ ጉዳያት መንእሰያት

8. ብሮት ተኽለ          ተጠባባቒ

9. የማነ ፍሰሃየ           ተጠባባቒ

10. እስቲፋኖስ በራኺ      ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸ ተቖጻጻሪ (ኦዲተር)

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።

 

የቐንየልና፡

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

02-13-2021

ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ23 ጥርን 14 ለካቲትን 2021  ብዛዕባ ሰዲህኤ ዝኽተሎ ኣገባብ ቃልስን ህልዊ ኩነታትን  ጠለባትን ሓድነታዊ ዕዮን ኣዛሚድካ ንምምዛኑን ንምንጻሩን ፍሉይ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብዚ ብኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ብጻይ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ዝተጸውዐ  ፍሉይ ኣኼባኡ ኣቐዲሙ ብኦቦመንበር ዝቐረበ ሓጺር መኽፈቲ ቃልን እቲ ኣኼባ ዝተጸወዓሉ ምኽንያትን ሰሚዑ። ብጻይ ተስፋይ ኣብ መእተዊ ቃሉ ኣካቢቡና ዘሎ ምዕባለታትን ነዚ ምዕባለታት  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናብ ዝርበሓሉ ንምውዓሉ ዝጽበየና ሓለፍነትን ኣንጸባሪቑ።

ኣኼባ ድሕሪዚ መእተዊ ቃል፡ ብሓፈሻ ብዛዕባ ዝተፈላለዩ  ሰልፋዊ፡ ሃገራውን ከባብያውን እዋናዊ ጉዳያት ሓበሬታ ተለዋዊጡ። ብፍላይ ድማ ብዛዕባቲ ቀንዲ መጸውዒ ኣኼባ ዝኾነ ዛዕባ፡ “ሰዲህኤ ዝኽተሎ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ” ነዊሕ ግዜ ወሲዱን ብዙሓት ጉዳያት ኣገናዚቡን ተመያይጡ። ኣኼባ ባይቶ ኣብ ምይይጡ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ነዚ ዛዕባዚ ብዝምልከት ኣጽኒዓ ውሳነ-ሓሳብ ከተቕርብ ኣቐዲሙ ዝመዘዛ ፍልይቲ ሽማግለ ዘቕረበቶ ንድፊ መሰረት ገይሩ ዘትዩ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰዲህኤ ዝጸደቐ ንኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዝምልከት ውሳነ፡ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብቲ ውሳነ ንከተግብርን ዳግመ-ርኢቶ ንክገብርን ብጉባአ ዝተዋህቦ ቅዋማዊ ሓልፍነትን ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ከባብናን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታውን ነዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ኩነታት ዝምጥን ውሳነ ኣመሓላሊፉ።  እቲ ውሳነ  ከም ዘብርሆ፡ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ቅዋም ተመርኲሱ ዝኽተሎ ናይ ቃልሲ ፖሊሲ  ዝያዳ ብምብራህን  ብምንጻርን  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝቕበሎን ዝሳተፎን፣ ኣብ ወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ኩነታት ዝምርኰስ፣ በብእዋኑ ዝግምገምን ከከም ኩነታቱ ዝትግበርን፡ ምሉእ ስልታዊ ምትዕጽጻፍ ንምግባር ዘኽእል ኩሉ ኣገባባትን ስጉምትታትን”  ከም ዝኽተል  ኣረጋጊጹ።

ኣኼባ ባይቶ ነዚ ውሳነ ክውስን እንከሎ ንብዙሓት ኣገደስቲ ጉዳያት ግምት ሂቡ እዩ።፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብመላኡ ካብ ሓድሕድ ምትፍናንን ፍልልያትን ወጺኡ ብምሉእ ዓቕሙ ናብ ምውዳቕ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ከተኩር ንምሕጋዝ፣ ሰልፋዊ ሓድነትን ኣገዳስነት ሓድነታዊ ዕዮ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን  ንምዕዛዝ፣ ከምኡ’ውን ብዝተፈላለየ ደረጃታት ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕ ንምድንፋዕ  ዝያዳ ግምትን ኣትኩሮን ሂቡ።

ኣኼባ ባይቶ ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ከምቲ ልሙድ ኣብዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ጽንኩርን ተኣፋፍን ኩነታት ኣባላት ሰልፊ፡ ደገፍቲ ሰልፍን ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያንን የካይድዎ ንዘለዉ ዘይሕለል ቃልሲ ኣመጒሱ ንመጻኢ እውን ቃልሶም ከሕይሉ መጸዋዕታኡ ኣቕሪቡ።

FEBRUARY 14, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Ethiopia hires lobbying help amid dual threats from Egypt, human rights critics

Ethiopia has hired a new lobbying firm for outreach to Congress and the Joe Biden administration as the country battles a diplomatic crisis with Egypt and ethnic strife at home.

The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington signed a $35,000-per-month contract with DC-based law firm Venable on Feb. 1. The contract is for an initial three months but can be extended.

Venable will provide “government relations service which may include outreach to the United States Congress and the federal government,” according to the new filing with the US Justice Department. Registered on the account are attorney Thomas Quinn and policy adviser Loren Aho. The pair also represent the Embassy of Qatar in Washington, while Quinn also represents the Hong Kong Trade Development Council.

Venable declined to comment beyond what’s in the filing. The Ethiopian Embassy did not respond to a request for comment.

The new hire comes as Ethiopia is under increasing pressure in Washington on several fronts.

Regional rival Egypt has been flexing its new lobbying muscle to try to convince Biden to follow President Donald Trump‘s lead and side with Cairo in its dispute with Addis Ababa over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or GERD. Ethiopia sees the 6,450 MW project as a vital development priority, but Egypt and Sudan want a say in how it is filled because of concerns it could hurt their downstream share of Nile waters.

Egypt benefited from personal ties between President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Trump, who famously referred to his Egyptian counterpart as “my favorite dictator” and tried to broker a deal between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan at the White House. Dissatisfied with what it called the “lack of progress” in resolving the dispute, Trump’s State Department even suspended some aid to Ethiopia in September “based on guidance from the president.”

Outflanked in Washington, the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed hired its first lobbying firm last summer. The contract with Barnes & Thornburg was for $130,000 but only lasted from June 30 to Sept. 30 (the firm provided no services after that date and is expected to shortly file paperwork indicating that it formally terminated its registration on Jan. 19, the day before Biden’s inauguration, Foreign Lobby Report has learned).

Lobbying filings show that Barnes & Thornburg’s lobbying focused exclusively on the dam issue. The firm contacted multiple congressional offices over the summer as well as officials at the National Security Council, the State Department and the Treasury Department, which Trump had put in charge of the negotiations.

Following Trump’s defeat, the Egyptian Embassy in Washington moved quickly to hire Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck on a year-long, $65,000-a-month contract. Former House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-Calif.), former Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska) and Nadeam Elshami, a former chief of staff to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), are lobbying for the embassy.

Earlier this month, Royce touted his conservationist credentials to pitch a virtual congressional briefing by the embassy.

“As you may know, the negotiations surrounding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam have stalled,” Royce wrote to congressional staff. “Without an enforceable agreement, the operations of the dam will have significant environmental ramifications, for both the populations of Egypt and Sudan as well as for the Nile’s regional ecosystems.”

ቀንዲ በዓል ቤት ቃልስን ዓወትን ኤርትራ መላእ ህዝባ እዩ። እዚ እቲ እኩብ ድምር መግለጺ ኮይኑ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ክፍልታት ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ከከምቲ ኩነታቶም፡ ኣነባብረኦምን ዝነብርሉ ከባብን ነናቶም ብጽሒት ነይርዎም እዩ። ናይ ሓደ ካብኣቶም ብኩራት እንተዝነብር ከኣ እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመዝጊቡ ዘሎ ሃገር ናይ ምውሓስ ዓወት  ኣይመተመዝገበን።

ኤርትራዊ፡ ኣብ ሃገሩ ኮነ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብር፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ኮይኑ ዝቃለስን  ናብ ሜዳ ወጺኡ ብረት ዝዓጠቐን፡ ብዕድመ ዓበይትን መንእሰያትን፡ ብጾታ ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ደቂ ተባዕትዮን፡ ብሃይማኖት ኣስላምን ክርስትያንን፡ ደቂ ብኣሰፋፍራ መታሕትን ከበሳን ከይተበሃሃለ ሳላ ኣብቲ ቃልሲ “ዓዳማይ ተዓዳምን” ከይኮነ ነቲ ቃልሲ “ናትና ናይ ኩልና’ዩ” ብዝብል ድሉውነት ኩሉ ዘዝኸኣሎ ኣበርኪቱ። ሳላ ከፋፋሊ ኢድ መግዛእቲ ዝኣትወሉ ሃጓፋት ዓጽዩ ብሓድነቱ ኣጽኒዑ ዝተቓለሰ ከኣ ተዓዊቱ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ግና ነዚ ስጥመት ናይ ቃልሲ ዝጠለመ ናይ “ፈቕዳይን ፈቓድ ሓታታይን” ዘንጸባርቕ ነቲ ዝተኸፍለ ዋጋ ዘይምጥን ኣግላሊ ሓደ ጉጅለ ናይ “ዝሓዘ ሓዘ” ዓምጣሪ ድሌት ሰለ ዝተፈጥረ እነሆ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕን ድሕረትን ኣብነት ኮይኖም።

ነዚ ነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ውሱናት ሰባት ጀሚሮም ንሳቶም ኣይኮኑን ክሳብ ዓወት ኣብጺሐምዎ። ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ዝተሓልፈን ቀጻሊ ዘሎን መስርሕ ቃልሲ ናይ ኣሸሓት ቀጻሊ ምቅብባል ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ሕድርን ሓቦን እንዳረከቦ እዩ ኣብዚ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ በጺሑ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኢና ከኣ ኣብ 1961 ብመሪሕነት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝተጀመረ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብ1991 ብመሪሕነት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፉ ከምቲኡ ናጽነት ኣበሲሩ እንብሎ። እቲ ኣብ መንጐዘን ክልተ ዕድለኛታት ጀማሪትን ፈጻሚትን ኣጋጣምታት ዝነበረ ግዚ ቃልሲ ኣዝዩ ውረድ ደይብ ዝነበሮ፡ ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ዝተሰርሓሉን ዘየድሊ ስንብራት ዝገደፈ ኣሉታዊ ክስተታት ዝተራእየሉን ምንባሩ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ናይዚ ሎሚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ መልክዕ ኣካይዳ እውን ካብ ናይ ሽዑ ዝተፈልየ ኣይኮነን።

ካብዞም ኣቐዲምና ዝገለጽናዮም ናይቲ እኩብ ድምር ቃልስን ዓወትን ተሳተፍቲ ቀንዲ ተዋሳኢ ኣበየናይ ውድብ ነይሩ ብዘየገድስ ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኮነ ህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ቦታኡ እቲ ዝበለሐ ምንባሩ ርዱእ እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ ነዚ ኣብቲ ዝኸበረ ዋጋ ህይወት ዘኽፍል ብራኸ ንዝነበረ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ቆላሕታን ሓበንን ዝወሃቦ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ከም መዓልቲ ምጅማር ሰውራ ባሕቲ መስከረም፡ 24 ጉንበትን መዓልቲ ናጽነትን  ካለኦት ከም ውግእ ተጐርባን ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕን ዝኣመሰሉ ኣገደስቲ ዕለታት ክዝከሩ እንከለዉ ግደ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ጐሊሑ ዝለዓል። ካብዚ ነቒሎም እዮም ከኣ ኣብዚ ቅንያትዚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ክጽሕፉን ክምድሩን እንከለዉ ንግደን ጀግንነትን ሰራዊት ኣዕዚዞ ከመጉሱ ዝቐነዩ። ኣብዚ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎምዘመን ዝኽሪ ፈንቅል ግና ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ስሙ ዝለዓል ዘሎ ብዛዕባ ጀግንነቱን ግደኡ ኣብ ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ ንሓርበኝነቱ ጸለሎ ብዝቐብእ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብዘይጉዳዩ እዩ። ወዮ ተፈጺሙ ኢልካ ምእማኑ ብዘጸግም መስተንክራዊ ጅግንነት ክዝንተወሉ ዝጸንሐ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ  ብኸምዚ ብማዕከናት ዜና ንሰምዖ ዘለና መወራዘይን መናውሒ ዕድመ ዲክታተርነትን  ኮይኑ ክለዓል እንከሎ “ክልተሻብ ተራኢኻ” ዘብል እዩ።

ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ዝኸበደን ዝዓዘዘን ዝኸውን ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ኣብቲ በሊሕ ጥርዚ ናይ ቃልሲ ስለ ዝስለፍ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናይቶም ንኣካሎም ጸሎት ኣብ ዘይተገብረሉ ናይ በረኻ ቀብሪ ኣብ ጉድጓድ ቀቢሩ ሕድሮም ግና ዝተረከበ ጀጋኑ በዓል ዕዳ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። ሓድሪ ምቕባል ኣይኮነንዶ ናይ ስዉእ ናይ ህልዊ እውን ረዚን እዩ። ቃል ኣቲኻ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ምዕባር ከኣ እቲ ዝዓበየ ናይ ጥልመት መግለጺ እዩ። ነቲ ብህይወቱ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝረኣየ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብስዉኣት ብጾቱ ዝተዋህበ ሕድሪ “ንኤርትራ ካብ መግዛእቲ መንዚዕኩም ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣረክቡልና” ዝብል ጥራይ ኣይነበረን። ናጽነት ኤርትራ ከም ዘይተርፍ እሞ እቲ ስዉእ እውን ምጥርጣር ኣይነበሮን። ስለዚ እቲ ቀንዲ ለበዋኡስ “ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ህዝባ ብዘይስኽፍታ መሊኡ ዝረግጸላን ዓው ኢሉ ዝዛረበላን ክሳብ ትኸውን ጸኒዕኩም ቀጽሉ” ዝብል እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምስ ህዝቦም ዝጠለሙ ህሉዋት ተመሳሲሉ ሕድሪ ስዉኣትዶ ጠሊሙ ምንባር መሪጹ፡ ወይስ ከምቲ ሓመድ ኣዳም ከልብሶም እንከሎ “ስዉኣትና ቅሰኑ ሕድርኹም ክንትግብሮ ኢና”  ኢሉ ዘፋነዎም  ኣብ ቃሉ ጸኒዑ፡ ባዕሉ ምስ ሕልናኡ ተማኺሩ ክምልሶ ዘለዎ እዩ።

እንተ ንሕና ምስ ውሑዳት ብጽበት ዝዓወሩን ውልቃውነት ስዒርዎም ንህዝቢ ዝጠለሙን  ወጊኑ ናይ ሓሶት “ስጋ ስዉኣት” እንዳመሓለ፡ ነቲ ሕድሪ ብኽንድቲ ዝተረከቦ ክብደት ኣየኽበሮን ዝብል ተሪር ዕቃበ እዩ ዘለና። ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ህዝባን እውን ነዚ ገሊሑ ዝረአ ሓቂ እዩ ዝቕበል።  ይኹን እምበር ሕጂ እውን ረፊዱ እምበር ኣይዓረበን እሞ፡ ኣብዚ ብምኽንያት መበል 31 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮኡ ብኣውንታኡ ዝዝንተወሉ ዘሎ ቅነ ኣብ ርእሲቲ ባዕሉ ዘይስሕቶ ምዃኑ፡  “ሰራዊት ኤርትራ፡ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ከይዓብር” ብዝብል ከነዘኻኽሮ እዋኑ እዩ። ኣዚ እዋንዚ ስም ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዝተፈላለዩ ሃገራትን ዓበይቲ ማዕከናት ዜና ዓለምናን፡ እንተላይ ንዝሓለፈ ታሪኽ ጅግንነቱ ብዝድውን “ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብ ዘይጉዳዩ” ዝለዓለሉ ዘሎ ሕማቕ ኣጋጣሚ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ብዘሎ ብቐጥታ ብዝምልከቶ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ኣጀንዳ ክጅመር ዝግበኦ ኩነታት ናይ ምቕያር ተደራራቢ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክሞ ምዃኑ ከስተብህለሉ ይግበኦ።

Sunday, 14 February 2021 12:57

The ELF’s mass jail-break of 1975

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FEBRUARY 13, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

The Notable Prison Break of 1975

Source: BBC Tigrinya

An interesting story appeared on BBC Tigrinya website yesterday which instantly stirred a lot of interest in social media all day.

The story was about the historic prison break of 1975 from Sembel and Adi-Quala prisons organised by Eritrean Liberation Front fighters.

SEMBEL is the area around the present Asmara airport which was expropriated for an Italian farm in the 1890s and then developed as a military airport and barracks during the 1930s. The name was applied to the military complex used by the commandos and the Ethiopian army from the 1960s and to the military prison established there mainly for captured Eritrean fighters.

Adi Quala was a small village of no importance before the Italians established a fort there in 1890 to defend the central plateau against a possible attack from Tigray. It remained a garrison town known particularly for its massive stone prison until the British period when primary and secondary schools were established and its Eritrean population began to increase.  By 1962, there were 1,500 residents, and this increased as its Ethiopian garrison grew during the armed struggle.

On 12 February 1975, cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) managed to convince the Eritrean prison guards there and at the prison at Adi Quala to desert and free their captives.

In this simultaneous operations, the ELF released around 1,000 prisoners from Sembel and Adi Quala, including ELF operatives Seyoum Ogbamichael and Woldedawit Temesgen and one of the top political strategists of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Haile Woldetensae, taking the sick and injured out by truck and using ladders to scale the wire fences for the others.

On that day 700 prisoners were freed from Sembel and 300 from Adi Quala.

However, according to Eritrean Historical Dictionary, the prison was soon filled again with fighters captured around Adi Yaqob and elsewhere, 45 of whom were executed in 1984 after an EPLF raid on the neighbouring airport.

In 1980 Woldesus Ammar, a veteran ELF fighter, had a chance to interview Woldedawit Temesghen (1945–1985), the unwavering ELF operative who committed his short life to the struggle until he was assassinated in Sudan in 1985.

Woldedawit, together with his comrade Seyoum Ogbamichael, played crucial role in the historic prison break of 1975. Woldedawit was a member of the activist cohort at ‘Scuola Vittorio’, the Prince Mekonnen Secondary School, in the 1960s that included many future leaders of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).  The militant group of the 1960s from Prince Makonnen included Woldesus Ammar, Seyoum Ogbamichael, Woldedawit Temesghen, Michael Gaber, Isaias Afwerki, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae and more.

  • Woldesus Ammar lives in Switzerland and he, together with his EPDP group, is still fighting for human and democratic rights of Eritreans.
  • Seyoum Ogbamichael who went on to chair the Eritrean Liberation Front–Revolutionary Council died in 2005.
  • Woldedawit Temesghen who was instrumental in organising the prison break of 1975 was assassinated in 1985 in Sudan.
  • Michael Gaber, a renowned ELF fighter who set up the education system for Eritrean refugees in the Sudan. Michael taught there from 1978 through 1992 when he was killed in a bus accident.
  • Isaias Afwerki is the current unelected president of Eritrea.
  • Mussie Tesfamichael Mussie was a member of a leftist trend that emerged within the evolving front in 1973—the Menqa—to challenge Isaias Afwerki’s autocratic leadership. Isaias Afwerki and his supporters acted ruthlessly to suppress the ‘menqa’ group by executing key organisers and arresting dozens of their supporters. Mussie was among the executed.
  • Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae was one of the inner circle among Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) founders and a leading ideologue of the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). He served in a range of cabinet posts in the Government of Eritrea before he was dismissed and then imprisoned in 2001 for his role in the Group of 15 (G-15) reformists who criticised President Isaias Afwerki for his undemocratic rule. Haile was imprisoned on 18 September 2001, together with 10 of the other Open Letter signers who were in the country at that time, and he was not seen or heard from after that.

Woldedawit Temesgen left school with Seyoum Ogbamichael to join the ELF in 1965. Once in Kassala, Sudan, he and Seyoum were assigned to the front’s new Fifth Division and sent back to Asmara to organise a network of secret cells. According to Historical Dictionary of Eritrea, on 31 August, after only 10 days of clandestine meetings with students, teachers, and workers, the two ELF operatives were identified by a government agent working inside the ELF, Ghirmai Yossef, and arrested during a meeting with a teacher in the Kidane Mehret quarter of the city. Woldedawit spent the next decade in Asmara’s Sembel prison before making his escape with 700 others in a daring February 1975 ELF prison break. He remained with the ELF until his untimely death in 1985.

Woldedawit Temesghen (inset) – the prisoner truck used to transport the sick during the escape.

Then and Now

Prison conditions of 60s, 70s and 80s were harsh. Most families, especially those in the lowlands, were severely affected by the imprisonment of their loved ones. Many prisoners lost their jobs for good, families went bankrupt, children grew up without their fathers, young wives were abandoned, the elderly were harassed and left on their own and in short, many more joined the armed struggle after incarceration.

That era under Ethiopian rule was very challenging to many Eritreans, particularly those affected by the imprisonment of a family member.   However, prisoners had some rights then.  Family members could visit prisoners, deliver food, provide them with fresh clothes. There was no such thing as prisoners held incommunicado.

Amnesty International has repeatedly reported that in post-liberation Eritrea “prisons are filled with thousands of political prisoners, locked up without ever being charged with a crime, many of whom are never heard from again. Those detained include government critics, journalists and people practising an unregistered religion, as well as people trying to leave the country or avoid indefinite conscription into national service.”

 

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣሰናዳእቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ናይ’ዚ ሰልፊ ብሓበራ፡

ብመጀመርታ ነዚ ዕድል’ዚ ብምርካበይ ንኣሰናዳእቲ ሰልፍን ተሳተፍትን ከመስግን ይፈቐደለይ። ንምንታይሲ ዕላማ ናይዚ ሰልፊ፣  ንሰላምን መሰል ደቂ ሰባትን ዝጽውዕ ብምዃኑ ዘሕብን እዩ። ድምጽን መርኣያን ናይቲ ብናይ ስቓይ ሓለንጊ ዝግረፍ ዘሎን ንከይሰምዕን ከይርእን ዝተዓፈነን፣ ጭውነትን ጽቡቕ ባህልን ምኽባር ሕግን ዝመለለይኡ  ሰፊሕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ’ውን ስለዝኾነ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ከባቢና ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ዘይህዱእ ኰንታት ብፍላይ ከኣ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ኣብ ትግራይ፣ ኣብ መንጎ ፈደራላዊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ምምሕዳር ክልል ትግራይን ብውሕዱ ንሰለስተ ዓመታት ክጽፍጸፍ ዝጸንሓ ምስሕሓብን ምፍልላይን ነቲ ብ4 ሕዳር 2020 ብእዉጅ ኣብ ክልል ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኲናትን ኩልና ንከታተሎ ስለዘለና፡  ብዛዕባኡ ግዜኹም ከጥፍእ ኣይኮንኩን። እንታይ ዳኣ፣ እዚ ፖለቲካውን ቅዋማውን ፍልልይ ክነሱ፣ ኣብ ክንዲ ንዕኡ ብዝመጣጠን ልዝብን እሂን ምሂንን መዕለቢ ዝግበረሉ፣ ኣብ መበል 21 ክፍለ ዘመንስ፡ ብስም ናይ ስርዓት ምኽባር ተኣውጁ ዝካየድ ዘሎ፡ መሪርን ህልቂት ህዝቢ ትግራይን ዕንወት ትካላቱን ንብረቱን ዘስዓበን ገናውን ቀጻሊ  ዘሎን ኲናት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኣህዛብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝገድፎ ዘሎ ኣሉታውን ኣዕናውን ስምብራት ኣለሊና ንምቅላሱ  ኮነ ንምእላዩ ዝሕግዘና ሓሳባት፡ ርእይቶታን ተመኩሮን  ከነዋህልልን ከነዋሃህድን ይግበኣና’ዩ።

እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካድ ዘሎ ኲናት፡ ኣብ ከውሊ’ቲ  ብምስምስ ሕማም ኮሮና ክስገር ዘይካኣለ፡ ንህዝቢ ዓለም ስሒቡ ዝነበረ ፕረሲደንታዊ ምርጫ ናይ ኣመሪካ ዝተጀመረ እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ውርሻ  ናይ ሕማቓት ትምህርቲ ኮይኑ፡: ምስቲ  ኢሳያስ ንግብረ ሽበራዊ ስርሒት ኒው-ዮርክ ተጠቒሙ፡ ሰበ-ስልጣናትን ጋዜጠኛታትን ዝኣሰረሉ ዝበለየ ሜላ 18 መስከረም 2001 ዝመሳሰል እዩ። ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ መዋእል ግን ዋላውን እታ ዝደቐቐት ተረኽቦ ናይ ዓለምና ካብ ህዝቢ ንደቓይቕ እንተዘይኮይኑ ተሓቢኣ እትተርፈሉ ባይታ የብላን፣ ጀመርቲ ናይቲ ኲናት’ውን ካብቶም ዝሓለፉ ዓመጽትን ረገጽትን ስርዓታት ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝኾነ ተኣምር ዝፍለዩ ኣይኮኑን። ምኽንያቱ ዝሓለፉ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያውን ነዚ ብስም “ምኽባር ስርዓት” ዝካይድ ዘሎ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ኲናት “በትሪ ያጸንእ ሃይለ መንግስት፣ በሰሜን ያለው ተገንጣይ የወንበዴዎች ጁንታ ይደመሰሳል” እንዳበሉ እዮም 30 ዓመታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 17 ዓመታት ድማ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኲናት ኣካይዶም። ግን ከኣ ሎሚ እውን ብሓይሊ ብረትን በትርን ዝጻዓድ ህዝቢ ከምዘየለ ኣይተማህሩን። ስርዓት ድማ ብዝተኸልካዮ ሕግን ቅዋምን፣ ብልዝብን ስኒትን እምበር፣ ብውግእ ኣይከብርን እዩ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብዝተፈላየለ መልክዑን መንቀሊኡን ኣብ ዘርኢ ዝተመርኮሰ፡ ቅትለት፡ ህልቂት፡ ናይ ውግእ ገበናትን በደላትን ይፍጸም ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ትግራይ ንብረት ህዝቢ ከም ዝዝረፍ፡ ዓመጽ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከም ዝፍጸም፡ ጥንታውያ ቅርስታት ህዝብን ሃገርን ከም ዝበርሱ ንሰምዕ ኣለና። ናይ መንግስቲ ትካላትውን ከይፈተወ ሓቕነቱ ኣረጋጊጹ ኣሎ። እዚ ነቲ  መራሕቲ ሕቡራት ሃገራት  ኣብ መስከረም 2005 ንግደ መራሕቲ መንግስታት ድሕነትን ጸጥታን ህዝቦም ንምሕላው ዝጸደቐ ስምምዕ ዓንቀጽ 138 ትኽ ብትኽ ዝጻረር ተግባራት ብምዃኑ ኩኑን እዩ። መንግስቲ ኮለኔል ኣቢዪ ኣሕመድ እቲ ኣብ ሃገሩ ባዕሉ ዝኣዘዞ ውግእን ሳዕቤናቱን ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡  ካብ ቁጽጽሩ ወጻኢ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቅትለትን ህልቂትን ድማ በቲ ካልእን ደው ንምባል፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብኣግኡ ሓቐኛ መረዳእታታት ኣቕሪቡ፡ ብዓንቀጽ 139  ምትሕብባር ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቕበልን ዘፍቅድን፡ ነቲ ብጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ዝኻሓነ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ካልኦትን ዘራያት ዓዲሙ’ዩ  ጥፍኣት ህዝቢ ዘካይድ ዘሎ።

ብርግጽ፣ እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝከየድ ዘሎ ኲናት ኣዕናውን ኣብራስን ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምህላዉ ዝሕባእ ኣይኮነን። ዓለም ብዓለማውን ትዛረበሉ ዘላ ኢድ ምታትታው  ይካየድ ኣሎ። እዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው’ዚ ድማ፡ ብመጀመርታ ኣብዪ ኣሕመድን መሻርኽቱ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ዝሕተትሉን ዝስከምዎን ናይ ገበን ገበን እዩ። ከምውጻኢት ናይሥዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ ግፍዒ፣ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መሳርሕቱን እምበር፡ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ከምዘይኮነ ብንጹር ክፍለጥ ይግባእ። ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ህዝቢ ብሓላፍነት ዘሕተተሉ ተግባራት’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ሎምን ናይ ጽባሕን ወለዶ፡ ተሰካምን ከፋልን ናይዘይዋዓለሉ ገበንን ዕዳን ካብ ምዃን ግን ነጻ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን’ዩ። ነዚ ፈሊጥና እምባኣር፣ እሱራት ናይ ዝሓለፈ ኣሉታዊ ታሪኽ ካብ ምዃን ወጺና፡ ንሳቶም እዃ ንህልቂት ህዝብን  ዕንወትን ለይቲ ምስ ማዓልቲ ተሓባቢሮም ዝሰርሑ ዘለዉ፡ ንሕና ደለይቲ ሰላም፡ ራህዋን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ዝኾና ኤርትራውያን ብሓባር መኸተናን ጻዕርናን ከነሕይል ይግባኣና። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ብሓበራ፡ እምቢ ንምዕጻው፡ እምቢ ንውግእ፡ እወ ንሰላም ክብልን ኣርዑት መለኽቲ ክሰብርን ካብዚ መድረኽ ሰላም’ዚ ንጽውዕ።

ኣብ ክሊዚ፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይን ንብረቱን ዝፍጽሞ ገበን፣ ስቓይ፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ቅትለትን፡ ብቐንዱ እቲ ስርዓትን ኣዘዝቲ ትካላቱን ዝሕተተሉ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡ ንኣገባብ ኣፈጻጽማ ናይቲ ተግባር ምርኩስ ጌርካ፡ ሃይማኖታውን ቦታውን መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ ዝግበር  ንምፍልላይን ምግፋሕ ሽግራትን ዝካየድ ወፈራታት፣ ንጠቅሚ መለኽቲ ስርዓታት ዘገልግል ከምዝኾነ ምግንዛብ የድሊ። ጭካኔን ሕሱም ተግባራትን መለለዪ ውልቀ ጣባይ ናይ ደቂ ሰባት እምበር፡ ንህዝቢ፡ ንተወላዶ ናይ ሓደ ከባቢ ኮነ ንሃይማኖታት ዝውክሉ ኣይኮነኑ። ኣብ ኩሉ ፍጡር ወዲ ኣዳም ንፉዕን ሕማቕን፡ ግፍዐኛን ለዋህን ምህላዉ፣ ምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። ብሓቂ ድማ ካብ ኣብራኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝወጸ፡ ንነጻነትን  ንሓርነት ህዝቢ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ዝመከተ፡ ብፍላይ ተጋዳላይ ዝነበረ ኣባል ሰራዊት  ኤርትራ፡ ቅትለትን ግፍዕን ኣብ ልዕሊ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ፈጺሙ ክባሃል ከሎ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ጥልመት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ምዃኑ፣ ክሳብ ክንደይ ልቢ ኩሉ ተቓላሳይ ከም ዝሰብር  ዘንጊዑ፡ ልኡኽ መላኺ ስርዓት ጥራሕ ኮይኑ ምኻዱስ ኣነዋሪ ተግባራት ምዃኑ ክግንዘብ መተገብኦ።፡ ብእንጻሩ ሞት ብሞቱስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምልጋስ ታሪኻውን ጀግንነታውን ቅያ ክሰርሕ ይሕተት ኣሎ። ይውዓል ይሕደር ግን፡ ገበነኛን ግፍዓኛን ኣብ ሕጊ ዝቐርበሉ፡ ዝተራሰን ዝተዘምተን ንብረት ተጻርዩ ናብ ዋንኡ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ዝምለሰሉ ግዜ ርሑቕ ኣይክኸውንን እዩ።

ምእንት’ዚ፡ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ ድማ ደለይቲ ለውጢ፡ ሓንትን ብዙሕነት ህዝባ፡ ብሄራታ፡ ዓሌታታ፡ ሃይማኖታታ፡ ኣውራጃታታት፡ ቁንቋታታን ካልኣን ዝዓቀበት፡ ብሕግን ስርዓትን እትመሓደር ማዕርነታዊት ልኡላዊት ሃገር ክትህሉ እዩ ረብሓናን ቃልስናን። እዚ ክንገብር ምስእንበቅዕ ድማዩ፡ ቀጻልነትን ዋሕስን ህዝብ ዝኾነ፡ ካብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መጋበርያታቱን ዝተፈልየ፣  ካልእ ናይ ድሕነት ገጽ ከምዘሎ ከነረጋግጽ ንኽእል። ካብዚ ወጻኢ ንዝግበር ፈተነታት፡ ዋላኳ ዝተፈልየ ኤርትራዊ ሓሳብን ርእይቶን ምህላዉ ንቡር እንተኮነ፡ ነቲ ኣፍራሲ ዝኮነ መሚና ትርጉም ኣልቦነቱ ምቅላዕ ግን የድልየና። ምስሊ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውነትን ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን ብማዕረ ስለ ዝውክለና ንሓደን ዝቕበል፣ ነቲ ካልእን ዝነጽግ ክኸውን ከነፍቕድ የብልናን።

ካብዚ ብምንቃል፡ ነዚ ዝስዕብ እዋናዊ ነጥብታት ንምዕዋት ብዝመስለና ክንቃለስ ንሕተት ኣለና።

  1. ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእን ህልቂትን ደው ክብል ምጽዓር፡ እዚ ምስዘይግበር፡ ጸጥታ ባይቶ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣድላዪ ስጉምትታት ክወስድ ንጽውዕን ጻዕርታት ምክያድን።
  2. ክብርን መሰልን ደቂ ሰባት ክሕሎ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ክብረት ደቂ ኣስትዮን ህጻውንትን ውሑስ ክኸውን፣ ምድፋርን ምዕማጽን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንኹንን።
  3. ኣህጉራውን ዞናውን ትካላትን መንግስታትን ዓለም፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ትካላቱን ጀሚሮሞ ዘለዉ ጸቕጥታት ከሔይሉን፡ ገበነኛታት ናብ ሕጊ ንኽቐርቡ ክጽዕሩን፡
  4. ህዝቢ ንምድሓን ውሕስነት መግቢ ንምርግጋጽን ናይ ረዲኤት ትካላት ነጻ ናይ ምንቅስቓስ ኮሪዶር ክፍቀደሎም፡
  5. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዘይ ዋዓል ሕደር ካብ ትግራይ ክወጽእ፡ ዝተፈጸመ ገበናት ብነጻ ኣካላት ክጻረን፡ ፈጸምቲ ገበን ኣብ ሕጊ ኽቐርቡን።  
  6. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ንዝፈጸሞ፡ ምሉእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምዝፈጸሞ ኣምሲልካ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝካየድ ወፈራን ጸለመን ምንእኣስን ደው ክብል።
  7. መሰል ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ክሕሎ፡ ድሕነቶም ክረጋገጽ፡ ዘድሊ ቀረብ ንኽረክቡ መሳለጢታት ክኸፈት፡
  8. ካብ ትግራይ ናብ ኤርትራ ብሓይሊ ዝተወስዱን መዕለቢኣም ዘይተፈልጠን ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ብዝምልከቶ ኣካላት ምጽራይ ክግበር፡
  9. ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ቀንደኛ ተላኣኣኽቱን፡ ኣብዚ ውግእ ዝተሳተፉ ላዕለዎት ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊትን፡ ላዕለዎት ናይ ጸጥታን ስለያን ሓለፍቲ፣ ብምልኦም ከም ሰባት ኣብ ልዕሊኦም እገዳ  ክግበር ምጽዓርን።
  10. ነዚ ንምፍጻን ንምቅልጣፍን፡ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ሓባራዊ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ወፍሪ ከጽዕቁ፡ ካብኡ ብዘይፍለ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ግዱሳት ዜጋታትን ጻዕርታቶም ከሐይሉ።
  11. ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ዝርከቡ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያንን ካብ ፍኑው ዝኾነ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ህዝቢ ዘጣቑስ፡ ናብ ቂምን ቅርሕንት ዘምርሕ ዜናዊ ወፈራታትን ምውንጃልን ወጺእና፡ ናይ ሰላምን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ድንድል ንምንዳቕ ክንጽዕር ይግባእ።

እዝን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰለ ጉዳያትን  እንተጌርና ድማዩ፡ ሓገዝትን ደገፍትን ህዝብታትና ንኸውን፡ ንነብስና  ከኣ ካብ ተሓታትነት ነድሕንን ሞራላዊ ዕግበት እነጥርን።

ዓወት ንውጹዓት ህዝብታት!

ውድቐት ንመለኽቲ!

ደጊመ ንኣሰናዳእትን ተሳተፍቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊን የመስግን።

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