ኣብ ወርሒ ጥሪ ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸት ሓዳስ መሪሕነት ቀዳም 13 ለካቲት 2021 ካልኣይ ኣኼባኣ ኣካይዳ። ኣጀንዳ ኣኼባኣ ሰልፍና ንምዕባይን ንምሕያልን እንውጥኖ መደባት ብጽፈት ንምትግባር ኣሰራርሓና ከመይ ይኹን ዝብል እዩ ኔሩ።

ናይ ዞባ ተቖጻጻሪ ዝተሳተፎ ኣኼባ ዝበለጸ ኣሰራርሓ ንምምራጽ ዝኣክል ምይይጥ ኣካይዱ። ግቡእ መረዳእታ ንኽወስድ ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮታት መዚኑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ብመሰረት ቅዋም ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ዝወስድዎ ሓላፍነታት፡ ንነብሳ ኣብ ሰለስተ ሽማግለታት ማለት ናይ ዉደባን ቁጠባን፡ ናይ መንእሰያትን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮን፡ ናይ ዜናን ወጻኢ ርኽክባትን፡ መዲባ ብምስራሕ መደባታ ክተዐውት ወሲና።

እዚ ኣሰራርሓ’ዚ እታ ዝሓለፈት ሽማግለ’ዉን ዝሰርሐትሉን ጽቡቕ ዉጽኢት ዝተረኽቦን እዩ። ሕጂ’ዉን ዘዐዉት ኣሰራርሓ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ቀዳማይ ኣኼባ ዝተወሰነ ሓላፍነታት ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ እዩ፡

1. ደስበለ ካሕሳይ         ኣቦ መንበር

2. ቦኽረጽዮን ጉብሳ       ሰክረታሪ / ሓላፊ ርኽክባዊ ጉዳያት

3. ፍስሃየ ፍትዊ         ሓላፊ ዉደባዊ ጉዳያት

4. ኪዳነ ፍስሃየ           ሓላፊ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን

5. ኣስገደት ምሕረተኣብ   ሓላፊት ዜናውን ባህላውን

6. ግደይ መሓሪ         ሓላፊት ጉዳያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ

7. ረዘነ ገብረሚካኤል     ሓላፊ ጉዳያት መንእሰያት

8. ብሮት ተኽለ          ተጠባባቒ

9. የማነ ፍሰሃየ           ተጠባባቒ

10. እስቲፋኖስ በራኺ      ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸ ተቖጻጻሪ (ኦዲተር)

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።

 

የቐንየልና፡

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

02-13-2021

ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ23 ጥርን 14 ለካቲትን 2021  ብዛዕባ ሰዲህኤ ዝኽተሎ ኣገባብ ቃልስን ህልዊ ኩነታትን  ጠለባትን ሓድነታዊ ዕዮን ኣዛሚድካ ንምምዛኑን ንምንጻሩን ፍሉይ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብዚ ብኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ብጻይ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ዝተጸውዐ  ፍሉይ ኣኼባኡ ኣቐዲሙ ብኦቦመንበር ዝቐረበ ሓጺር መኽፈቲ ቃልን እቲ ኣኼባ ዝተጸወዓሉ ምኽንያትን ሰሚዑ። ብጻይ ተስፋይ ኣብ መእተዊ ቃሉ ኣካቢቡና ዘሎ ምዕባለታትን ነዚ ምዕባለታት  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናብ ዝርበሓሉ ንምውዓሉ ዝጽበየና ሓለፍነትን ኣንጸባሪቑ።

ኣኼባ ድሕሪዚ መእተዊ ቃል፡ ብሓፈሻ ብዛዕባ ዝተፈላለዩ  ሰልፋዊ፡ ሃገራውን ከባብያውን እዋናዊ ጉዳያት ሓበሬታ ተለዋዊጡ። ብፍላይ ድማ ብዛዕባቲ ቀንዲ መጸውዒ ኣኼባ ዝኾነ ዛዕባ፡ “ሰዲህኤ ዝኽተሎ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ” ነዊሕ ግዜ ወሲዱን ብዙሓት ጉዳያት ኣገናዚቡን ተመያይጡ። ኣኼባ ባይቶ ኣብ ምይይጡ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ነዚ ዛዕባዚ ብዝምልከት ኣጽኒዓ ውሳነ-ሓሳብ ከተቕርብ ኣቐዲሙ ዝመዘዛ ፍልይቲ ሽማግለ ዘቕረበቶ ንድፊ መሰረት ገይሩ ዘትዩ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰዲህኤ ዝጸደቐ ንኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዝምልከት ውሳነ፡ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብቲ ውሳነ ንከተግብርን ዳግመ-ርኢቶ ንክገብርን ብጉባአ ዝተዋህቦ ቅዋማዊ ሓልፍነትን ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ከባብናን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታውን ነዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ኩነታት ዝምጥን ውሳነ ኣመሓላሊፉ።  እቲ ውሳነ  ከም ዘብርሆ፡ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ቅዋም ተመርኲሱ ዝኽተሎ ናይ ቃልሲ ፖሊሲ  ዝያዳ ብምብራህን  ብምንጻርን  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝቕበሎን ዝሳተፎን፣ ኣብ ወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ኩነታት ዝምርኰስ፣ በብእዋኑ ዝግምገምን ከከም ኩነታቱ ዝትግበርን፡ ምሉእ ስልታዊ ምትዕጽጻፍ ንምግባር ዘኽእል ኩሉ ኣገባባትን ስጉምትታትን”  ከም ዝኽተል  ኣረጋጊጹ።

ኣኼባ ባይቶ ነዚ ውሳነ ክውስን እንከሎ ንብዙሓት ኣገደስቲ ጉዳያት ግምት ሂቡ እዩ።፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብመላኡ ካብ ሓድሕድ ምትፍናንን ፍልልያትን ወጺኡ ብምሉእ ዓቕሙ ናብ ምውዳቕ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ከተኩር ንምሕጋዝ፣ ሰልፋዊ ሓድነትን ኣገዳስነት ሓድነታዊ ዕዮ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን  ንምዕዛዝ፣ ከምኡ’ውን ብዝተፈላለየ ደረጃታት ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕ ንምድንፋዕ  ዝያዳ ግምትን ኣትኩሮን ሂቡ።

ኣኼባ ባይቶ ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ከምቲ ልሙድ ኣብዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ጽንኩርን ተኣፋፍን ኩነታት ኣባላት ሰልፊ፡ ደገፍቲ ሰልፍን ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያንን የካይድዎ ንዘለዉ ዘይሕለል ቃልሲ ኣመጒሱ ንመጻኢ እውን ቃልሶም ከሕይሉ መጸዋዕታኡ ኣቕሪቡ።

FEBRUARY 14, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Ethiopia hires lobbying help amid dual threats from Egypt, human rights critics

Ethiopia has hired a new lobbying firm for outreach to Congress and the Joe Biden administration as the country battles a diplomatic crisis with Egypt and ethnic strife at home.

The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington signed a $35,000-per-month contract with DC-based law firm Venable on Feb. 1. The contract is for an initial three months but can be extended.

Venable will provide “government relations service which may include outreach to the United States Congress and the federal government,” according to the new filing with the US Justice Department. Registered on the account are attorney Thomas Quinn and policy adviser Loren Aho. The pair also represent the Embassy of Qatar in Washington, while Quinn also represents the Hong Kong Trade Development Council.

Venable declined to comment beyond what’s in the filing. The Ethiopian Embassy did not respond to a request for comment.

The new hire comes as Ethiopia is under increasing pressure in Washington on several fronts.

Regional rival Egypt has been flexing its new lobbying muscle to try to convince Biden to follow President Donald Trump‘s lead and side with Cairo in its dispute with Addis Ababa over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or GERD. Ethiopia sees the 6,450 MW project as a vital development priority, but Egypt and Sudan want a say in how it is filled because of concerns it could hurt their downstream share of Nile waters.

Egypt benefited from personal ties between President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Trump, who famously referred to his Egyptian counterpart as “my favorite dictator” and tried to broker a deal between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan at the White House. Dissatisfied with what it called the “lack of progress” in resolving the dispute, Trump’s State Department even suspended some aid to Ethiopia in September “based on guidance from the president.”

Outflanked in Washington, the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed hired its first lobbying firm last summer. The contract with Barnes & Thornburg was for $130,000 but only lasted from June 30 to Sept. 30 (the firm provided no services after that date and is expected to shortly file paperwork indicating that it formally terminated its registration on Jan. 19, the day before Biden’s inauguration, Foreign Lobby Report has learned).

Lobbying filings show that Barnes & Thornburg’s lobbying focused exclusively on the dam issue. The firm contacted multiple congressional offices over the summer as well as officials at the National Security Council, the State Department and the Treasury Department, which Trump had put in charge of the negotiations.

Following Trump’s defeat, the Egyptian Embassy in Washington moved quickly to hire Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck on a year-long, $65,000-a-month contract. Former House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-Calif.), former Sen. Mark Begich (D-Alaska) and Nadeam Elshami, a former chief of staff to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), are lobbying for the embassy.

Earlier this month, Royce touted his conservationist credentials to pitch a virtual congressional briefing by the embassy.

“As you may know, the negotiations surrounding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam have stalled,” Royce wrote to congressional staff. “Without an enforceable agreement, the operations of the dam will have significant environmental ramifications, for both the populations of Egypt and Sudan as well as for the Nile’s regional ecosystems.”

ቀንዲ በዓል ቤት ቃልስን ዓወትን ኤርትራ መላእ ህዝባ እዩ። እዚ እቲ እኩብ ድምር መግለጺ ኮይኑ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ክፍልታት ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ከከምቲ ኩነታቶም፡ ኣነባብረኦምን ዝነብርሉ ከባብን ነናቶም ብጽሒት ነይርዎም እዩ። ናይ ሓደ ካብኣቶም ብኩራት እንተዝነብር ከኣ እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመዝጊቡ ዘሎ ሃገር ናይ ምውሓስ ዓወት  ኣይመተመዝገበን።

ኤርትራዊ፡ ኣብ ሃገሩ ኮነ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብር፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ኮይኑ ዝቃለስን  ናብ ሜዳ ወጺኡ ብረት ዝዓጠቐን፡ ብዕድመ ዓበይትን መንእሰያትን፡ ብጾታ ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ደቂ ተባዕትዮን፡ ብሃይማኖት ኣስላምን ክርስትያንን፡ ደቂ ብኣሰፋፍራ መታሕትን ከበሳን ከይተበሃሃለ ሳላ ኣብቲ ቃልሲ “ዓዳማይ ተዓዳምን” ከይኮነ ነቲ ቃልሲ “ናትና ናይ ኩልና’ዩ” ብዝብል ድሉውነት ኩሉ ዘዝኸኣሎ ኣበርኪቱ። ሳላ ከፋፋሊ ኢድ መግዛእቲ ዝኣትወሉ ሃጓፋት ዓጽዩ ብሓድነቱ ኣጽኒዑ ዝተቓለሰ ከኣ ተዓዊቱ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ግና ነዚ ስጥመት ናይ ቃልሲ ዝጠለመ ናይ “ፈቕዳይን ፈቓድ ሓታታይን” ዘንጸባርቕ ነቲ ዝተኸፍለ ዋጋ ዘይምጥን ኣግላሊ ሓደ ጉጅለ ናይ “ዝሓዘ ሓዘ” ዓምጣሪ ድሌት ሰለ ዝተፈጥረ እነሆ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕን ድሕረትን ኣብነት ኮይኖም።

ነዚ ነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ውሱናት ሰባት ጀሚሮም ንሳቶም ኣይኮኑን ክሳብ ዓወት ኣብጺሐምዎ። ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ዝተሓልፈን ቀጻሊ ዘሎን መስርሕ ቃልሲ ናይ ኣሸሓት ቀጻሊ ምቅብባል ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ሕድርን ሓቦን እንዳረከቦ እዩ ኣብዚ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ በጺሑ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኢና ከኣ ኣብ 1961 ብመሪሕነት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝተጀመረ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብ1991 ብመሪሕነት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፉ ከምቲኡ ናጽነት ኣበሲሩ እንብሎ። እቲ ኣብ መንጐዘን ክልተ ዕድለኛታት ጀማሪትን ፈጻሚትን ኣጋጣምታት ዝነበረ ግዚ ቃልሲ ኣዝዩ ውረድ ደይብ ዝነበሮ፡ ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ዝተሰርሓሉን ዘየድሊ ስንብራት ዝገደፈ ኣሉታዊ ክስተታት ዝተራእየሉን ምንባሩ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ናይዚ ሎሚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ መልክዕ ኣካይዳ እውን ካብ ናይ ሽዑ ዝተፈልየ ኣይኮነን።

ካብዞም ኣቐዲምና ዝገለጽናዮም ናይቲ እኩብ ድምር ቃልስን ዓወትን ተሳተፍቲ ቀንዲ ተዋሳኢ ኣበየናይ ውድብ ነይሩ ብዘየገድስ ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኮነ ህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ቦታኡ እቲ ዝበለሐ ምንባሩ ርዱእ እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ ነዚ ኣብቲ ዝኸበረ ዋጋ ህይወት ዘኽፍል ብራኸ ንዝነበረ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ቆላሕታን ሓበንን ዝወሃቦ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ከም መዓልቲ ምጅማር ሰውራ ባሕቲ መስከረም፡ 24 ጉንበትን መዓልቲ ናጽነትን  ካለኦት ከም ውግእ ተጐርባን ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕን ዝኣመሰሉ ኣገደስቲ ዕለታት ክዝከሩ እንከለዉ ግደ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ጐሊሑ ዝለዓል። ካብዚ ነቒሎም እዮም ከኣ ኣብዚ ቅንያትዚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ክጽሕፉን ክምድሩን እንከለዉ ንግደን ጀግንነትን ሰራዊት ኣዕዚዞ ከመጉሱ ዝቐነዩ። ኣብዚ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎምዘመን ዝኽሪ ፈንቅል ግና ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ስሙ ዝለዓል ዘሎ ብዛዕባ ጀግንነቱን ግደኡ ኣብ ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ ንሓርበኝነቱ ጸለሎ ብዝቐብእ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብዘይጉዳዩ እዩ። ወዮ ተፈጺሙ ኢልካ ምእማኑ ብዘጸግም መስተንክራዊ ጅግንነት ክዝንተወሉ ዝጸንሐ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ  ብኸምዚ ብማዕከናት ዜና ንሰምዖ ዘለና መወራዘይን መናውሒ ዕድመ ዲክታተርነትን  ኮይኑ ክለዓል እንከሎ “ክልተሻብ ተራኢኻ” ዘብል እዩ።

ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ዝኸበደን ዝዓዘዘን ዝኸውን ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ኣብቲ በሊሕ ጥርዚ ናይ ቃልሲ ስለ ዝስለፍ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናይቶም ንኣካሎም ጸሎት ኣብ ዘይተገብረሉ ናይ በረኻ ቀብሪ ኣብ ጉድጓድ ቀቢሩ ሕድሮም ግና ዝተረከበ ጀጋኑ በዓል ዕዳ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። ሓድሪ ምቕባል ኣይኮነንዶ ናይ ስዉእ ናይ ህልዊ እውን ረዚን እዩ። ቃል ኣቲኻ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ምዕባር ከኣ እቲ ዝዓበየ ናይ ጥልመት መግለጺ እዩ። ነቲ ብህይወቱ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝረኣየ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብስዉኣት ብጾቱ ዝተዋህበ ሕድሪ “ንኤርትራ ካብ መግዛእቲ መንዚዕኩም ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣረክቡልና” ዝብል ጥራይ ኣይነበረን። ናጽነት ኤርትራ ከም ዘይተርፍ እሞ እቲ ስዉእ እውን ምጥርጣር ኣይነበሮን። ስለዚ እቲ ቀንዲ ለበዋኡስ “ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ህዝባ ብዘይስኽፍታ መሊኡ ዝረግጸላን ዓው ኢሉ ዝዛረበላን ክሳብ ትኸውን ጸኒዕኩም ቀጽሉ” ዝብል እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምስ ህዝቦም ዝጠለሙ ህሉዋት ተመሳሲሉ ሕድሪ ስዉኣትዶ ጠሊሙ ምንባር መሪጹ፡ ወይስ ከምቲ ሓመድ ኣዳም ከልብሶም እንከሎ “ስዉኣትና ቅሰኑ ሕድርኹም ክንትግብሮ ኢና”  ኢሉ ዘፋነዎም  ኣብ ቃሉ ጸኒዑ፡ ባዕሉ ምስ ሕልናኡ ተማኺሩ ክምልሶ ዘለዎ እዩ።

እንተ ንሕና ምስ ውሑዳት ብጽበት ዝዓወሩን ውልቃውነት ስዒርዎም ንህዝቢ ዝጠለሙን  ወጊኑ ናይ ሓሶት “ስጋ ስዉኣት” እንዳመሓለ፡ ነቲ ሕድሪ ብኽንድቲ ዝተረከቦ ክብደት ኣየኽበሮን ዝብል ተሪር ዕቃበ እዩ ዘለና። ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ህዝባን እውን ነዚ ገሊሑ ዝረአ ሓቂ እዩ ዝቕበል።  ይኹን እምበር ሕጂ እውን ረፊዱ እምበር ኣይዓረበን እሞ፡ ኣብዚ ብምኽንያት መበል 31 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮኡ ብኣውንታኡ ዝዝንተወሉ ዘሎ ቅነ ኣብ ርእሲቲ ባዕሉ ዘይስሕቶ ምዃኑ፡  “ሰራዊት ኤርትራ፡ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ከይዓብር” ብዝብል ከነዘኻኽሮ እዋኑ እዩ። ኣዚ እዋንዚ ስም ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዝተፈላለዩ ሃገራትን ዓበይቲ ማዕከናት ዜና ዓለምናን፡ እንተላይ ንዝሓለፈ ታሪኽ ጅግንነቱ ብዝድውን “ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብ ዘይጉዳዩ” ዝለዓለሉ ዘሎ ሕማቕ ኣጋጣሚ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ብዘሎ ብቐጥታ ብዝምልከቶ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ኣጀንዳ ክጅመር ዝግበኦ ኩነታት ናይ ምቕያር ተደራራቢ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክሞ ምዃኑ ከስተብህለሉ ይግበኦ።

Sunday, 14 February 2021 12:57

The ELF’s mass jail-break of 1975

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FEBRUARY 13, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

The Notable Prison Break of 1975

Source: BBC Tigrinya

An interesting story appeared on BBC Tigrinya website yesterday which instantly stirred a lot of interest in social media all day.

The story was about the historic prison break of 1975 from Sembel and Adi-Quala prisons organised by Eritrean Liberation Front fighters.

SEMBEL is the area around the present Asmara airport which was expropriated for an Italian farm in the 1890s and then developed as a military airport and barracks during the 1930s. The name was applied to the military complex used by the commandos and the Ethiopian army from the 1960s and to the military prison established there mainly for captured Eritrean fighters.

Adi Quala was a small village of no importance before the Italians established a fort there in 1890 to defend the central plateau against a possible attack from Tigray. It remained a garrison town known particularly for its massive stone prison until the British period when primary and secondary schools were established and its Eritrean population began to increase.  By 1962, there were 1,500 residents, and this increased as its Ethiopian garrison grew during the armed struggle.

On 12 February 1975, cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) managed to convince the Eritrean prison guards there and at the prison at Adi Quala to desert and free their captives.

In this simultaneous operations, the ELF released around 1,000 prisoners from Sembel and Adi Quala, including ELF operatives Seyoum Ogbamichael and Woldedawit Temesgen and one of the top political strategists of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Haile Woldetensae, taking the sick and injured out by truck and using ladders to scale the wire fences for the others.

On that day 700 prisoners were freed from Sembel and 300 from Adi Quala.

However, according to Eritrean Historical Dictionary, the prison was soon filled again with fighters captured around Adi Yaqob and elsewhere, 45 of whom were executed in 1984 after an EPLF raid on the neighbouring airport.

In 1980 Woldesus Ammar, a veteran ELF fighter, had a chance to interview Woldedawit Temesghen (1945–1985), the unwavering ELF operative who committed his short life to the struggle until he was assassinated in Sudan in 1985.

Woldedawit, together with his comrade Seyoum Ogbamichael, played crucial role in the historic prison break of 1975. Woldedawit was a member of the activist cohort at ‘Scuola Vittorio’, the Prince Mekonnen Secondary School, in the 1960s that included many future leaders of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).  The militant group of the 1960s from Prince Makonnen included Woldesus Ammar, Seyoum Ogbamichael, Woldedawit Temesghen, Michael Gaber, Isaias Afwerki, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae and more.

  • Woldesus Ammar lives in Switzerland and he, together with his EPDP group, is still fighting for human and democratic rights of Eritreans.
  • Seyoum Ogbamichael who went on to chair the Eritrean Liberation Front–Revolutionary Council died in 2005.
  • Woldedawit Temesghen who was instrumental in organising the prison break of 1975 was assassinated in 1985 in Sudan.
  • Michael Gaber, a renowned ELF fighter who set up the education system for Eritrean refugees in the Sudan. Michael taught there from 1978 through 1992 when he was killed in a bus accident.
  • Isaias Afwerki is the current unelected president of Eritrea.
  • Mussie Tesfamichael Mussie was a member of a leftist trend that emerged within the evolving front in 1973—the Menqa—to challenge Isaias Afwerki’s autocratic leadership. Isaias Afwerki and his supporters acted ruthlessly to suppress the ‘menqa’ group by executing key organisers and arresting dozens of their supporters. Mussie was among the executed.
  • Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae was one of the inner circle among Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) founders and a leading ideologue of the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). He served in a range of cabinet posts in the Government of Eritrea before he was dismissed and then imprisoned in 2001 for his role in the Group of 15 (G-15) reformists who criticised President Isaias Afwerki for his undemocratic rule. Haile was imprisoned on 18 September 2001, together with 10 of the other Open Letter signers who were in the country at that time, and he was not seen or heard from after that.

Woldedawit Temesgen left school with Seyoum Ogbamichael to join the ELF in 1965. Once in Kassala, Sudan, he and Seyoum were assigned to the front’s new Fifth Division and sent back to Asmara to organise a network of secret cells. According to Historical Dictionary of Eritrea, on 31 August, after only 10 days of clandestine meetings with students, teachers, and workers, the two ELF operatives were identified by a government agent working inside the ELF, Ghirmai Yossef, and arrested during a meeting with a teacher in the Kidane Mehret quarter of the city. Woldedawit spent the next decade in Asmara’s Sembel prison before making his escape with 700 others in a daring February 1975 ELF prison break. He remained with the ELF until his untimely death in 1985.

Woldedawit Temesghen (inset) – the prisoner truck used to transport the sick during the escape.

Then and Now

Prison conditions of 60s, 70s and 80s were harsh. Most families, especially those in the lowlands, were severely affected by the imprisonment of their loved ones. Many prisoners lost their jobs for good, families went bankrupt, children grew up without their fathers, young wives were abandoned, the elderly were harassed and left on their own and in short, many more joined the armed struggle after incarceration.

That era under Ethiopian rule was very challenging to many Eritreans, particularly those affected by the imprisonment of a family member.   However, prisoners had some rights then.  Family members could visit prisoners, deliver food, provide them with fresh clothes. There was no such thing as prisoners held incommunicado.

Amnesty International has repeatedly reported that in post-liberation Eritrea “prisons are filled with thousands of political prisoners, locked up without ever being charged with a crime, many of whom are never heard from again. Those detained include government critics, journalists and people practising an unregistered religion, as well as people trying to leave the country or avoid indefinite conscription into national service.”

 

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣሰናዳእቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ናይ’ዚ ሰልፊ ብሓበራ፡

ብመጀመርታ ነዚ ዕድል’ዚ ብምርካበይ ንኣሰናዳእቲ ሰልፍን ተሳተፍትን ከመስግን ይፈቐደለይ። ንምንታይሲ ዕላማ ናይዚ ሰልፊ፣  ንሰላምን መሰል ደቂ ሰባትን ዝጽውዕ ብምዃኑ ዘሕብን እዩ። ድምጽን መርኣያን ናይቲ ብናይ ስቓይ ሓለንጊ ዝግረፍ ዘሎን ንከይሰምዕን ከይርእን ዝተዓፈነን፣ ጭውነትን ጽቡቕ ባህልን ምኽባር ሕግን ዝመለለይኡ  ሰፊሕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ’ውን ስለዝኾነ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ከባቢና ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ዘይህዱእ ኰንታት ብፍላይ ከኣ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ኣብ ትግራይ፣ ኣብ መንጎ ፈደራላዊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ምምሕዳር ክልል ትግራይን ብውሕዱ ንሰለስተ ዓመታት ክጽፍጸፍ ዝጸንሓ ምስሕሓብን ምፍልላይን ነቲ ብ4 ሕዳር 2020 ብእዉጅ ኣብ ክልል ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኲናትን ኩልና ንከታተሎ ስለዘለና፡  ብዛዕባኡ ግዜኹም ከጥፍእ ኣይኮንኩን። እንታይ ዳኣ፣ እዚ ፖለቲካውን ቅዋማውን ፍልልይ ክነሱ፣ ኣብ ክንዲ ንዕኡ ብዝመጣጠን ልዝብን እሂን ምሂንን መዕለቢ ዝግበረሉ፣ ኣብ መበል 21 ክፍለ ዘመንስ፡ ብስም ናይ ስርዓት ምኽባር ተኣውጁ ዝካየድ ዘሎ፡ መሪርን ህልቂት ህዝቢ ትግራይን ዕንወት ትካላቱን ንብረቱን ዘስዓበን ገናውን ቀጻሊ  ዘሎን ኲናት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኣህዛብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝገድፎ ዘሎ ኣሉታውን ኣዕናውን ስምብራት ኣለሊና ንምቅላሱ  ኮነ ንምእላዩ ዝሕግዘና ሓሳባት፡ ርእይቶታን ተመኩሮን  ከነዋህልልን ከነዋሃህድን ይግበኣና’ዩ።

እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካድ ዘሎ ኲናት፡ ኣብ ከውሊ’ቲ  ብምስምስ ሕማም ኮሮና ክስገር ዘይካኣለ፡ ንህዝቢ ዓለም ስሒቡ ዝነበረ ፕረሲደንታዊ ምርጫ ናይ ኣመሪካ ዝተጀመረ እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ውርሻ  ናይ ሕማቓት ትምህርቲ ኮይኑ፡: ምስቲ  ኢሳያስ ንግብረ ሽበራዊ ስርሒት ኒው-ዮርክ ተጠቒሙ፡ ሰበ-ስልጣናትን ጋዜጠኛታትን ዝኣሰረሉ ዝበለየ ሜላ 18 መስከረም 2001 ዝመሳሰል እዩ። ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ መዋእል ግን ዋላውን እታ ዝደቐቐት ተረኽቦ ናይ ዓለምና ካብ ህዝቢ ንደቓይቕ እንተዘይኮይኑ ተሓቢኣ እትተርፈሉ ባይታ የብላን፣ ጀመርቲ ናይቲ ኲናት’ውን ካብቶም ዝሓለፉ ዓመጽትን ረገጽትን ስርዓታት ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝኾነ ተኣምር ዝፍለዩ ኣይኮኑን። ምኽንያቱ ዝሓለፉ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያውን ነዚ ብስም “ምኽባር ስርዓት” ዝካይድ ዘሎ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ኲናት “በትሪ ያጸንእ ሃይለ መንግስት፣ በሰሜን ያለው ተገንጣይ የወንበዴዎች ጁንታ ይደመሰሳል” እንዳበሉ እዮም 30 ዓመታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 17 ዓመታት ድማ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኲናት ኣካይዶም። ግን ከኣ ሎሚ እውን ብሓይሊ ብረትን በትርን ዝጻዓድ ህዝቢ ከምዘየለ ኣይተማህሩን። ስርዓት ድማ ብዝተኸልካዮ ሕግን ቅዋምን፣ ብልዝብን ስኒትን እምበር፣ ብውግእ ኣይከብርን እዩ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብዝተፈላየለ መልክዑን መንቀሊኡን ኣብ ዘርኢ ዝተመርኮሰ፡ ቅትለት፡ ህልቂት፡ ናይ ውግእ ገበናትን በደላትን ይፍጸም ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ትግራይ ንብረት ህዝቢ ከም ዝዝረፍ፡ ዓመጽ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከም ዝፍጸም፡ ጥንታውያ ቅርስታት ህዝብን ሃገርን ከም ዝበርሱ ንሰምዕ ኣለና። ናይ መንግስቲ ትካላትውን ከይፈተወ ሓቕነቱ ኣረጋጊጹ ኣሎ። እዚ ነቲ  መራሕቲ ሕቡራት ሃገራት  ኣብ መስከረም 2005 ንግደ መራሕቲ መንግስታት ድሕነትን ጸጥታን ህዝቦም ንምሕላው ዝጸደቐ ስምምዕ ዓንቀጽ 138 ትኽ ብትኽ ዝጻረር ተግባራት ብምዃኑ ኩኑን እዩ። መንግስቲ ኮለኔል ኣቢዪ ኣሕመድ እቲ ኣብ ሃገሩ ባዕሉ ዝኣዘዞ ውግእን ሳዕቤናቱን ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡  ካብ ቁጽጽሩ ወጻኢ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቅትለትን ህልቂትን ድማ በቲ ካልእን ደው ንምባል፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብኣግኡ ሓቐኛ መረዳእታታት ኣቕሪቡ፡ ብዓንቀጽ 139  ምትሕብባር ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቕበልን ዘፍቅድን፡ ነቲ ብጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ዝኻሓነ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ካልኦትን ዘራያት ዓዲሙ’ዩ  ጥፍኣት ህዝቢ ዘካይድ ዘሎ።

ብርግጽ፣ እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝከየድ ዘሎ ኲናት ኣዕናውን ኣብራስን ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምህላዉ ዝሕባእ ኣይኮነን። ዓለም ብዓለማውን ትዛረበሉ ዘላ ኢድ ምታትታው  ይካየድ ኣሎ። እዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው’ዚ ድማ፡ ብመጀመርታ ኣብዪ ኣሕመድን መሻርኽቱ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ዝሕተትሉን ዝስከምዎን ናይ ገበን ገበን እዩ። ከምውጻኢት ናይሥዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ ግፍዒ፣ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መሳርሕቱን እምበር፡ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ከምዘይኮነ ብንጹር ክፍለጥ ይግባእ። ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ህዝቢ ብሓላፍነት ዘሕተተሉ ተግባራት’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ሎምን ናይ ጽባሕን ወለዶ፡ ተሰካምን ከፋልን ናይዘይዋዓለሉ ገበንን ዕዳን ካብ ምዃን ግን ነጻ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን’ዩ። ነዚ ፈሊጥና እምባኣር፣ እሱራት ናይ ዝሓለፈ ኣሉታዊ ታሪኽ ካብ ምዃን ወጺና፡ ንሳቶም እዃ ንህልቂት ህዝብን  ዕንወትን ለይቲ ምስ ማዓልቲ ተሓባቢሮም ዝሰርሑ ዘለዉ፡ ንሕና ደለይቲ ሰላም፡ ራህዋን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ዝኾና ኤርትራውያን ብሓባር መኸተናን ጻዕርናን ከነሕይል ይግባኣና። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ብሓበራ፡ እምቢ ንምዕጻው፡ እምቢ ንውግእ፡ እወ ንሰላም ክብልን ኣርዑት መለኽቲ ክሰብርን ካብዚ መድረኽ ሰላም’ዚ ንጽውዕ።

ኣብ ክሊዚ፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይን ንብረቱን ዝፍጽሞ ገበን፣ ስቓይ፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ቅትለትን፡ ብቐንዱ እቲ ስርዓትን ኣዘዝቲ ትካላቱን ዝሕተተሉ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡ ንኣገባብ ኣፈጻጽማ ናይቲ ተግባር ምርኩስ ጌርካ፡ ሃይማኖታውን ቦታውን መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ ዝግበር  ንምፍልላይን ምግፋሕ ሽግራትን ዝካየድ ወፈራታት፣ ንጠቅሚ መለኽቲ ስርዓታት ዘገልግል ከምዝኾነ ምግንዛብ የድሊ። ጭካኔን ሕሱም ተግባራትን መለለዪ ውልቀ ጣባይ ናይ ደቂ ሰባት እምበር፡ ንህዝቢ፡ ንተወላዶ ናይ ሓደ ከባቢ ኮነ ንሃይማኖታት ዝውክሉ ኣይኮነኑ። ኣብ ኩሉ ፍጡር ወዲ ኣዳም ንፉዕን ሕማቕን፡ ግፍዐኛን ለዋህን ምህላዉ፣ ምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። ብሓቂ ድማ ካብ ኣብራኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝወጸ፡ ንነጻነትን  ንሓርነት ህዝቢ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ዝመከተ፡ ብፍላይ ተጋዳላይ ዝነበረ ኣባል ሰራዊት  ኤርትራ፡ ቅትለትን ግፍዕን ኣብ ልዕሊ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ፈጺሙ ክባሃል ከሎ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ጥልመት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ምዃኑ፣ ክሳብ ክንደይ ልቢ ኩሉ ተቓላሳይ ከም ዝሰብር  ዘንጊዑ፡ ልኡኽ መላኺ ስርዓት ጥራሕ ኮይኑ ምኻዱስ ኣነዋሪ ተግባራት ምዃኑ ክግንዘብ መተገብኦ።፡ ብእንጻሩ ሞት ብሞቱስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምልጋስ ታሪኻውን ጀግንነታውን ቅያ ክሰርሕ ይሕተት ኣሎ። ይውዓል ይሕደር ግን፡ ገበነኛን ግፍዓኛን ኣብ ሕጊ ዝቐርበሉ፡ ዝተራሰን ዝተዘምተን ንብረት ተጻርዩ ናብ ዋንኡ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ዝምለሰሉ ግዜ ርሑቕ ኣይክኸውንን እዩ።

ምእንት’ዚ፡ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ ድማ ደለይቲ ለውጢ፡ ሓንትን ብዙሕነት ህዝባ፡ ብሄራታ፡ ዓሌታታ፡ ሃይማኖታታ፡ ኣውራጃታታት፡ ቁንቋታታን ካልኣን ዝዓቀበት፡ ብሕግን ስርዓትን እትመሓደር ማዕርነታዊት ልኡላዊት ሃገር ክትህሉ እዩ ረብሓናን ቃልስናን። እዚ ክንገብር ምስእንበቅዕ ድማዩ፡ ቀጻልነትን ዋሕስን ህዝብ ዝኾነ፡ ካብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መጋበርያታቱን ዝተፈልየ፣  ካልእ ናይ ድሕነት ገጽ ከምዘሎ ከነረጋግጽ ንኽእል። ካብዚ ወጻኢ ንዝግበር ፈተነታት፡ ዋላኳ ዝተፈልየ ኤርትራዊ ሓሳብን ርእይቶን ምህላዉ ንቡር እንተኮነ፡ ነቲ ኣፍራሲ ዝኮነ መሚና ትርጉም ኣልቦነቱ ምቅላዕ ግን የድልየና። ምስሊ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውነትን ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን ብማዕረ ስለ ዝውክለና ንሓደን ዝቕበል፣ ነቲ ካልእን ዝነጽግ ክኸውን ከነፍቕድ የብልናን።

ካብዚ ብምንቃል፡ ነዚ ዝስዕብ እዋናዊ ነጥብታት ንምዕዋት ብዝመስለና ክንቃለስ ንሕተት ኣለና።

  1. ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእን ህልቂትን ደው ክብል ምጽዓር፡ እዚ ምስዘይግበር፡ ጸጥታ ባይቶ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣድላዪ ስጉምትታት ክወስድ ንጽውዕን ጻዕርታት ምክያድን።
  2. ክብርን መሰልን ደቂ ሰባት ክሕሎ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ክብረት ደቂ ኣስትዮን ህጻውንትን ውሑስ ክኸውን፣ ምድፋርን ምዕማጽን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንኹንን።
  3. ኣህጉራውን ዞናውን ትካላትን መንግስታትን ዓለም፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ትካላቱን ጀሚሮሞ ዘለዉ ጸቕጥታት ከሔይሉን፡ ገበነኛታት ናብ ሕጊ ንኽቐርቡ ክጽዕሩን፡
  4. ህዝቢ ንምድሓን ውሕስነት መግቢ ንምርግጋጽን ናይ ረዲኤት ትካላት ነጻ ናይ ምንቅስቓስ ኮሪዶር ክፍቀደሎም፡
  5. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዘይ ዋዓል ሕደር ካብ ትግራይ ክወጽእ፡ ዝተፈጸመ ገበናት ብነጻ ኣካላት ክጻረን፡ ፈጸምቲ ገበን ኣብ ሕጊ ኽቐርቡን።  
  6. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ንዝፈጸሞ፡ ምሉእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምዝፈጸሞ ኣምሲልካ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝካየድ ወፈራን ጸለመን ምንእኣስን ደው ክብል።
  7. መሰል ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ክሕሎ፡ ድሕነቶም ክረጋገጽ፡ ዘድሊ ቀረብ ንኽረክቡ መሳለጢታት ክኸፈት፡
  8. ካብ ትግራይ ናብ ኤርትራ ብሓይሊ ዝተወስዱን መዕለቢኣም ዘይተፈልጠን ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ብዝምልከቶ ኣካላት ምጽራይ ክግበር፡
  9. ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ቀንደኛ ተላኣኣኽቱን፡ ኣብዚ ውግእ ዝተሳተፉ ላዕለዎት ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊትን፡ ላዕለዎት ናይ ጸጥታን ስለያን ሓለፍቲ፣ ብምልኦም ከም ሰባት ኣብ ልዕሊኦም እገዳ  ክግበር ምጽዓርን።
  10. ነዚ ንምፍጻን ንምቅልጣፍን፡ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ሓባራዊ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ወፍሪ ከጽዕቁ፡ ካብኡ ብዘይፍለ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ግዱሳት ዜጋታትን ጻዕርታቶም ከሐይሉ።
  11. ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ዝርከቡ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያንን ካብ ፍኑው ዝኾነ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ህዝቢ ዘጣቑስ፡ ናብ ቂምን ቅርሕንት ዘምርሕ ዜናዊ ወፈራታትን ምውንጃልን ወጺእና፡ ናይ ሰላምን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ድንድል ንምንዳቕ ክንጽዕር ይግባእ።

እዝን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰለ ጉዳያትን  እንተጌርና ድማዩ፡ ሓገዝትን ደገፍትን ህዝብታትና ንኸውን፡ ንነብስና  ከኣ ካብ ተሓታትነት ነድሕንን ሞራላዊ ዕግበት እነጥርን።

ዓወት ንውጹዓት ህዝብታት!

ውድቐት ንመለኽቲ!

ደጊመ ንኣሰናዳእትን ተሳተፍቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊን የመስግን።

የቐንየለይ።

 

Saturday, 13 February 2021 20:37

Radio dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 13.02.2021

Written by
Saturday, 13 February 2021 12:17

Ethiopia’s social media war

Written by

AFRICAERITREAETHIOPIAHORN OF AFRICA

Anyone who takes a stand opposing the war in Tigray finds themselves attacked on social media.

I make no complaint about this; everyone is entitled to their opinion. Sometimes the attacks are abusive, which only undermines the abuser.

Having been a journalist for four decades, I am used to attacks.

But it is one thing to be attacked by individuals – quite another to be attacked by a state, attempting to appear to be an ordinary person.

Ethiopian government surveillance

It is important to know what weapons a state can deploy against its critics. For several years the Ethiopian government has paid commercial companies to undertake these activities.

As Voice of America reported:[1]

“Since 2016, the Ethiopian government has targeted dissidents and journalists in nearly two dozen countries with spyware provided by an Israeli software company, according to a new report from Citizen Lab, a research and development group at the University of Toronto. Once their computers are infected, victims of the attack can be monitored covertly whenever they browse the web, the report says. Based on an in-depth analysis of the methods used to trick victims into installing the software, Citizen Lab concluded that “agencies of the Ethiopian government” deployed the spyware to target individuals critical of their policies.”

This analysis was supported by Human Rights Watch.[2] “The Ethiopian government has doubled down on its efforts to spy on its critics, no matter where they are in the world,” said Cynthia Wong, senior internet researcher at Human Rights Watch. “These attacks threaten freedom of expression and the privacy and the digital security of the people targeted.”

A report by Freedom House published this month came to this conclusion:[3]

“The Horn of Africa is broadly an active area, with cases of transnational repression carried out by the governments of Ethiopia, Sudan, and South Sudan. The Ethiopian cases documented by Freedom House took place before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, a transition that initially resulted in some prodemocratic reforms. However, reports in late 2020 indicate that as the internal Tigrayan conflict unfolds, the Ethiopian government has rendered Ethiopian Tigrayans, including some who serve in the country’s military abroad. Earlier, in 2014, there were three renditions of perceived political opponents from Kenya, and one each from Yemen and South Sudan. A 2017 CitizenLab report identified the use of commercial spyware against dissidents outside of Ethiopia, including in the United States and United Kingdom.”

Surveillance has been accompanied by repeated closures of the internet by the government.  But the Ethiopian government went further. It manipulated which sites could be viewed. As a study provided by Amnesty International put it:

“Overall, 16 different Ethiopian news outlets presented signs of censorship, many of which showed evidence of being blocked prior to the state of emergency declaration.”[4]

Social media manipulation

It is against this background of surveillance, censorship and blocking that the reports of social median manipulation should be judged. Of course, Ethiopia is by no means the only government in Africa that uses these techniques. The South African authorities used a British PR company, Bell Pottinger, to attack its opponents, fanning the flames of a race war in the country.[5]

“Ethiopia’s ruling party hired people to influence social media conversations in its favor” – according to a report sighted by the New York Times.[6]  This view is supported by a study by the London School of Economics which gave details of how the Ethiopian government was behaving.[7] It makes chilling reading and is quoted at length.

“Social media has become a battleground for the leaders of African countries and their opposition. The consequences are devastating. Ethiopia’s latest conflict was preceded by an escalation in the circulation of hate speech and disinformation on Facebook, which intensified ethnic divisions and provided a platform for mobilising attacks. In turn, these troubling trends have justified the Ethiopian government’s decision to cut off internet and communications in the region of Tigray where the violence is taking place. Both uses of social media – its weaponisation and its prohibition – have had tragic implications for human rights. The manipulation of social media is becoming a common occurrence not just in African countries, but globally. The divisive nature of social media transcends borders, fostering tensions in democratic and authoritarian countries alike. Facebook still enables white nationalist groups to operate in the United States, but American-owned tech companies’ pernicious impact in other parts of the world calls for stricter international regulations. 

Unsociable Media

Unrest in Ethiopia is largely due to the country’s volatile ethnic politics. Since 1991, the country was divided into federal ethnic regions and governed by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of the four main ethnic parties: the Amhara, Oromo, Tigrayan, and southern groups. Despite the apparent diversity of the leadership, the coalition was dominated by the Tigrayan party, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which created resentment among the other ethnic groups. Perceived inequality, along with repressive authoritarian governance, forced displacement, and an ongoing war with neighbouring Eritrea fomented widespread discontent, culminating in a series of protests which brought Abiy Ahmed to the chairmanship of the EPRDF in 2018. For many, Abiy, an Oromo, symbolised an opportunity for meaningful political reform. He set off to a promising start by making peace with Eritrea, releasing political prisoners and reintroducing opposition parties, and was rewarded with the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019

Abiy sought to execute extensive political reform which would ‘subdue the role of ethnicity in politics’ and extend representation to other minority ethnic groups. He thus dissolved the EPRDF coalition into a single party, the Prosperity Party, and articulated plans to abolish the federal system. These changes generated a serious backlash and revealed the true depth of ethnic tension in the country. Those who stood to gain from Ethiopia’s ethnic politics fiercely opposed Abiy’s reforms, and many Oromo ethno-nationalists felt betrayed by his political compromise. 

Social media has only intensified polarisation. On June 29, 2020, the prominent Ethiopian and Oromo musician Hachalu Hundessa was murdered in Addis Ababa after an incendiary Facebook campaign demonised him for ‘abandoning his Oromo roots’ by siding with Abiy. Hundessa’s death was the catalyst for an outburst of ethnically motivated violence culminating in over 160 further casualties, primarily of the Christian Amhara, Christian Omoro and Gurage minority groups. Facebook was the primary platform for sharing hate speech, inciting violence and posting photographs of damaged property. 

An Ethiopian voluntary organisation, The Network Against Hate Speech, has been reporting hate speech and incitement of violence on Facebook and YouTube almost daily over the last few months. The BBC is also reporting examples of misinformation used to stir up tensions in the current conflict, such as manipulated images of a S-400 Russian missile defence system and a downed Ethiopian fighter jet which were made to look like they were related to the conflict. 

The use of technology to incite violence bears chilling similarities to the central role of the radio in the Rwandan genocide. Unlike the radio, social media is far more complex and susceptible to manipulation from an innumerable range of actors. Computer programs choose to deliver engaging, selective content for each individual user, including information that is harmful, such as misinformation, sensationalism, and “hate-clicks”. Due to social media’s lethal potential, it is imperative that Facebook and other social media platforms take responsibility for the circulation of inflammatory content. As of yet, Facebook’s Community Standards aren’t available in Ethiopia’s two main languages and there are no full time Facebook employees in the country. The $750 billion company instead relies on voluntary grassroots activists to report malicious content and events on the ground. However, there is only so much local activists can do. Facebook needs to establish effective regulations on its platform in order to prevent the weaponisation of social media between ethnic groups.” 

The Ethiopian authorities have hit back, accusing the Tigrayans of undertaking similar campaigns.[8]

“Information Network Security Agency (INSA) stated that the TPLF Clique was disseminating up to 20,000 pieces of disinformation via twitter on daily basis and working to disrupt news transmission of several national media in the country. Establishing an online media group named “Digital Woyane” and creating thousands of fake accounts, the TPLF Clique was undertaking psychological warfare against the nation using false flag tactics and fraudulent social media accounts that falsely claim to represent individuals from ethnic Oromo and Amhara.”

While this may be accurate, it is difficult to equate a resistance movement like the TPLF, fighting attacks from Ethiopian, Eritrean and Somali forces, with the resources of a government.

Perhaps the lesson we all need to take away is that we should view all social media with some scepticism and caution. Not all information is what it seems to be.


[1] https://www.voanews.com/a/ethiopia-targeted-dissidents-journalists-in-20-countries-with-israeli-spyware/4154014.html

[2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/12/06/ethiopia-new-spate-abusive-surveillance

[3] https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2021-02/Complete_FH_TransnationalRepressionReport2021_rev020221.pdf

[4] https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AFR2553122016ENGLISH.pdf

[5] https://uk.news.yahoo.com/scandal-hit-pr-firm-bell-pottinger-falls-administration-163300484.html

[6] https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/26/technology/government-disinformation-cyber-troops.html

[7] https://thelondonglobalist.org/a-double-edged-sword-the-manipulation-of-social-media-in-african-countries-endangers-human-rights-in-more-ways-than-one/

[8] https://www.geeskaafrika.com/ethiopia-tplf-twitter-bots-disseminating-up-to-25k-pieces-of-fake-news/

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኤርትራ ቅድሚ ሰላሳ ዓመታት፡ ብናይ ሰላሳ ዓመታት ቃልሲ እያ ናጻ ወጺኣ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ብዝተኻየደ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝተሳተፈሉ ረፈረንደም ከኣ፡ መበል 182 ልኡላዊት ሃገር ኮይና ኣብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዓለም ተመዝጊባ። ከምኡ ከኣ ኣብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ መበል 52 ሃገር ኮይና። እዚ ኩነታትዚ ንቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ዘበረኸን ኣብ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ዘሳገረን እምበር እቲ ቃልሲ ምውዳኡ ዘመልክት ኣይነበረን። ብመሰረቱ ቃልሲ በብእዋኑ ደኣ ሓድሽ ኣጀንዳ ሒዙ መልክዑ ቀይሩ ይመጽእ እምበር ዘይውዳእ መስርሕ እዩ።

እቲ ጌና ቀጻሊ ዘሎ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ቃልሲ፡ ካብቲ ናይ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዘይድሕር ብዙሓት ብደሆታትን ንኡሳን ምዕራፋትን ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ “ናጻ ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ ከመይ ትመሓደርን መሰረታዊ ረብሓ ህዝባ ከመይ ይረጋገጽን?” ዘድህበ እዩ ነይሩን ኮይኑ ጸኒሑን። እቲ ኣብ ምርግጋጽ ናጽነትና ወሳኒ ናይ ምዕዋትና ዓቢ ግደ ዝነበሮ  ሓድነትና ኣብ ዕላማ፡ ኣብዚ ዳሕረዋይ ምዕራፍ እውን ዝጐልሐ ኣኣገዳስነት ከምዘለዎ ጭቡጥ ነገር ኢዩ። ነዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ኤርትራ ብሓቂ ሕገመንግስታውን ትካላውን ውሕስነት ብዘለዎ “ናይ ህዝባ” እትኾነሉ ኩነታት ናይ ምርግጋጽ ቃልሲ፡ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ብዙሓት ወሰንቲ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን ዛዕባታት ናይ ሓባር ሚዛንን ገምጋምን ክህልወና ወሳኒ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ዘተኣማምን ቀጻሊ ፍታሕ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ተረድኦ ክስረት እንከሎ ዘተኣማምን  ስለ ዝኾነ። ብግብሪ ንርእዮ ከም ዘለና ከኣ ምድልዳል ሓድነትና ከም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎሚ ቃልሲ፡ ካብቲ ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝነበሮ ንላዕሊ በዳሂ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ ከኣ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ኣዝዩ ዝረቐቐን ንምዕዋቱ ዝያዳ ጻዕርን ዝሰጠመ ሓድነትን ዝሓትትን ምዃኑ ዘርኢ እዩ።  ብዓንተብኡ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክብገስ ከሎ ንመሰልን ሓርነትን ህዝቢ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ንኤርትራ ናብ ህዝባ ወሳኒ ዝኾነላ ብቅዋም እትምራሕ ዲሞክራስያዊት ሃገር ንምስግጋራ ክንድቲ ናጻ ንምውጸኣ ዝወሰደ ዓመታት ክወስድዩ ኢልካ ክግመት ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ ነይሩ። እቲ ዘተሓሳስብ ግን፡ ንዕዘቦ ከምዘለና ብግብሪ ብክንድኡ ዓመታት እውን  ኣይተወደአን።

ኣብዚ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ወሳኒ ቃልሲ ከምቲ እንደልዮን ኣብቲ ዝተጸበናዮ ግዜን ናይ ዘይምዕዋትና ምኽንያት ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክንምክት ዘብቅዓና ሓድነት ከነውሕስ ዘይምኽኣልና እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሓድነት ወሳንን ንምዕዋቱ ፈታንን እዩ እንብል፡ ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃልስና ዘይረኣዩ ዝነበሩ፡ ንሓድነትና ብኣሉታ ዝጸልዉ ዝተፈላለዩ ድሌታትን ብዙሕነታዊ ስምዒታትን ይቀላቐሉ ስለ ዘለዉ እዩ። እዞም ስምዒታት ሎሚ ዝተፈጥሩ ዘይኮኑ ኣብቲ ሳላ ጽኑዕ ሓድነትና ተዓዊትና ሃገር ዘውሓስናሉ ግዜ ቃልሲ እውን ክንዲ’ቲ ሓያል ጎንታትና ብዘይምዃኖም ደኣ ኣይዓንቀፉናን እምበር ምሳና ዝነበሩ እዮም። እቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረና ንስምዒታት ብፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ናይ ምውጋን ዓቕሚ፡ ኣኽእሎን ሓላፍነትን “ሎሚ ደኣ ናበይ ከይዱ?” ዝብል ዘዛርብን ዘገርምን ኮይኑ ዘሎ እዩ። ከምቲ “ካብ ልቢ እንተሓዚንካ ንብዓት ኣይኣብን” ዝበሃል፡ ጸቢብ ውልቃውን ጉጅላውን ስምዒታትና ውሒጥና ንህልውና ሃገርናን ረብሓ ህዝባን ቀዳምነት እንተንህብ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ብደሆ ኣባና ጥራይ ዘጋጠመን ዘይፍታሕን ኣይኮነን። ቀዳምነትና መልክዕና ንዝኾነ ብዙሕነትናን ናይ ዝተወሰነ ኩርናዕ ድሌትን መዝሚዝካ ቅድሚት ምስራዕ  እንተኮይኑ ግና ፍልልያትና ዝፈትሕ ዘይኮነስ ካልእ ጸገም ዝጐትት ከም ዝኸውን ምልክታት ክንርኢ ጸኒሕና ኢና።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሓድነት መሬትን ህዝብን ኤርትራ ብዘውሓሰ፡ ኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ኣብ ጽላል ሃገርነት ብዘተባብዕን ብዘይምእኩል ኣገባብ እትመሓደርን ኤርትራ ክትህልው ዝቃለስ ሰልፊ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ቅድም ሓሓሊፉ ክርአ ንዝጸንሐ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከኣ ምስቲ ኣብ ክልል ትግራይ ዝረአ ዘሎ ምዕባለ ዝያዳ ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ዘሎ፡ ንካርታ ናይታ ብክቡር ዋጋ መስዋእቲ ዝመጸት ሃገር ዝቕይርን ንናይቲ ብሓባር ተሰዊኡ ኣብ ሓደ ጉድጓድ ዝተቐብረ ህዝባ ናይ ሓባር ኤርትራውነት ዝዘርግን ወስታታት ኣሎ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ሓደ ኩርናዕ ኤርትራ ዝነብር ህዝቢ ምስ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ከም ናቱ ቋንቋ ዝዛረብ ኣራኺብካ ሓዳስ ሃገር ክትፈጥር ናይ ምፍታን ሃቐነ፡ እቲ ካልእ ሓደጋታቱ ገዲፍካ ንኤርትራዊ ሃገርነትን ልኡላውነትን ዝጻባእ ስለ ዝኾነ ሰዲህኤ ይቃወሞ።

 ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሮም ክቀላቐሉ ዝጸንሑ፡ መንቀሊኦም ንሓንሳብ ካብ ኤርትራ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ካብ ትግራይ ዝበሃሉ፡ ብሩህ መጻኢ፡ ኣግኣዝያንን ትግራይ ትግርኝን ዝበሃሉ ምንቅስቓሳት ናይ ሓደጋ ኣመላኸቲ እዮም። እነሆ ሎሚ ከኣ ምስቲ ኣብ ትግራይ ናይ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ቀልቢ እውን ስሒቡ ዘሎ ውግእ ተጐዝጒዞም ኣዛረብቲ ኮይኖም ኣለዉ። እቲ ናይዞም ምንቅስቓሳት ዝያዳ ሓደገኛ መርኣያ፡ ምእንቲ በቲ ዝሕልንዎ ሸፈጥ ንቕድሚት ንምድፋእ ክጥዕሞም ነቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ብጀጋኑ ዝተኸፍለ ክቡር ዋጋን ግዜን፡ ክብሪ ዘይህቡ ብናይ ሽፍታን ሽፍትነትን ቃና ዝገልጽዎ  ምዃኖም እዩ።

ነቶም ኣብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ንታሪኽ ኤርትራዊ ጅግንነት ዝድውን፡ ንሓድነት ህዝባ ዝብትን ኣብ ክንዲ ንቅድሚት ንድሕሪት ዝርኢ ግጉይ ናይ ጥዑሳት መስርዕ ተሰሊፎም ንዘለዉ ወገናት “ኣይፋልኩም ዓገብ” ምባል ናይ ግድን እዩ። እንተኾነ ነዚ ሓድነት ኤርትራ ዘጥፍእ ምንቅስቓስ ብዘተኣማምን ክንስዕሮ እንኽእል፡ ብግብራዊ ሓድነታዊ ኣበርክቶ ዝበረኸ ቦታ ብምሓዝ ጥራይ ምዃኑ ኣይንስሓት።

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