Thursday, 24 June 2021 21:58

Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 24.06.2021

Written by

JUNE 23, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: Just Security

With Deliberate Famine Threatening Millions, Tigray Demands Greater Action from the US

by  and 

June 21, 2021

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed began what he called a “law enforcement operation” against the Tigray Regional Government last November. Seven months later, it has turned into an internationalized civil war involving troops from neighboring Eritrea. The conflict has significantly destabilized the Horn of Africa. It has indirectly instigated a border war between Ethiopia and Sudan, as well as contributed to the escalation of rivalry between Egypt and Ethiopia over Ethiopia’s construction of the GERD dam on the Nile River. Numerous war crimes have been documented by rights groups. And the United Nations humanitarian chief Mark Lowcock just declared famine in Tigray and said that starvation was being used as a weapon of war by Ethiopia and Eritrea. As a consequence of this, an estimated 350,000 are currently living in famine conditions, and 2 million more are in danger of soon being in the same situation.

A Nobel Prize laureate, Abiy may be in the process of committing mass murder on a scale not seen in many decades. Lawmakers from the United States and the United Kingdom have called the atrocities committed by Ethiopia “genocidal.” While the U.S. government was initially slow to react, it has recently taken on a critical leadership role in managing the crisis. As this man-made famine could potentially claim millions of lives, it is urgent that the Biden administration intensify pressure on the Ethiopian government beyond the sanctions it has already put in place.Background

The war began on Nov. 4, 2020, but there is a disagreement on who initiated it. The Ethiopian government claims that it launched an offensive in retaliation to an attack on the Ethiopian army by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). While, the TPLF claims that the war was initiated by the federal government and that they were acting in self-defense. The TPLF had for weeks prior to the war warned that a joint Eritrean and Ethiopian military offensive was being planned. The African Union’s Commission on Human and People’s Rights concluded through their own investigations that it was indeed the Ethiopian federal government that initiated the war. Diplomats on the ground have also confirmed a military build-up by federal troops along the border several days before the war began. Crucially, both the Ethiopian prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, and officials from the Amhara Regional State have admitted that they had been preparing for war for two years and that their troops were mobilized on the border with Tigray and ready to attack before the war, lending credence to the Tigrayan claim.

The three actors that invaded Tigray – the Eritrean military, Ethiopian federal forces, and militia of the Amhara Regional State — had individual as well as overlapping objectives. The Eritrean government wanted revenge against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It had been the dominant force in the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government, which led efforts to diplomatically isolate Eritrea in the past. The Amhara militia’s main strategic objectives were territorial expansion and annexation of western and southern Tigray, which it claims is historically theirs, while Abiy’s main objective was the elimination of obstacles for his autocratic power consolidation. After he indefinitely postponed elections in June 2020, he imprisoned many leading opposition leaders while other dissidents were killed. Harassment of opposition parties has also made it difficult to operate and eventually led many to boycott the political process. The TPLF, which controlled a regional state of its own, was the only force with the institutional resources to resist Abiy’s centralization efforts. For example, when he postponed the elections, the TPLF proceeded to hold local elections in defiance.

The motives of these three actors converged on the desire to wage war on an entire community and collectively punish civilians in Tigray. In addition to numerous incriminating statements, the way the war was executed illustrates that civilians and civilian infrastructure were central targets of the war. One example is the use of rape as a weapon of war, which was, from the outset, widely used by the Amhara, Eritrean, and Ethiopian troops. The sexual violence often takes the form of gang rapes in groups as many as 20 to 30 men and often involves torture, leaving the assaulted women physically and mentally devastated. The latest official estimate of women needing treatment after sexual violence during the war was 22,500, but this is likely to be the tip of the iceberg.

Amhara militias also have ethnically cleansed around 1 million people from western Tigray. The troops have also systematically vandalized healtheducation, and economic infrastructure. Another devastating crime against civilians in Tigray is the use of starvation as a weapon of war. Eritrean and Ethiopian troops are systematically destroying farmers’ agricultural equipment and seeds; preventing them from farming; and obstructing the work of humanitarian workers in order to prevent food assistance from reaching the needy. Currently, 5.2 million or 91 percent of Tigrayans need emergency food, according to the United Nations, and they face a serious risk of famine. Given the level of intentional destruction, some analysts and politicians, including Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-VT), have claimed the violations may constitute genocide.

Eritrean Involvement 

The involvement of Eritrea in the war has become one of the most controversial aspects of the war, and its withdrawal of troops is a key demand by the United States and the international community. For months, both Ethiopian and Eritrean authorities vehemently denied accusations of Eritrea’s involvement, much less the way they were conducting the war. On March 23, however, Abiy admitted that Eritrean forces have been in Tigray since the war began. After months of denial, Eritrea too recently confirmed that its troops are fighting in Tigray.

Eritrean forces are implicated in most of the atrocities committed in Tigray, including the massacre in the Dengelat church, another massacre and massive looting in Axum, widespread sexual violence, prohibiting Tigrayans from farming their land, and blocking relief efforts. It is imperative to note that the Abiy administration has never protested Eritrea’s involvement. In fact, multiple reports indicate that Ethiopian federal forces and Eritrean forces conduct joint military operations. In light of these facts, it seems likely that Ethiopia invited Eritrea to participate in the war, and may have helped it operate covertly. In any event, it is evident that Ethiopia created conducive conditions for Eritrean troops to commit atrocity crimes with absolute impunity. That said, the extent to which Ethiopia currently has leverage over the Eritrean army is questionable. Such utter abdication of duty makes the case for international responsibility to protect civilians in Tigray compelling.

The U.S. Response to the Tigray Crisis 

The Biden administration spent its first five months in office trying to convince Abiy to change course, a testament to how valuable the United States sees its partnership with Ethiopia. For two decades Ethiopia was the United States’ main security partner in the Horn of Africa. There were also numerous attempts by the United States and some European States to raise the Tigray crisis at the U.N. Security Council, but they failed to produce any meaningful outcome due to opposition from Russia and China. The international organizations that had the mandate and responsibility to act abdicated their responsibility. The chairperson of the African Union Commission, Musa Faki, embraced the war and sided with the Ethiopian government early on in the conflict, while U.N. Secretary General António Guterres has not been willing to take a strong public stand against the conflict. The European Union was the only actor that confronted Abiy by withholding some of its development assistance.

When the U.N. Security Council refused to seriously engage on the topic, the Biden administration focused on working directly with Ethiopia. Biden first sent Sen. Chris Coons (D-CT) as emissary and later appointed Jeffrey Feltman as special envoy to the Horn of Africa to persuade Abiy to withdraw Eritrean troops from Tigray and allow unhindered humanitarian access to civilians. This policy achieved little, however, and it gave Abiy more time to commit atrocities and allowed the conflict to turn deeper into a humanitarian and regional crisis.

The failure of this policy was mostly due to the belief that the Ethiopian government would be susceptible to diplomatic overtures. Historical evidence suggests, however, that governments that perpetuate systemic mass atrocities on this scale rarely allow themselves to be persuaded to halt their violent campaigns by non-coercive means. For example, the Cambodian genocide ended when the Khmer Rouge was overthrown by Vietnam, while the Bosnian genocide was halted through NATO’s military campaigns.

For six months, Abiy successfully took advantage of the widely held view amongst Western governments that Ethiopia –due to its role in regional counterinsurgency and peacekeeping — is too important of a strategic partner to be sanctioned or even confronted. He used this attitude amongst Western diplomats to buy time. From the beginning of the war, he constantly made promises he didn’t keep – first, it was the withdrawal of Eritrean troops, then unfettered access to humanitarian aid. Each lie bought him some time, and rarely did the deception or atrocities have any consequences.

After months of patient, but ineffective diplomacy, on May 24, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken announced that visa bans would be applied against Ethiopian and Eritrean officials, members of the Amhara militia, and the TPLF for obstructing efforts to end the conflict in Tigray. Other sanctions included restrictions on development and security assistance to Ethiopia. The United States has also asked multilateral development banks to suspend funding to Ethiopia. The scale of the crimes and the failure of diplomatic overtures meant that the only remaining option was coercive diplomacy.

The main impact of the sanctions is, however, their symbolic effects. They convey the message that Ethiopia’s war crimes and crimes against humanity in Tigray are not acceptable.

Abiy’s first reaction to the U.S. sanctions was to rally the country behind the flag. The Ethiopian government has also made thinly veiled threats that it intends to look to China and Russia for alternative partnerships. This is, however, only a bluff. Ethiopia is a highly aid-dependent country, and it is extremely unlikely that China or Russia would be willing to provide the same level of development assistance that Europe and the United States have provided. Abiy’s current tactic seems to be to buy enough time to set off a major famine, in the hopes that hunger will end the Tigrayan insurgency. But, as the history of insurgencies in Ethiopia indicate, the armed resistance is likely to continue despite the famine.

What More Should Be Done

To be effective, the U.S. government needs to expand sanctions and intensify pressure on the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments. An incremental increase in pressure is counter-productive. Eventually, Abiy will have to politically engage his opponents; the purpose of outside pressure should be to make this happen before the famine kills hundreds of thousands of civilians and before the State collapses. It is important to disable his war machinery as early as possible.

For this to happen, the Biden administration needs to mobilize and coordinate a common front together with European and African States. While the EU has taken a strong stance, individual European countries, like France, Italy, and Germany, have been reluctant to confront Abiy on his human rights record. There needs to be a concerted effort to use financial assistance as leverage. Assets of key individuals should also be frozen through the Global Magnitsky Act.

While the U.N. Security Council should impose an arms embargo on the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments, action at the Council still seems unlikely given Russian and Chinese intransigence. As a second-best option, the U.S. government should impose an arms embargo on Eritrea and Ethiopia. As the United States is not a major arms trading partner for either Ethiopia or Eritrea, this would only be effective if done in conjunction with European States and by using secondary sanctions to deter arms exporters from trading with these countries. Over time, this would reduce Abiy’s access to weapons and ensure that his wars with Tigray, Oromia, and Sudan cannot continue indefinitely. It would also further isolate him diplomatically. So far, Abiy has rejected all calls for dialogue. Reduced access to weapons would eventually compel him to pursue a political solution. An arms embargo would also help disable Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki’s war machinery and end his destabilization of the Horn of Africa. The sanctions should be lifted only when a verification mechanism for the withdrawal of Eritrean, Amhara, and Ethiopian troops from Tigray has been put in place on the ground, and when a formal cessation of hostilities and a peace-process has begun.

More than five million people are categorized as needing emergency food assistance by the U.N., and with the current trajectory, most of these will soon be in famine conditions. If Abiy’s government is not stopped, the casualties of the Tigray war will, within a few months, exceed that of Rwanda’s genocide. If this is to be averted, the Biden administration needs to establish redlines and deadlines for compliance. If there is a continued refusal to comply with demands to end the conflict and allow humanitarian access to civilians in need, then the option of humanitarian military intervention merits serious consideration.

The U.N. Security Council is unlikely to support such measures, but the heavy humanitarian cost of inaction should be unacceptable. A NATO or other multilateral mission to push Eritrean troops out of Tigray and provide safe passage for humanitarian access may be the only option left to prevent the politically engineered famine from killing millions. The norm of Responsibility to Protect was formulated precisely for this type of situation. While there is little appetite for humanitarian intervention in the West, the alternative will be to allow the deliberate starvation of millions of people. We note that for a host of reasons, the United States has not  clearly embraced the legality of humanitarian intervention absent Security Council authorization (although a few of its close allies, like the UK, have done so). We also suspect that the Biden administration is unlikely to change the long-standing U.S. legal view. But if the African Union, NATO, or the United States with a coalition of partners, were to intervene in Ethiopia in such circumstances, while it might be viewed as unlawful, it would not be unprecedented. Given the severity of the humanitarian situation in Tigray, such action could furthermore be morally justified.  As the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty has argued, if “the Security Council fails to discharge its responsibility [to protect] in conscience-shocking situations crying out for action, then it is unrealistic to expect that concerned states will rule out other means and forms of action to meet the gravity and urgency of these situations.”

Beyond Tigray, if Abiy does not commit to a political process with his opponents, it is plausible that the Ethiopian State — with its 120 million inhabitants — will collapse. This would destabilize the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea, through which a substantial share of the world’s trade passes every year. Pressure by the United States and its partners may therefore play an important role in reversing this trajectory before it’s too late.

Thursday, 24 June 2021 12:45

Tigray: Two reports about the Togoga bombing

Written by

JUNE 23, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: Sky News

Ethiopia: Dozens reportedly killed and injured after airstrike on Tigray village

Image:This infant was among those injured in the blast
 Dozens of people have been killed in Ethiopia’s Tigray region after an airstrike hit a busy market, according to witnesses.

Health workers said soldiers have blocked medical teams from travelling to the scene after the village of Togoga was struck.

The number of people killed has not been confirmed, but one doctor said “more than 80 civilian deaths” had been reported.

It comes amid some of the fiercest fighting in the Tigray region since the conflict began in November, as Ethiopian forces supported by those from neighbouring Eritrea pursue Tigray’s former leaders.


Injured patients being treated at Mekelle’s Ayder hospital said a plane dropped a bomb on Togoga’s marketplace.

She added that a baby died on the way to hospital after the ambulance carrying the infant was blocked for two hours.

One medical worker said six ambulances carrying around 20 health workers had attempted to reach the wounded but soldiers stopped them at a checkpoint before sending them back to Mekelle.

“They told us we couldn’t go to Togoga. We stayed more than one hour at the checkpoint trying to negotiate, we had a letter from the health bureau – we showed them. But they said it was an order.”

Several more ambulances were later sent away, but one group of medical workers managed to access the site on Tuesday evening via a different route.

One woman, who said her husband and two-year-old daughter were injured in the strike, said the bomb hit the market at around 1pm on Tuesday.

“We didn’t see the plane but we heard it,” she said. “When the explosion happened, everyone ran out – after a time we came back and were trying to pick up the injured.”

Residents said the violence had flared in recent days north of the regional capital Mekelle.

Image:A baby injured in the airstike is treated at the Ayder Referral Hospital in Mekelle

Medical workers have treated around 40 wounded people, but estimate the number of injured is likely higher as some people fled after the attack.

Five patients were said to need emergency operations but the health workers were unable to evacuate them.

A doctor in Mekele said: “We have been asking, but until now we didn’t get permission to go, so we don’t know how many people are dead.”

One Red Cross ambulance trying to reach injured people on Tuesday was shot at twice by Ethiopian soldiers, according to another doctor.

He said the soldiers held his team for 45 minutes before ordering them back to Mekele.

“We are not allowed to go,” he said. “They told us whoever goes, they are helping the troops of the TPLF.”

The TPLF stands for Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the political party which governed the region until it was ousted by a federal government offensive in November.

Ethiopia's Tigray conflict: PM says Eritrea will withdraw troops from region

 

Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict: PM says Eritrea will withdraw troops from region

The subsequent fighting has killed thousands, forcing more than two million people from their homes.

Witnesses have repeatedly accused Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers of looting and destroying health centres across the Tigray region and denying civilians access to care, while the United Nations has said all sides have been accused of abuses.

Commenting on the recent airstrike, European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said in Berlin: “The situation there is appalling.”

“Today a military airstrike has been producing a lot of casualties against the civilians,” he added.


Source: Al-Jazeera

Air raid kills dozens in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, say witnesses

Witnesses say Tuesday’s attack targeted a busy market in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray village of Togoga.

Dozens of people have been reportedly killed after an air attack targeted a busy market in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray village of Togoga on Tuesday, a day after residents said fighting had flared north of the regional capital Mekelle.

The bomb hit the market at approximately 1pm (10:00 GMT), according to a woman who told Reuters news agency that her husband and two-year-old daughter were injured in the attack.

“We didn’t see the plane but we heard it,” she said. “When the explosion happened, everyone ran out. Later, we came back and were trying to pick up the injured.”

Two doctors and a nurse in Mekelle told the Associated Press (AP) they were unable to confirm how many people were killed, but one doctor said health workers at the scene reported “more than 80 civilian deaths”.

The health workers spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.

Increased fighting

The reported air attack comes amid some of the fiercest fighting in the Tigray region since the conflict began in November as Ethiopian forces supported by those from neighbouring Eritrea pursue Tigray’s former leaders.

Reuters reported that Ethiopian military spokesperson Colonel Getnet Adane did not confirm or deny the incident. He said air attacks were a common military tactic and the force does not target civilians.

Three other health workers told Reuters that the Ethiopian military was blocking ambulances from reaching the scene.

Wounded patients being treated at Mekele’s Ayder Hospital told health workers that a plane dropped a bomb on Togoga’s marketplace.

A nurse at the hospital said the wounded included a two-year-old child with “abdominal trauma” and a six-year-old. She added that an ambulance carrying a wounded baby to Mekelle was blocked for two hours and the baby died on the way.

Hailu Kebede, foreign affairs head for the Salsay Woyane Tigray opposition party and who comes from Togoga, told AP that one fleeing witness had counted more than 30 bodies and other witnesses were reporting more than 50 people killed.

“It was horrific,” said an official for an international aid group who told the AP he had spoken with a colleague and others at the scene.

“We don’t know if the jets were coming from Ethiopia or Eritrea. They are still looking for bodies by hand. More than 50 people were killed, maybe more.”

Witnesses said several more ambulances were turned back later in the day and on Wednesday morning, but one group of medical workers reached the site on Tuesday evening via a different route.

“We have been asking, but until now we didn’t get permission to go, so we don’t know how many people are dead,” said one of the doctors in Mekelle.

Another doctor said the Red Cross ambulance he was travelling in on Tuesday, trying to reach the scene, was shot at twice by Ethiopian soldiers who held his team for 45 minutes before ordering them back to Mekelle.

“We are not allowed to go,” he said. “They told us whoever goes, they are helping the troops of the TPLF.”

The TPLF refers to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, which governed Tigray until it was overthrown by a federal government offensive in November. The subsequent fighting has killed thousands and forced more than two million people from their homes.

While the United Nations has said all sides have been accused of abuses, Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers have been repeatedly accused by witnesses of looting and destroying health centres across Tigray and denying civilians access to care.

This month, humanitarian agencies warned that 350,00 people in Tigray are facing famine. Aid workers have said they have been repeatedly denied access to several parts of the region by soldiers.

The government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed says it has nearly defeated the rebels. But forces loyal to the TPLF recently announced an offensive in parts of Tigray and have claimed a string of victories.

ቃልስና ካብ መሰረቱ ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነት ሃገር ነይሩ፡ ሕጂ እውን እዚ ሓላፍነትዚ ምህናጽ ልኡላዊት ሃገር ወሲኹ ህያው ኣሎ። ልኡላውነት ሃገር ክንብል እንከለና ካብ ክብርን ሓድነትን ህዝቢ ፈሊና እንርደኦ ዘይኮነ ምስኡ ሓቢሩ ዝግለጽ እዩ። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዓመታት ብፍላይ ምስ ምትግባር  ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ብይን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ተተሓሒዙ ንልኡላውነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ፈላሊኻ ናይ ምርኣይ ዝንባለታት ከሰሓሕብ ጸኒሑ እዩ። ዝንባለታት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ “ኣየናይ ይቐድም፡ ምትግባር ብይን ዶብዶ ወይስ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣወጊድካ፡ ህዝቢ ካብ ወጽዓ ሓራ ምውጻእ?” ዝብል ኣዝዩ ኣከራኻርን ከም ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ መፈላለይን ኮይኑ ዝቐረበሉ ኣጋጣምታት እውን ነይሩ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኣብቲ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ክግበር ዝግበኦ ዝምድና እውን ናይ መቀራረብን መረሓሓቕን መምዘኒ ዝኾነሉ ኣጋጣምታት እውን ነይሩ።

ቃልሲ  ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ንግሆኡ ዝተበገሰሉ ፖለቲካዊ ዕላማ፡ ክሰፍሕ እንከሎ፡ ምውሓስ መሰል ርእሰ-ውሳነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ብሓደ ካብዞም ከሰሓሕቡ ዝጸንሑ፡ ነጻጺልካ ብምሓዝ ንልኡላውነት ሃገር ወይ ክብሪ፡ ሓድነትን ሓርነትን ህዝቢ ዘይኮነ፡ ንክልቲኦም ሓቚፉ ብዝሓዘ ኣገባብ እዩ ዝረጋገጽ። ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ኣብ ግምት ብዘየእተወ፡ ብሩባታት፡ ጐላጉል፡ ወደባትን ባሕርን ዝመልከዓት ሃገር ምውናን ጥራይ ማለት ኣይኮነን። በቲ ሓካልእ ገጹ እውን ካልእ ኩሉ ብቕዓት፡ ሓርበኝነትን ሓድነትን ብዝውንን  ግና ሃገር ብዘየብሉ ህዝቢ ጥራይ ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ህልውና ህዝብን ሓደ ካብቲ ሓደ ፈላሊኻ ዘይረኣዩ ምዃኖም ሓላፍነታዊ ግንዛበ ክንወሰድ ይግበኣና። ንልኡላውነት ክትቃለሰ እንከለኻ እንተላይ ንሓድነትን ሓርነትን ህዝቢ፡ ንሓርነት ህዝቢ ክትቃለስ እንከለኻ እውን እንተላይ ንልኡላውነት ሃገር ትቃለስ ኣለኻ ማለት ምዃኑ ካልእ ግንዛበ ዘድልዮ እዩ። እቲ “ጉዳይ ሃገርዶ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ኣየናይ ነቐድም?” ዝብል ናብ “ደርሆዶ እንቋቁሖ ይቕድም” ዝዓይነቱ ሸንኮለል  ዝወስድ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ንጉዳያት  ኣስፊሕና ከነገናዝብ ይግበኣና  እዩ። ክነጻጸሉ ዘይግበኦም ጉዳያት  ነጻጺልካ ሸንኮለል ኣብ ምባል እቲ ቀንዲ ተጠቓሚ መላኺ ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣብቲ ሸንኮለል ተኸዊሉ ብልኡላውነት ንክጣላዕ ስለ ዝሕግዞ።

ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን ሓንሳብ ተቓሊስካ ምስ ኣመዝገብካዮ፡ ኣኺልዎ ኢልካ እተዋድቖ ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻሩ ዘየቋርጽ ሓለዋን ክንክንን ዘድልዮ እዩ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኢና ከኣ ልኡላውነት ሃገርናን ብዙሕነታዊ ሓድነት ህዝብናን ወትሩ ነቒሕና ከም ብሌን ዓይንና ክንሕልዎም ዝግበኣና። ብፍላይ ኣብ ከምዚ ሎሚ ሃገርና ኣብ ትሕቲ፡ ብዘይፈቓድ ህዝቢ ኣብ ስልጣን ብዝተኾየጠ፡ እሞ ከኣ ህዝቢ ብዘይፈልጦ ሕግን ትካላትን “ኣመሓድር ኣለኹ”  ዝብል ኣካል ኣብ ዘላትሉ፡ ንልኡላውነት ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን ኣብ ሓደጋ ናይ ምውዳቖም ዕድል ክፉት እዩ። ብዙሓት ናይዚ ዓውዲ ክኢላታት ከም ዝግምትዎ፡ ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ከጸብቕ እዩ ዘይተዓደለ እምበር፡ ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ክጽይቕ ኣይክእልን እዩ ኢልካ ምድምዳም ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። ሎሚ ኣብ ብዙሓት መድረኻት ስም ኤርትራን ናይቲ ዝገዝኣ ዘሎ ጉጅለን ዝለዓለሉ ዘሎ ኣገባብን ቅኒትን ከኣ ነዚ ስግኣትዚ ዘመልክት እዩ።

ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ሰለስተ ዓመታት ዲክታተር ኢሳያስ ነቲ ንብዙሓት ዘዛረበን ዘዛርብ ዘሎን፡ ትካላውነትን ግሉጽነትን ዘይነበሮ፡ መንቀሊኡ ኮነ መዓርፎኡ ዘይፍለጥ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ተጐዝጒዙ ከቕርቦ ዝጸንሐ ጠገለ ዘይነበሮ ግና ከኣ ሓሲቡ ዝገበሮ ኣዕናዊ ምርጫ ምንባሩ፡ እዚ ሎሚ ዝረአ ዘሎ ምልክታት ናይቲ ዝተጠቕሰ ስግኣትን ሓደጋን ውጽኢት እዩ። ኢትዮጵያውያን እቲ ቅድም ምሃለውለው ኢሳያስ ዘርኣይዎ ስቕታን ጉርሕን ድማ ነቲ ዝበሎ ናይ ምርጓድ ዝንባለ ነይሩ። እዚ ስቕታ ኢትዮጵያውያን ኢሳያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ልኡላውነትናን ሓድነት ህዝብናን ንክጽይቕ ከም ዘተባብዖ ዘረድእ እዩ። ሎሚ ግና ገለ ርትዓውያን ፖለቲከኛታት ኢትዮጵያውያን ምስ ሓደ ኣብ ሃገሩ እሾኽ ዝዘርአ ጽቡቕ መጻኢ ዘይረኣዮ፡ ኣብ ጥዕናኡ ዘጠራጥር ብቒምን ቅርሕትን ዝመረተ “መራሒ ሃገር” ምዝማድ ክሳብ ክንደይ መዘዝ ከም ዘምጸኣሎም ዓው ኢሎም ክዛረቡ ጀሚሮም ኣለዉ። ንሕና ኢስያስ ልኡላውነት ሃገርና ኣሕሊፉ ከይዕድለልና ክንሰግእ እንከለና፡ ብሕቡእ ስምምዕ ወደብን ባሕርን ከይምጥው ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ክብርን ሓድነትን ናይቲ ብቃልሱ ልኡላዊት ሃገር ዘውሓሰ ህዝቢ ኣብ ሓደጋ ከየእቱ እውን ኢና። እንተኾነ እዚ ኢሳያስ ካብ ትንዕምንዕ ሓሊፉ ተደቕዲቕዎ ዘሎ ንኤርትራዊ ልኡላውነት ዝህድድ ሓደገኛ ኣቕጣጫ፡ እንተገደደስ ዋጋኡ ይኸብርን ዝወስዶ ግዜ ይነውሕን እምበር ዘይዕጸፍ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ካብ ድሌት፡ ኣፍልጦን ፈቓድን ህዝብና ክኸይድ ይደሊ ስለ ዘሎን ኣብ መወዳእታ ውሳነ ህዝቢ ክስዕር ናይ ግድን ስለ ዝኾነን። ምስዚ ኩሉ እምበር “ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምዕቃብ ብደሆ” ዝከኣል ግና ከኣ ብቐሊሉ ዝዋሓስ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ብዓንተብኡ ክንዕጠቐሉ ዝግበኣና ናይ ሓባርና ሓላፍነት እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እውን ኣብዚ ወሳኒ ግዜ ሓላፍነቱ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ምዃኑ ንካልኢት’ውን ክዝንግዕ ኣይግበኦን።

ሎሚ ንልኡላውነትናን ሓድነት ህዝብናን ዝጻብኡ ወስታታት ዋናኦም ህግደፍ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። እንተ ብፍላጥ እንተ ብዘይፍላጥ ንእኩይ ተግባራ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዘራጉዱ ኣእማን ዝድርብዩ ካልኦት ወገናት እውን ኣለዉ። ዝተፈላለዩ ዘቤታዊ ዝንባለታትን ምስ ጐረባብትና ህዝብታት ዘለና ማሕበረ-ባህላዊ ምምስሳልን እንዳመዝመዙ፡ ንሓንሳብ ማዕረ ኤርትራዊ ሃገርነት ንሕንሳብ ከኣ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ኣበሪኾም፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣንጻር ሓድነት ህዝብና ዘቐንዑ ኣጀንዳታት ምሂዞም ዝንቀሳቐሱ ንዕዘብ ኣለና። እዚኣቶም ዝኸድዎ መንገዲ ክሳብ ክንደይ ነቲ ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምዕቃብ ሓላፍነትና ከም ዘኽብዶን ከም ዝሓላልኾን ክግንዘቡ ከኣ ብዚ ኣጋጣሚ ከነዘኻኽሮም ንፈቱ። ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነትን ሓድነትን ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን፡ ትሕቲ ኤርትራዊ ሃገርነት ዝስራዕ መንነትና ብዘየገድስ ዝምልከት እዩ። ነዚ ንኡስ መንነትና ነንጸባርቐሉ ናይ እምነት ድዩ ናይ ባህሊ፡ ናይ ቋንቋ ድዩ ከባቢ ዛዕባ፡  ማዕረ እቲ ዝዓበየ ኤርትራዊ ኣጀንዳና ሰሪዕና ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስዒርና ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ሓድነት ህዝብን ኣብ ድልዱል ባይታ ከነውሕስ ከቢድ እዩ። እንተኾነ፡ ብዘይዕጸፍ ቅሩብነትን ዓቕምን ህዝብና ከነዐውቶ ኢና።

JUNE 21, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: EU

Council appoints three new EU special representatives for the Sahel, Central Asia and the Horn of Africa

The Council today appointed three new EU special representatives (EUSRs) as follows:

  • Emanuela Claudia Del Re has been appointed EUSR for the Sahel from 1 July 2021 until 30 August 2022. Ms. Del Re is an Italian national with a long academic career, having conducted extensive research in conflict areas in the Middle East, Central Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. She is a member of the Italian Parliament and she served as Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Italy.
  • Terhi Hakala has been appointed EUSR for Central Asia from 1 July 2021 until 28 February 2023. Ms. Hakala is a Finnish career diplomat with extensive experience in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood and Central Asia, including in the context of OSCE. She served in various diplomatic postings abroad, including at Ambassador level, among others in Russia, South and South-East Asia, and Geneva. She was most recently Ambassador of Hybrid Affairs, Technology and Security in the Foreign Ministry of Finland.
  • Annette Weber has been appointed EUSR for the Horn of Africa from 1 July 2021 until 30 August 2022. Ms. Weber is a German national with over 25 years of experience in the region having facilitated peace talks at the highest political levels. She has an established track record of advising the UN, the EU and the German government on the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region. She is also a speaker at the Munich Security Conference on regional issues.

Curriculum Vitae: Dr Annette Weber

Dr Annette Weber is a leading expert on the Horn of Africa with experience of more than 25 years in the region and has been advising German decision makers at the highest level. At the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) she was Senior Fellow in the Africa and Middle East Research Division since 2007, serving as Head of Department from 2012-2014. She was engaged in mediation in Sudan and Ethiopia as Senior Advisor for the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (2019-2021) as well as the Berghof Foundation (2014- 2019). Before joining SWP, Annette Weber was Coordinator and Head of Office for the Ecumenical Network for the African Great Lakes region (2003-2006). From 1996-2003 she held several positions, including Head Researcher (Sudan, Somalia) with Amnesty International and Head of Mission for Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Furthermore, she lectured as Professor in Conflict Studies, International Relations and African IR at various universities in Germany, Austria and Spain. From 2010-2012 she worked as a consultant in residence in Addis Ababa. She published extensively on peace and security in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea arena. In 2020, Dr Weber was chosen as Team Member for the UN Independent Assessment on International Support for Security of Somalia. Dr Weber was organiser, speaker, chair and advisor to several Horn of Africa and Red Sea Formats, including the Oslo Forum, Munich Security Conference, Tana High Level Forum and the Horn of Africa Security Dialogue. Annette Weber holds a PhD and MA in Political Science from the Free University of Berlin.

ፖለቲካዎ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ (ፖሓኤ)፡ 20 ሰነ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፡ ኣብቲ ዕለቱ ብመንገዲ ማሕበራዊ መራኸቢ (ዙም) ዘኪሩ። ኣብ መኽፈቲ ናይቲ ዝኽሪ፡ ኣቦ መንበር ኣወሃሃዲ ኣካል ፖሓኤ ዶ/ር መሓመድ በሽር ንተሳተፍቲ ናይ እንዃዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም ቃል ኣስሚዑ ነቲ መደብ ንዘዳለዉ ኣካላት ከኣ ኣመስጊኑ። ድሕሪቲ መኽፈቲ ቃልን ንሰማእታት ዝምልከት መዝሙርን ከኣ፡ ነታ ዕለት ዝምልከት ብኣወሃሃዲ ኣካል ፖሓኤ ዝተዳለወ መግለጺ፡ ነቲ መደብ ብዝመርሕዎ ኣሕዋት መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮምን እስማዒል ገበይታን ብትግርኛን ዓረበኛን ብንባብ ቀሪቡ።

ኣብቲ መግለጺ፡ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ስዉኣት ታሪኽ ዘይርሰዖ ጀግንነት ተጠቒሱ፡ እንተኾነ ሕድሮም ስለ ዝተጠልመ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክሳብ ሎሚ ከምዘይረሃዎ ኣንጸባርቑ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቅድም ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መዳይ ደሓር ከኣ ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ፡ “እምቢ ንመግዛእቲ” ስለ ዝበለ፡ ብገዛእቲ ሓይልታት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ግዝየታትን ቦታታትን ዘጋጠሞ ጥልመትን ግፍዕን ብኣብነታት ኣሰንዩ ኣዘኻኺሩ። ብሰንኪ በደል ገዛእቲ ብፍላይ ካብ 1967 ጀሚሩ ንዘጋጠሞ ስደትን ምምዝባልን እውን ዳህሲሱ። ኣተሓሒዙ ከኣ 20 ሰነ ንስለ ምዝካር እትዝከርን እትበዓልን ዕለት ዘይኮነትስ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ንምፍጻም ቃል ዝእተወላ ምዃና ኣዘኻኺሩ።

ኣብዚ ነታ ዕለት ብዝምልከት መዛሙርን ዝተፈላለየ ግጥምታትን ዝቐረበሉ መደብ ኣቦመንበራት ናይተን ኣብ ምውህሃድ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ተሓቚፈን ዘለዋ ፖለቲካዊ ኣካላት፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ (ኤሃባዲለ)፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ግንባር (ኤሃግ)፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ውድብ ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን (ውሓኤ)ን ዲሞክራስያዊ ውድብ ዓፋር ቀይሕ ባሕሪ (ዲውዓቀባ)ን ቃል ኣስሚዖም። እቶም መራሕቲ ናብዚ ምውህሃድ ንምብጻሕ ዝተኻየደ መስርሕ ጠቒሶም፡ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ብመንጽርቲ ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታት ዝገድፍዎ ሕድሪ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ዘላቶ ሓደገኛ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ንምውጻእ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ብደሆ ጠቒሶም። 20 ሰነ ናይ ጽንዓት፡ ክብርን ተወፋይነትን ዕለት ምዃና ከኣ ኣዘኻኺሮም። ኣብቲ ኣጋጣሚ ከኣ ፖሓኤ ኣብዚ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ንክበጽሕ ተበግሶ ንዝወሰደ ነፍሰሄር ብርሃነ ወልደገብርኤል እውን ተዘኪሩ። ኤርትራውያን ብሰንኪ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብዚ ዘለናዮ ሓደገኛ ሃለዋት ንምውጻእ፡ ኩሎም ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ኣካላት ኣብዚ ቃልሲ ንክሳተፉ ጸዊዖም። ጀግንነት ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታትን ኣብቲ ቃልሲ ኣካሎም ንዝጐደለን ዘለዎም ክብርን ናእዳን እውን ብዝተፈላለዩ መልከዓት ገሊጸምዎ።

በቲ ኣቐዲሙ ብኣዳለውቲ መደብ ዝተሰርዐ መሰረት ከኣ ንነባራት ተቓለስቲ ብምውካል ገዲም ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ ብርሃን ብላታ ቃል ኣስሚዑ። ንሱ ኣብ ታሪኽ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ካብ ዝተፈጸሙ መስተንክር ጅግንነታት ንኣብነት ዝኸውን ፍጻመታት ዘርዚሩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ኣብ ሓደገኛ ኩነታት ከም ዘለዉ ብምጥቃስ ከኣ ብሓፈሻ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብፍላይ ከኣ መንእሰይ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን ንከድሕን ጸዊዑ። ኣሓት ኣስገደት ተስፋሃንስን ሓናን መሓመድ ሳልሕን ከኣ ብስም ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብትግርኛን ዓረበኛን ነታ ዕለት ዝምልከት ቃል ኣስሚዐን። ንሳተን ብሓፈሻ ንታሪኻዊ ጀግንነት ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ ከኣ ንግደ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ቃልሲ ኤርትራ ዝምልከት ጠቒሰን። ኤርትራ ካብዚ ኣትያቶ ዘላ ጸበባ ንምንጋፍ ኣብ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ኩሉ ክሳተፍ ኣዘኻኺረን። መንእሰያት፡ ዮሴፍ ኣስገዶምን ዓብዱልሓኪም ካሚልን ብተመሳሳሊ ብትግርኛን ዓረበኛን ነታ ዕለት ዘንጸባርቕን ግደ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ዝምልከት ዘዘኻኽርን ቃል ኣስሚዖም። ሓው ኣሕመድ ኣልሸሪፍ ድማ ብዓረበኛ ግጥሚ ኣቕሪቡ።

ኣብዚ ዝተፈላለያ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ማዕከናት ዜና ዝተሳትፋሉን ተለቪኝን ኤሪሳት ብመንገዲ ፌስቡክ ብቐጥታ ዘተሓላለፈቶን መደብ፡ ግጥምታት ኣሕመድ ሸሪፍን ብዓብዱልሓፊዝን ኣብ መንጎ ኣብ መንጎ መደባት ቀሪቡ።

ክቡራት ኣዳለውቲ መዓልቲ ዝኽሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፤

ዝኸበርኩም ኣቦ መንበራትን ኣባላት መሪሕነትን ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፤

ክቡራት ኣቦ መንበርን ኣባላትን ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ፖሓኤ፤

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ተሳተፍቲ፤

መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ምኽንያት ብምግባር ክብሪ ስዉኣት  ኣናዘከርኩ፡ ንኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ነዚ ሓባራዊ መደብ ሰሪዓ ከአተቕርበልና ብምኽኣላ፡ ልዑል ምስጋና ከመሓላልፍ እፈቱ። እዚ መደብ ንኹልና እቶም ምውህሃዳዊ ስምምዕ  ዝኸተምና፡ ናብ ዝለዓለ ምትሕብባር ንምስግጋር ባይታ ዘንጽፍ ክኸውን እንከከሎ፡ ንመላእ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምትሕብባር ዘተባብዕ፡ ንህዝብና ድማ ተወሳኺ ተስፋ  ዝህብ እዩ።

ክቡራት ተሳተፍቲ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ከነኽብር እንከሎና ከም ናይ ምስጋና፡ ናይ ዝኽሪ፡ ናይ ክብሪ፡  ናይ ጽንዓትን ዝተሓደሰ ጸዋዒትን ኢና እነኽብሮ።

ዕለተ ምስጋና!

መጀመርታን ቅድሚ ኩሉን ንዓና ነቶም ዘይተኣደነ ሓርነታት እንብህግ ተቓለስቲ ዕለተ ምስጋና እዩ።

ነቶም ምእንቲ ንሕና ክርህወና፡ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ከነስተማቕር እቲ ዝለዓለ  ዋጋ ዝኸፈሉልና፡  ደሞም ኣፍሲሶም፡ ህይወቶም ዘቐደሙ ናይ ሓርነት ስዉኣትና የቐንየልና ንብል። ኣብዚ ዕለት’ዚ እቲ ዝለዓለ ህያብ ህይወት፡ ንውሉድ ወለዶ ኣወፍፊኹም ሓሊፍኩም ኣለኹም። ስላኹም ኢና ንቕጽል ዘለና እሞ፡ ደረተ-ኣልቦ ምስጋናና ይብጻሕኩም ንብል።

ዕለተ ዝኽሪ!

እዛ መዓልቲ’ዚ ብጽሞና እነብዕላ ዕለተ ዝኽሪ እውን እያ። ዝኽሪ ነቶም ንህይወቶም ዘይበቐቕዋ፡ ንሞት ድማ ዝይፈርህዋ፡ ንእስነቶም ዝኸፈሉ ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን። እወ ዕለተ ዝኽሪ ነቶም ንሃገርና ኣደ ሰላም፡ ኣደ ሓቅን ኣደ ፍትሕን ክትከውን  ዝበሃጉ። እዛ ዕለት’ዚኣ ንዝኽሪ’ቶም ኣብ ዓውደ ኲናት ንቕድሚት እምበር ንድሕሪት ዘይጠመቱላ እያ።  ንመላእ ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታት ተጋደልቲ ይኹኑ ገባር ንምዝካር እነብዕላ ዕለት’ያ። ኣብዛ ዕለት እዚኣ ነቶም ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ጥይት ዝቖለበቶም፣ ነቶም ዝናብ ንዘርኢ ክረኽቡ ናብ ደበናታት እናንቃዕረሩ ብደበና ተሸፊና ዝመጸት ነፋሪት ዝደብደበቶም፣ ነቶም ታንክ ዝረገጸቶም፣ ነቶም ዓድታቶም እናተቓጸለ ሓዊ ዝለብለቦም፣ ነቶም ሳንጃ ዝበስዖም፣ ነቶም ኣብ ሑቕፊ ኣደታቶም  ዝተቐዘፉ፣  ነቶም ኣብ መገሻ እንከለዉ ዝተረፉ፣  ኣብ ጉዕዞ እንከለዉ ዝወድቑ፣ ነቶም ውሕጅ ዝወስዶም፣ ነቶም እምንን ሓመድን ዝጸቐጦም፣ ብሓፈሽእ ነቶም ናይ ምንባር መሰሎም ዝተጋህሰ፣  እሞ ንሕና ንክንህሉ ሃገርና ከኣ ልዑላዊት ሃገር ኰይና ንኽትቅጽል፡ ህይወቶም ዝኸፍሉ፡ ንዝክር።

ዕለተ ክብሪ!

ክብሪ ንዓኹም ሰማእታትና!  ልዑል ክብሪ ይብጻሕኩም።  ምሳኹም ከኣ ነቶም ኣብ ጐድንኹም ተሰሊፎም፡ ነምስዋእቲ ቅሩባት ዝነበሩ፡ ግን ግዜኦም ዘይኣኸለ፣ እታ ናይ መስዋእቲ  ጸዋዒት ዘይበጽሓቶም ግን ኣብ ዙርያ ጸዋዒት መስዋእቲ  ዝነበሩ ናይ ሓርነት ውጉኣትና ክብሪ ይኹኖም። ኣካለ ጽጉማትና ልክዕ ከም ሰማእታና ንሞት ተዳልዮም ነይሮም እዮም። ግን ካብታ  ንህወቶም ዝደለየት ጨካን ጥይት ብተኣምር ክምልጡ ስለ ዝኸኣሉ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መሬት ዝንቀሳቐሱ ስውኣት እዮም። ክብሪ ንዕኦም።  እታ ቀታሊት ገለ ካብ ኣካላቶም ጥራይ ወሲዳ ስለ ዝመኸነት ዝተረፉ፣ እቶም ርእሶም፡ ወይ ኣፍልቦም ተሃሪሞም ህዋሳቶም ተተንኪፎም ብህይወት ዝተረፉ፣ ጌና ጭላፋት  ኣብ ኣካላቶም ተሰኪሞም ዝዛወሩ ዘለው፣ እቶም ጥይት በሲዕዎም ኣብ ልዕሊ መንኰርከር ዓረብያ ተሓጺሮም ዝንቀሳቐሱ ዘለዉ፣ ኮታ እቶም ቃልሲ ኤርትራ፡  ኣካላዊ ኮነ ስነ ኣእሙራዊ በሰላ ውግእ ዝገደፍሎም፣ ኣብዚ ዕለተ-ክብሪ፡ ክብሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን ንብሎም።

ሃገርና ናጽነት ኣውሒሳ ኣህጉራዊ ተፈላጥነት ሒዛ ክትጐዓዝ  ንዝገበረ  ተወፋይነት፡ ምስቶም ህይወቶም ዝኸፈሉ ሰሪዕና ክብሪ ከነልብሶም ግቡእና እዩ። እወ እቲ ዝጠለመ ስርዓት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ስንኩላት ክብሪ ዘይኰነስ ዳግማይ ጥይት ተኲሱ እዩ ተወሳኺ ህይወት ኣኽፊሉና እዩ። እዚ ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ከምቶም ዝሓለፉ ምሕላፉ ኣይተርፎን እዩ። ናይ ውድቀቱ ደረት ትርኢት ክቕልቀል ንርኢ ኣሎና። እቲ ገበነኛ ከኣ ክሰዓር እዩ። ንዓኹም ኣካለ ጽጉማትና ክብሪ ይብጻሕኩም።

ዕለተ ጽንዓት!

ሰማዕታትና፡ መለለይኹም ጽንዓት ሕላገትኩም ከኣ ተወፋይነት’ዩ። ጽንዓት ተቐኒትኩም  እቲ ዝኸበረን እቲ ዝዓዘዘን ከፊልኩም፡ መርኣያ ብምዃን ናጽነት ሃገር ኣውሒስኩም። እዛ መዓልቲ እምበኣር ንዓና ዕለተ ጽንዓት እያ።  ንስኻትኩም ከም ህልዋት እቲ ጽንዓትኩም ድማ ከም ኣብነት ሓዲግኩምልና ኢኹም እሞ፡ ምሳና ኣብ መንጎና ከም ዘለኹም  ኢና ንኣምን። ነቲ ጽንዓትኩም ንኽንስዕብ ዕለተ ጽንዓት ሂብኩምና አለኹም።  ሕጂ’ውን ጌና ኣሰር ጽንዓትኩም ዝኽተልና ደቂ ሃገር፡ ኣብ ዓዲን ስደትን፡  ከይተሓለሉ ምእንቲ ፍትሕን ምሉእ ሓርነትን ይቃለሱ ኣለዉ። ማሕላኹም ንምፍጻም፡ ዝጀመርኩሞ ትልሚ ሓርነት ንምምላእ ምልኪ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ንምውጋድ ዝቃልሱ፡ ሽግ ጽንዓትኩም ከይቅህም ዝሕልዉ  ኣለዉ’ሞ ቅሰኑ። ንሕና እቶም  ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ሓርነት እነካይድ ዘሎና፡ ኣሰር ጽንዓትኩም ተኸቲልና፡ ኣብነትኩም ስዒብና፡ ክሳብ ምሉእ ሓርነት ኣብ ሃዋህው ሃገርና ዝሰፍን፡ ክሳብ ምሉእ ሰላም ኣብ ከባቢና ዝዋሓስ፡ ብጽንዓት ክንቃልስ ኢና።

ዕለተ ጻውዒት!

ዝኸበርክንን፡ ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ

ኣብዚ ናይ 2021 መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ሓደ ቀንዲ ሕቶ ወይ ሕቶታት ከነልዕል ግድን እዩ። ንሱ ከኣ እቲ ሰማእታትና ክቡር ህይወቶም ዝኸፈሉሉ ዕላማታት ይትግበር ኣሎዶ ኣሎ? እቲ ግንባሮም ንባሩድ ዝሃብሉ ምሉእ ናጽነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ይሕሎ ኣሎ’ዶ? ሕቶ ሓርነታት ዜጋታት ኤርትራ፡ መሰላት ምሕሳብ፡ ምንቅስቓስን ምውዳብን፡ ሕቶ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ሕቶ ፍትሕን ሰላምን፡ ሕቶ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባውን ዕቤት ተመሊሱዶ?  ብሓጺሩ ሰማእታትና በዚ  ኤርትራ ዘላትሉ  ቅሱናት ድዮም ዝብል እዩ።

እቲ መሪር ሓቂ፡ ናይ’ዚ ኩሉ ሕቶታት መልሲ ኣሉታ እዩ። ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር በቚሉ ብዝዓዀዀ ጨካን ምልኪ ተጐቢጣ ኣላ። መብጽዓታት ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ብዘይንሕስያ ተጠሊሙ ኣሎ። ሃገርና መንእሰያት ደቃ ገዲፈምዋ ዝሃድሙላ ሲኦል ከይና ኣላ። ኣብ ከባቢና ከኣ ምንጪ ሓደጋን ዘራጊት ሰላምን ተቐጺራ ኣላ። እቲ ዝገደደ ድማ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቲ ንልዑላውነት ሃገርና ዝደናደን ግሁድ ወስታታት ክድዓት፡ ናይዚ ምልካዊ ስርዓት፡  ህዝብና ግዳይ መሪር ጭቆናን ማእሰርትን ምክልባትን ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ስለዚ ድማ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ  ተወፋይነት  ዝሕደሰላ፡  ዕለተ ጸዋዒት ንምዕቃብ ናጽነት ሃገር እያ።

ንሕና ኣባላት ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሌና ዝዝንቢ ዘሎ ጸዋዒት ነዚ ብሓባር እንካይዶ ዘሎና ቃልሲ ናብ ዝበረኸ ደረጃኡ ኣብጺሕና፡ ምስ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዝሰፍሐ ምትሕብባር ኣረጋጊጽና፡ ነቲ እንኮ ጸላኢ ኤርትራ ዝዀነ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ምስዓርን፡ ናብ ብዙሕነታዊ ቅዋማዊ  ስርዓት ምስግጋርን እዩ።

ጥርኑፍ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ምክያድ፡ ምስ ብዙሕነትና ክሳብ ክንደይ በዳሂ ከም ዝኸውን ኩልና እንስሕቶ ኣይከነን። ብተመክሮ ከም ዝተራእየ እውን ከቢድ ዕማም’ዩ።  ይኹን’ምበር  ክሳብ ሕጂ በብወገንና ብዘካየድናዮ ጻዕሪ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሓይልታትና ተጻባኦታትን ምንጽጻግን ወጊድና፡ ምክብባርን ምትሕግጋዝን ምርግጋጽና፣ ንኩልና እቶም ኣብ ጽምዶ ዝኣተና ዘተሓባብር ኣወሃሃዲ ሽማግለን፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ዝዋስኡ ሓይልታት ዕማምን ምቛምና ንባዕሉ  ንደላይ ፍትሒ ህዝብና ብስራት ኰይኑ፡ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ድማ መርድእ እዩ። 

እዚ መጀመርታ ኣምበር መወዳእታ ኣይኰነን። ስለዚ ክሳብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዝሰዓርን መስርሕ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ቦታኡ ዝሕዝን፡ ኣብ ከምዚ ክቡር ዕለተ ሰማዕታትና ጸዋዒት ንቃልሲ ክንቅጽል ኢና።

ዝኽርን ዘልኣለማዊ ክብርን ንሰማእታትና!

ውድቀት ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ!

ሃገርና ናጽነታ ሓልያ ንወሉድ ወለዶ ትንበር!

ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል ደጊጋ

ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ

20 ሰነ 2021   

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