ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓስ ስምረት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ፣ ብዕለት 05.02.2017 ኣብ ከተማ ፍራንክፎርት ዓመታዊ ጉባኤኡ ኣሰላሲሉ። እቲ ጉባኤ ካብ ርሑቕን ካብ ቀረባን ከተማታት ጀርመን ብዝመጹን/ብዝመጻን ብርክት ዝበለ ቁጽሪ መንእሰያት ተሳትፎ ናይ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮን ደቂ-ተባዕትዮን ዝነበሮ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብ መኽፈቲ ጉባኤ ሓው ዓብደቃድር ሽፋ ኣብ-መንበር መሪሕነት ምንቅስቓስ መንእሰያት፡ ጉባኤ ከሰላስሎም ዘለዎ ዕማማት ድሕሪ ምሕባር፡ ሓጺር ግን ከኣ ገላጺ ዓመታዊ ጸብጻቡ ኣቕሪቡ። ቀጺሉ ነቲ ምንቅስቓስ ኣብ ምምራሕ ንዝጸንሑ ሓለፍቲ ትካላት ናይቲ ማሕበር ዝሰፍሐ ዕድል ረኺቦም ዝርዝር ዓመታዊ ዝተዓመ ዜናዊ ስራሓትን ምስ ካልኦት ኤርትራውያ ምንቅስቓሳትን ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ዝተፈጸመ ሓባራዊ ዕዮን ምትእስሳራትን ብሰፊሑ ብሓው ድራር ብርሃነ ኣካያዳ ዜናዊ ስራሓት ሓቢሩ ።
ንጥፈታት ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምቅስቓስ ስምረት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ከምዘብርሆ፡ ምንቕስቓስ ማሕበር ኣብ ጀርመን ጥራሕ ዝተደረተ ዘይኮነስ፡ ምስቶም ኣብ እስራኤል፡ ኣመሪካን ኖርወይን ካልእን ዝርከቡ ምንቅስቃሳት ናይ መንእሰያት ሓያል ምትእስሳር ሓባራዊ ስራሓትን ከምዘለዎ እውን ተገሊጹ። ነዚ ዝምድናታትዚ ንምርግጋጽን ሓባራዊ ልዝባት ኣብ ምክያድን ዝተጓዕዝዎ መስርሕ እውን ምስ መርትዖታቱ ብሓው ሮቤል ኣርኣያን ኣማኒኤል ኣብራሃምን ቀሪቡ።
ድሕርዚ፡ ታሓዝ ገንዘብ ሓው ኣብራሃም ኪሮስ ዓመታዊ ገንዘባዊ ጸብጻብ ኣታውን ወጻእን ብዘየካትዕ ጽፉፍ ኣገባብ ንተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ ኣቕሪቡ። ብሓፈሻኡ እቲ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻባት፡ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ደለይቲ ለውጢ ዝብህግ፡ ተፈላሊኻ ክረጋገጽ ዝኽእል ለውጥን ዓወት ሃገራዊ ድሕነትን ከምዘየለ ዝሕብር፡ ምስ ዝኾነ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ ዋላውን ዝተራሓሓቐ ሓሳባት ይሃልዎ ኣንጻር ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ጭቆና ግን ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ክካየድ ዝዕንቅፍ ከምዘየሎ ዝጠመተ እዩ ነይሩ።
ድሕርዚ፡ ተሳተፍቲ ጉባኤ ኣብዝቐረበ ጸብጻባት ዝተመርኮሰ ሕቶታትን፡ ኣብዝሓለፈ ጉዕዞ ዝጋጠሞም ዕንቅፋታትን ናይ ምፍልላይ ጸገማትን ብሰፊሕ ኣልዒሎም ተዘራሪበምሉ። ኣብ ዝተላዕለ ሕቶታት፡ ነቲ ምንቅስቓስ ኣብ ምምራሕ ካብዝጸንሑ ሓው ዓብደልቃድር፡ ያቆብን ካሕሳይን ኣገደስቲ መብርሂታት ኣቕሪቦም። ብዘይካዚ ካብ መግለጺ መንእሰያት ዋላዃ^ዝተሰግረ ይኩን እምበር: ኣብ እስራኤል፡ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ጀርመን ዘጋጠሞም ካብ ኣሰራርሓ ማሕበር ወጻኢ ዝኮነ ናይ ምትእትታውን ምፍልላይን ሽግራትን: ብቐረባ ሓብሓቢ ክኾኖም ዝኽእል ኣካል ዘይምርካቦምን ብምረት ካብዝተላዕሉ ጉዳያት ምንባሮም ክጥቀስ ይካኣል::
ብዘይካዚ: ኣብ ጉባኤ ካብዝተሳተፉን ዝተሳተፋን ዕዱማት: እቲ ማሕበር ሓድነቱ ሓልዩ: ብዝኮነ ጠብላሕታታት ከይተድናገረ ንቕድሚት ክስጉምን: ውሽጣዊ ሕግታቱን ውዑላቱን ከክብር ዝሕግዝዎ ኣገደስቲ ሓሳባትን ለበዋታትን ቀሪቦም ጉባኤ ብመተባብዒ ግጥሚ ተደምዲሙ።
መሪሕነት ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስዛዊ ምንቅስቓስ ስምረት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ፡ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምርግጋጽን ንምንሕያልን ዓሊሙ፡ ንኩሉ ኣብ ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኡን ዝርከብ ደላይ ለውጢ ብሓባር ተራኺቡ ንኽዛተ ተበግሶ ወሲዱ ሰለስተ ተከታተልቲ ናይ ልዝብ ኣኼባታት ኣብ ምስልሳል ግዲኡ ዘበርከተ ምንቅስቓስ ምዃኑ ክዝከር ይካኣል።
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንጨቘንቲ ስርዓታት እምበለይ ኣይግዛእን ኢሉ ዘልዓሎ ሰውራ ሓብሒቡ፡ ተኸላኺሉን ዓንጊሉን ክሳብ ናጽነት ዝበጽሐ ህዝቢ እዩ። እዚ ዘሕብን ታሪኽ እዚ ከኣ እዩ ንመላእ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ሓደ ናይ ታሪኽ ምዕራፍ ፈጺሙ ሃገረ ኤርትራ ናይ ዜጋታታ ክትከውን ዘብቀዐ። እቲ ኩሉ ዝጠፍአ ህይወትን፥ ዝዓነወ ንብረትን ከኣ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ እንታይ ደኣ ነቶም ጨቆንትን መዝመዝትን ስርዓታት ኣልጊስካ ሓርነት ዝመልኦ ህይወት ንክጐናጽፍ እዩ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ሓርነቱ ዝጐናጽፍ ሕልሙ ተጠሊሙ ኣብ ናይ ባርነት ታኼላ ጥሒሉ ኣሎ። ዝፈትዎም ደቁ ካብ ቅድሚ ዓይኑ ክስወሩን ኣብ ኣደዳ ስደት፥ ባሕርን ምድረበዳን ክሃልቁ ከለዉ ከኣ ነዚ ዲዩ ነይሩ ውጽኢት ቃልሰይ ዘየብል ኣይኮነን።
እቲ ቀንዲ ሽግር እምበኣር እቲ ሕብረተሰብ ወናኒ ናይ ሃገሩ ክኸውን ዘይምኽኣሉን፥ ባዕሉ ምንጪ ስልጣን ምዃኑ ምዝንጋዕን ዘምጽኦ እዩ። እዚ እውን በቶም ኣድሓርሓርትን ጨቈንትን ስርዓታት ዝተሰረተ ናይ ምትእምማን ምጥፋእን ኣግላልነትን ከምኡ እውን ድሑር ኣተሓሳስባን ዝሓደጎ ንልኡላውነት ህዝቢ ናይ ዘህስስ ስንብራት ጠንቂ እዩ። ሕጂ እውን ህዝቢ፡ ነዚ ኣብ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ኣብ ስልጣን ኩድጭ ኢሉ ዘሎ ምልኪ ኣልጊሱ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ከንግስ ከም ትማሊ ክለዓል ናይ ግድን’ዩ።
ልክዕ እዩ ኣብ ብቁጠባ ዝተረመሰትን ሕጊ ኣልቦ ዝኾነትን ሃገር ዝነብር ህዝቢ ንግዚኡ እንታይ ክም ዝገብር ዝሕርብቶን ዘጨንቖን’ኳ እንተኾነ፥ ውዒሉ ሓዲሩስ ነታ ሓርነቱ ክቃለሰላ ምዃኑ ዘይከሓድ ሓቂ እዩ። እቲ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ ግና እቲ ህዝቢ ኣብ ስልጣን ከመይ ይመጽእ ዘይኮነስ፥ እቲ ህዝቢ ከመይ ኢሉ እዩ ባዕሉ ምንጪ ስልጣን ክኸውን ክቃለሰ ዘለዎ ዝብል’ዩ። እዚ ከኣ፥ መበቆሉ፥ ዓሌቱ፥ ሃይማኖቱ፥ ጾታኡ፥ ብሄሩ፥ ዕድሚኡ፥ ሕብሩ ብዘየገድስ ኣፈላላይ ዘይብሉ፡ ንቁሕ ናጻ፡፡ ፍትሓውን ተደጋጋፍን ሕብረተሰብ ምህናጽ የድሊ። ነዚ ንምግባር እቲ ቀንዲ ልኡላውነት ህዝቢ ዝኾነ ህዝባዊ ወኸሳ ብምዃኑ ቀጥታውን ኣሳታፍን ዲሞክራሲ ምድልዳልን ብግቡእ ከም ዝስርሓሉ ምግባርን ይግባእ። ካልኣይ ነጥቢ ምሉእ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ መትከላትን ፖሊሲታትን ሓባራዊ ተረድኦ ክህልዎ ይግባእ። ሳልሳይ ነጥቢ ንምልኪ ኣልጊስካ ህዝባዊ ስልጣን ዝሰረቱ ኣገባብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ መሕደራ ምዃኑ ወዓል ሕደር ዘይብሉ ቅድመ ኩነት ምዃኑ ምእማን ህዝቢ ባዕሉ ምንጪ ስልጣን ምዃኑ ይእምት።
ሎሚ እቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ንረብሓ ውሑዳት ሰባትን፥ እቶም ካብ ኣፍንጭኦም ንላዕሊ ኣርሒቖም ዘይጥምቱ ተበለጽቲ ውልቀሰባትን እንተዘይኮይኖም ካልእ ዝተረፈ ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሕን፥ ልዕልና ሕግን ለውጥን እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ህዝቢ ንሕጋውነት መላኺ ስርዓት ኣብ ምንጻግ ገጹ ንኸድህብ ዝገብሮ እቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ገለ ካብቲ ተደላይነት ዘለዎ ክማላእ እንከሎ ቀንዲ መፍትሕ ናይ ለውጥን ወናኒ ስልጣንን ክኸውን ዘዳልዎ እዩ። ደንበ ተቓውሞ ግና በዚ ዘለዎ ሓቢሩ ንኸይሰርሕ ተበታቲኑ፥ ኣብ ፍልልያት እምበር ኣብ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ናይ ምጥራይ ባህሊ ዘይምድሃቡን፥ ብጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ተዋሒጡ ንዲሞክራሲ ዝርምስ ብምዃኑ፥ ንለውጢ ድሉው ክኸውን ኣይበቕዐን። ብኣንጻሩ መላኺ ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ንኹሉ’ቲ ኤርትራዊ ተፈጥርኣዊ ሃብቲ ብምግባት፥ ዘውደኽድኹን ፕሮፓጋንዳ ዝነዝሑን ተወናጨፍቲ ካድራትን ናይ ስለያ ምሓውርን ምውናኑ፥ መንአሰይ ንኸይቀስን ዝገብሮ ሽርሒታትን፡ ምብትታን ደምበ ተቓውሞን ኣብ ስልጣኑ ንክቕጽል ዘኽእሎ ጥጡሕ ኣዕኑድ ረኺቡ ኣሎ።
እዚ ከምቲ ቶማስ ጀፈርሶን፡ ‘’ህዝቢ ንመንግስቲ ኣብ ዝፈርሃሉ ምልኪ ወይ ጭቆና ኣሎ፥ መንግስቲ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ዝፈርሃሉ ከኣ ናጽነት ኣሎ፡’’ ዝበሎ፥ እዩ። ስርዓት ኢሳይያስ ተፈሪሁ ክነብር እዩ ዝደሊ፥ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ዳሕረዋይ ማለት መንግስቲ ንህዝቢ ክፈርህ ወይ ክምእዘዝ ኣለዎ ዝብል መትከል ንምትግባር እዩ ዝቃለስ። እዚ እቲ ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ብቕዓታትን፥ ህዝባዊ መንግስቲ ንምትካል ዘሎ ዕድላትን ብግቡእ መምዩ ህዝቢ ባዕሉ ምንጪ ስልጣን ዝኾነሉ መስርሕ እዩ ከካይድ። ትሕዝቶኡ ድማ እቲ ዝቐውም ስርዓት ወይ መንግስቲ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቊጽጽር እቲ ህዝቢ ዝደልዮ ተማእዚዙ ንክኸይድ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ መንግስቲ ልዕሊ ሕጊ ክኸይድ ኣብ ዝጅምረሉ፥ ህዝቢ ኣይፋልካን ክብል ዘኽእሎ እቲ ህዝቢ ኣብቲ ዝመሓደረሉ ቅዋም ከስፍሮ እንከሎ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ተራ ይኹኑ ሰብ መዚ ብሕጊ ተማእዛዝቲ ምዃኖም ክኣምኑን፥ ዝኾነ ይኹን ሰብ ልዕሊ ሕጊ ከምዘየለ መላእ ሕብረተሰብ ብማዕረ ክርድኦን ክሰርሓሉን ስለዝግባእ።
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፥ “ሕጊ ኣኽቢርካ ምኻድ” ዝል ኣምር የኽብር። እዚ ኣብ ቅድሚ ድሌታቶም ብሕጊ ዘይቃንዩ ጸገም ክፈጥር ይኽእል ይኸውን። ምስዚ ከኣ ኣብ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ሓባራውን ሰናይን ኣብ ዘበለ ሓቢርና ክንሰርሕን ክንስጉምን ኣብ ዝብል መርሆ ይቃለስ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኩሉ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብሓደ ሃገራዊ ሓልዮት ንኽብገስን፥ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ዝኣምነሉ ፖለቲካዊ ፖኢሲ ሃልይዎ፡ ነቲ ምውዳቕ መላኺ ስርዓት ቀዳምነት ምሃብን፥ ምስቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ብምትእስሳርን ኣቢሉ ነቲ ዝፈላሊ ፖለቲካዊ ጠለባት ኣብ ህዝቢ ምውራድ ይኣምን። ኣብዚ ንምብጻሕ ግና ነቲ ህዝቢ ምጥርናፍ ዝብል ኣምር ብሃይማኖት ወይ ብብሄር ወይ ብኣውራጃ ኣቢልካ ዘይኮነስ ሓደ ሃገራዊ መንነትን መለልይን ሒዝካ ምብጋስ እዩ ዕምሪ ምልኪ ዘሕጽር። ነዚ ንምግባር ከኣ ንኹሉ እቲ ናብ ክፍኣትን ጥፍኣትን ገጹ ዝወስደና ሓሳባት ኣወጊድና፡ ነቲ ሰናይን ጽቡቕን ንህዝብናን ሃገርናን ክንሰርሕ ምሕላን እዩ። ነዚ ክንበቅዕ ከኣ ሰላም፥ ስምምዕ፡ ሓድነትን ምትሕብባርን የድልየና ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ዋላ ምትእምማንና ኣብቲ ዝለዓለ ደረጃኡ ተዘይበጸሐ፡ ሓቢርና ክንሰርሕ ክንሰማማዕን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ከምኡ እንተዘይገርና ስልጣን ዋናኡ ህዝቢ እዩ ወይ ከኣ ባዕሉ ህዝቢ ስልጣን ንክኽውን ምጭራሕ ኣፍኣዊ እምበር ተግባራዊ ኣይከውንን።
እቲ ኣብ ሃገሩ ዝሳቐ ዘሎ ህዝብና ምስቲ ኣብ ደገ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ተቓውሞ ኢድን ጓንትን ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ህዝቢ ባዕሉ ስልጣን ንክኸውን፡ እቲ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ደገን ዘሎ ደጋፊ ይኹን ተጻራሪ ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊነትን ስምዒትን ኽሕድር ይግባእ። ምክንያቱ እታ ሃገር ናይቶም ዝድግፉን ዝጻረሩን ብማዕረ ትምልከቶምን ትብጽሖምን ብምዃና።
ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ተደጋጊሙ ክግለጽ ከም ዝጸንሐ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ናይ ዘሎ ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ባህሪ ካብ ዝንጸባረቐሎም ተርእዮታት ሓደ፡ ደረቱ ዝሓለፈ “ፍልሰት” ዝብል ደረጃ ዝተዋህቦ ስደት ኣብ ኩሉ ደረጃ ዕድመን ሞያን ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን እዩ። ጠንቂ ናይዚ ስደትዚ ቀይናን ምምሕዳር ናይቲ ጉጅለ ምዃኑ ብዘይካ ባዕሉ እቲ ጉጅለ ኩሎም ኣካላት ዘይፈላለይሉ እዩ። ኣብ ፍታሕ ናይቲ ስደት ግና ምናልባት ዓማሚ ምርድዳእ ዘይጸንሐ ክኸውን ይኽእል። መብዛሕትና ስደት ግዚያዊ ናይ ሓጺር ግዜ መዕገሲ ቃንዛ እምበር፡ ናይቲ መሰረታዊ ጠንቂ ስደት መፈወሲ ኣይኮነን ክንብል እንከለና፡ ብገለ ወገናት ግና ዓዲ ገዲፍካ ስደት ከም ናይ ኩሉ ጸገም መፍትሒ ጌርካ ናይ ምውሳድ ዝንባለ ስለ ዝረአ።
ብዛዕባ ሓደ ጉዳይ ክትመዝን እንከለኻ ካብ ነብስኻ ምጅማር ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣገዳስን ናብ ዘተኣማምን መፍትሒ ዘብጽሕን ምዃኑ ፍቱን እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብዛዕባ ጠንቂ ስደት ክዛረብ እንከሎ፡ ወትሩ ናብ ግዳማውያን ወገናት ብምውጥዋጥ እዩ ዘዘውትር። ኣብዚ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ናጻ ንምውጻእ ዘይኮነ ነቲ ሓቂ ንምንጻር፡ ነቲ ጉጅለ “ ንሱስ ሕራይ ንስኻኸ ካብ ጠንቅነት ስደት ናጻ ዲኻ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ነቲ ጉጅለ ክቐርበሉ ግቡእ እዩ። ብመሰረቱ እዚ ሕቶ ዝቐርብ እቲ ጉጅለ ብዛዕባ ገዛእ ርእሱ ክዛረብ እንተኽኢሉ ንምፍታኑ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ብውሕዱ ንዓና ኤርትራውያን እቲ ጠንቂ ንሱ ምዃኑ ንምርዳእ ምምርማር ስለ ዘድልየና ኣይኮነን። ምናልባት እቶም ንሱ ደጋጊሙ ዝኸሶም ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ነቲ ኩነታት እንተጐሃሃርዎ’ውን ኣብ ዙርያ’ቲ ንሱ ባዕሉ ኣቐዲሙ ዝኣጐዶ መጋርያ ሓዊ እዩ።
ስደት መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ ኣይኮነን ካብ በልና፡ “እሞ እቲ መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ ደኣ እንታይ እዩ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ክቐርብ ግቡእ እዩ። ክምለስ ከኣ ኣለዎ። ስደት ምሳና ካብ ዝነብር ነዊሕ ግዜ ስለ ዝኾነ ብዛዕባ መፍትሒኡ እውን ምሳና ዝጸንሐ ሓቂ ኣሎ። ንሱ ዝርዝራዊ ባህርን ኣተገባብራን ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ብጥቕልሉ “ነቲ ጠንቂ ስደት ዝኾነ ኣካል ምውጋድ’ዩ” ምባሉ ይከኣል። ስለዚ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ጠንቂ ስደት ኣብ ሃገርና ግጉይን ትዕቢተኛን ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ንዕኡ ኣወጊድካ ብቕርዑይ ምምሕዳር ምትካእ እዩ። እዚ ድማ ካብ ኣበርክቶ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት እንጽበዮ ዘይኮነስ ናትና ናይቶም ግዳይ ስደት ንኸውን ዘለና ኤርትራውያን ሓላፍነት እዩ። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ስደት ዓለም ለኻዊ ባህሪ ዘለዎ ስለ ዝኾነ ነቲ ናትና መሰረታዊ ኣበርክቶ ዘራጉድ ናይ ግዳም ደገፍ ኣየድልየናን ማለት ኣይኮነን።
ሎሚ ጠንቅታቱ ዝተፈላለየ ኮይኑ ስደት ኣዝዩ ኣብ ዝበዘሓሉ ግዜ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ብዝሒ ስደት ኤርትራውያን ከኣ ኩሉ ግዜ ካብቶም ኣብ ቅድሚት ዝስርዑ እዩ ዘሎ። እቲ ወትሩ ዘቐንዝወና ሳዕቤን ስደት ኣብቶም ስደተኛታት ጥራይ ተደሪቱ ዝተርፍ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቶም ስደተኛታት ዝቕበሉ ሃገራትን ህዝብታት’ውን ከቢድ ኩለመዳያዊ ተጽዕኖ ኣለዎ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዙሓት ሃገራት፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ካብዚ ኩለመዳያዊ ዝበልናዮ ተጽዕኖ ናጻ ንምውጻእ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ንስደተኛ ዝምልከቱ ፖሊሲታት ንምኽባር ተቐርቂረን ይርከባ ኣለዋ። ካብዚ መንቀራቕሮ ንምውጻእ ከኣ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራትን ከም ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ ዝኣመሰላ መድረኻትን ዝተፈላለየ ፈተነታት የካይዳ ምህላወን ንዕዘብ ኣለና። ኣብዚ እተን ሃገራት ኣብ ዘቕርበኦ መፍትሕታት ንገዛእ ርእሰን ካብ መጻብቦ ምውጻእ ዘቐድም ከም ዝኸውን ምርዳእ የድሊ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት እቲ ከም ቀጻሊ መፍትሒ ክኸውን ትጽቢት ዝነተብረሉ ስደት ከም ከምቲ ዝደለኻዮ ዘይኮነስ ከምቲ ዝኾኖ ይኸውን።
ኣብ ከምዚ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና ብዙሓት ሃገራት ስደተኛ ናይ ምቕባል ኣፍደገአን ክዓጽዋ ወይ ከጽብባ እንከለዋ፡ እቲ መፍትሒ ሕጂ እውን ብቃልስኻ ኣብ ሃገርካ ኩነታት ምምድማድ እምበር ምስተን ጉዳየን ብምቕዳም ዕድል ዝኸለኣኻ ሃገራት ምርጋምን ምንጽርጻርን መፍትሒ ኣይከውንን እዩ። ኣብ በዓል ኣሜሪካ ዝምዕብ ዘሎ ኩነታት እንተወሲኽናሉ ከኣ ስደት መፍትሒ ከምዘይኮነ መመሊሱ ይበርሃልና። ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ባህሪኡ ደሪኽዎ ደድሕሪ ስደተኛታት ስዒቡ ንምዝራግ ዝገብሮ ፈተነታት መልክዑ ብዙሕ ምዃኑ ንሪኦን ንሰምዖን ኣለና። ኣብ ገሊኡ ብጉልባብ ስደተኛ ኣብተን ሃገራት ሰለይቲ የዋፍር። ንሓንሳብ ድማ ናቱ እሙናት ኣብ ወጻኢ ሃገራት ናይ ሓሶት ምኽንያታት ኣቕሪቦም ፖለቲካዊ ዑቕባ ምስ ረኸቡ፡ ንስለያዊ ስራሕ ናብ ኤርትራ ከም ዝምለሱ ይገብር። ነዚ ዝተኸታተላ ሃገራት ከኣ እንተላይ ዕድል ናይቶም ናብ ኤርትራ እንተተመሊሶም ዝሳቐዩ ዕድል ክዓጽዋ ይግደዳ። ገለ ሃገራት ከኣ ካብ ነናተን ረብሓ ነቒለን ኣብ ቀረባ ስለ ዝጸንሓ፡ እቲ ኣብ ቃሉ ከምዘይጸንዕ ዝፈልጠኦ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንዝሳስየለን ናይ ሓሶት መብጸዓ መዝሚዘን ስድተኛታት ናብ ኤርትራ እንተተመሊሶም ዘጋጥሞም ጸገም የለን ክብላ ይስመዓ ኣለዋ።
ስለዚ ሃገራት መሰል ስደተኛ ከኽብራ ብዛዕባ ዘለወን ዓለም ለኻውን ኣህጉራውን ሓላፍነት ንምዝኽኻር፡ ከምዚ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰደህኤ) ዝገብሮ ጻዕሪ እቲ ጉዳይ ናብ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት መዘክራትን ምሕጽንታታትን ምቕራብ’ኳ ቅኑዕን ግቡእን እንተኾነ፡ እቲ መሰረታዊ ጠንቂ ስደትን ሳዕቤናቱን ናይ ምውጋድ ሓላፍነት ሕጂ’ውን ኣብ ኢድና ምዃኑ ኣይንዘንግዕ።
ተጋዳላይ ወልደሱስ ዓማር፣ ኣባል ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ዝምድናታት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን፡ ኣብ ፓልቶክ ሕድሪ ጀጋኑና ንዕለት 11.02.2017 ርክብ ምስ ህዝቢ ክገብር ተዓዲሙ ኣሎ። ተጋዳላይ ወልደሱስ ዓማር "ግጉይ ኣጀማምራ ድሕሪ ነጻ ኤርትራ ናይ 1991፡ ንዘለናዮ ሃለዋት ከመይ ይጸልዎ"፡ ዝብል መጽናዕታዊ መደብ ሒዙ ክቐርብ እዩ።
መደብ ዝጅመረሉ ሰዓት ልክዕ፡ ሰዓት 20፡00 ብናይ በርሊን ኣቈጻጽራ ማለት ሰዓት 08.00 ናይ ምሸት ክኸውን እዩ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ኩሉ ደላይ ለውጢ ነቲ መደብ ንኽከታተል ብኽብሪ ንዕድም።
ሰናይ ምክትታል!
ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
Eritrea: Unfit and pensioners resist military training while overflowing jails lead to part-time imprisonment
Written by Martin Plaut |
by Martin Plaut |
It’s that time of the year again. The Eritrean military has issued its annual demand that civilians go on refresher courses as part of their training in the reserve militia, known as the 4th division.
This force consists of people who were exempted from indefinite National Service for a variety of reasons.
Posters have gone up around Asmara.
The one above, from Geza banda, was photographed by the Freedom Friday (Arbi Harnet) resistance network. It calls for women of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd battalions, previously considered unfit for duty because of their health, to enlist in the training.
So too are retired pensioners. All are told to report to the military training centre by Monday 1st of February at 6pm.
But its just not happening.
According to reports this weekend the number of people who reported is far lower than anticipated by the authorities.
This is particularly true in the case of women. So the authorities to extended the deadline for reporting by a week, while circulating warnings that anyone who does not report will lose their government coupons for buying essential goods in government shops.
People in rural areas are particularly bitter about these annual calls since they coincide with the harvest season. Farmers busy bringing in their crops resent losing their harvest while they undertake military refresher courses.
Overflowing jails
Meanwhile, its reported that Eritrean prisons are so overcrowded that they have had to implement a shift system to cope with the unprecedented numbers of prisoners.
This is particularly true of Adi Abeto military prison on the outskirts of Asmara. Prison governors have decided to send some prisoners home for three days in a week.
As a result some serve their sentence at the start of the week and others in the second half of the week.
Many observers are saddened by the fact that at the time when countries in the region are registering unprecedented economic growth the regime in Eritrea seems to focus on imprisoning an unprecedented number of its citizens.
According to sources inside Asmara, January 2017 saw a sharp rise in the number of middle level officials who are being jailed in various ministries, as well as the arrest of officers in the police and army. High ranking officials and officers have not been included.
Those arrested have been accused of passing information to opposition forces outside the country or that they are conducting an ‘unclear’ mobilisation. Police and prison officers who have also been incarcerated are accused of ‘corruption’.
ሰዲህኤ፡ ንሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ብዛዕባ ግደታኡ ኣብ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ ዳግማይ ኣዘኻኺሩ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ (ሕኣ) ብዛዕባ ትጽቢት ባይቶ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ብኣኡ ክውሰድ ዝግበኦ ምርመራን ምጽራይን ብዛዕባ ብግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ሜላዊ ገበንን ዝሕተቱን ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ህግደፍ ናብ ሕጊ ምቕራብን፡ ኣዘኻኺሩ።
ኣብቲ ብ3 ለካቲት 2017 ብኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናብ ሓድሽ ኣቦመንበር ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ዝተላእከ መዘክር፡ ኣቦመንበር ሰደህኤ ብምምራጽ እቶም ሓድሽ ኮሚሽነር ዝተሰምዖ ሓጐስ ገሊጹ። እቲ መዘክር ኣተሓሒዙ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ኩነታት ንሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ’ውን ዘሕፍር ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ።
ኣብዚ ብቕዳሕ ናብ ግዝያዊ ኣቦመንበር ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ኣቶ ኣልፋ ኮንደ መራሒ ጊኒያ፡ ናብ ምክትሎም ጋናዊ፡ ካለኦት 8 ኮሚሽነራትን ኩሎም ኣብ መበል 28 ኣኼባ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ዝተሳተፉ መራሕቲ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃን፡ ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰደህኤ) ዝተላእከ መዘክር፡ ነቲ ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ብ2016 ንኩነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዝምልከት ዝወሰኖ፡ ነቶም ኣብቲ ብ483 ገጻት ዝተመዘበ ጸብጻብ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ሜላዊ ሰብኣዊ ገበን ዝፈጸሙ እሞ ናብ ፍርዲ ክቐርቡ ዝግበኦም ዝምልከት ሰፊሩ ዘሎ ውሳነት ክግደሰሉ ኣዘኻኺሩ። ብመሰረት እዚ ብሰደህኤ ዝቐረበ መዘክር፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ 26 ዓመታት ናጽነት፡ ቅዋም፡ ምኽባር ዝኾነ መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰል፡ ሓሳብካ ምግላጽ፡ ምእካብ፡ ምምላኽ፡ ብሰላም ናይ ምንባር፡ ውሕስነት ህይወት፡ ካብ ቦታ ናብ ቦታ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ብሕታዊ ዋንነት ምጥራ፡ ብቑዕ ትምህርቲ ምርካ፡ ዝኽፈሎ ስራሕን ስርዓተ ጡረታን የለን።
መበል 28 ኣኼባ መራሕቲ ሃገራትን መንግስታትን ኣፍሪቃ፡ “ነዚ ብኣሰፋፍራ ዝተፈጥረ ፍልልይ፡ ብወፍሪ ኣብ መንእሰያት ነቀራርቦ” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭረሖ ብ30 ጥሪ 2017 እዩ ተጀሚሩ። እዚ ኣኼባ ብዛዕባ ምርግጋጽ ሰላምን ምርግጋእን ኣብዛ ክፍለ ዓለም መጸዋዕታ ኣቕሪቡ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባ፡ ሓድሽ ዋና ጸሓፊ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣቶ ኣንቶኒዮ ጉተርስን ኣቶ ማሕሙድ ዓባስ ፕረሲደንት ምምሕዳር ፍልጥኤን ዝርከብዎም ብዙሓት ላዕለዎት ዕዱማት ተሳቲፎም ።
EPDP Reminds AU Its Mandate on Eritrea Given it by the UN Human Rights Council
Written by EPDP Information Office
The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) reminded the African Union (AU) that it is expected by the UN Human Rights Council "to investigate, prosecute and bring to justice [Eritrean authorities] responsible for violations and abuses of human rights, including any that may amount to a crime against humanity."
In a memorandum addressed on 3 February 2017 to the newly elected AU Commission Chairman, Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat, the EPDP Chairman, Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom, congratulated the election of the Chadian foreign minister to head the executive body of the continental organization and urged him to waste no time in addressing the situation in Eritrea which the memo described as "an utter shame to the very idea of African independence."
In the memorandum to the AU, also copied to the new AU chairman, Mr. Alpha Conde of Guinea, to his Ghanaian deputy, other eight commissioners and all African Heads of State who attended the 28th ordinary summit just ended in Addis Ababa, the EPDP chairman appealed to the AU Commission to heed to the call of the UN Human Rights Council decision of June 2016 and establish an accountability mechanism "to prosecute and bring to justice" the Eritrean authorities whose systematic crimes have been recorded in the 483-page report of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea, and updates of the UN Special Human Rights Rapporteur to that country, where, according to the EPDP memo, "no constitution exists after 26 years of its statehood; no basic human rights are respected; no freedoms of press or assembly are allowed; no free worship permitted; no security to life is guaranteed; no free mobility; no private sector; no quality education at any level; literally no paid work, no pension system ....."
The 28th Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the AU, held under the theme “Harnessing the Demographic Dividend through Investments in the Youth” , was opened on 30 January with a call for unity to uphold the maintenance of peace and stability in the continent. It was attended by honour guests who included the new UN Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, and Mr. Mahamoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine.
ፈደራላዊ ምምሕዳራዊ ቤት ፍርዲ ስዊዘርላንድ ብ2 ለካቲት 2017 ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ውሳነ ኣሕሊፉ። እቲ ቤት ፍርዲ ኣብቲ ውሳነኡ ስድተኛታት ሓተቲ ዑቕባ ካብ ኤርትራ ስለ ዝመጹ ጥራይ ፖለቲካዊ ዑቕባ ኣየውህቦን እዩ። እዚ ሓድሽ ሕጊ ካብ ወርሒ ሰነ 2017 ጀሚሩ ብናይታ ሃገረ ፈደራላዊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ስደተኛታት ኣቢሉ ኣብ ግብሪ ዝውዕል እዩ።
እዚ ኣብታ ሃገር ሕጊ ኣብ ምትርጓም ዝለዓለ ስልጣን ዘለዎ ፈደራላዊ ቤት ፍርዲ፡ ዝኾነ ካብ ኤርትራ ዕቑባ ዝሓትት ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ሃገሩ ብላዕለዎት ሰብ መዚ ግፍዒ ከም ዘጋጥሞ ብቑዕ መረጋገጺ እንተዘየቕሪቡ ናይ ስደተኛነት መረጋገጺ ክወሃቦ ኣይክእልን እዩ።
ብቋንቋ ፈረንሳ ዝሕተም ዕለታዊ “ጀነቫ ትሪቡን” ኣብ ናይ 3 ለካቲት 2017 ሕታሙ ከም ዝጠቐሶ፡ ሰበስልጣን መንግስቲ ስዊዘርላንድ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ናይ ስደተኛታት መሰል ምስ ረኸቡ ቀልጢፎም ናብ ሃገሮም ከም ዝገሹን ሓበሬታ ከም ኣለዎምን እዚ ድማ ኤርትራውያን ናብ ሃገሮም እንተተመልሱ ዘጋጥሞም ጸገም ከም ዘመልክትን ሓቢሩ።
ኣብዚ ቀረባ ዓመታት ሓደ ናይታ ሃገር ናይ የማናይ ክንፊ ልኡኽ ናብ ኤርትራ ከም ዝበጽሐን ኣብዚ እዋንዚ “ኤርትራ ናብኣ ንዝምልለሱ ዜጋታታ ሰላም” እያ ዝብል ጸብጻብ ሒዙ ከም ዝተመልሰ ዝዝከር እዩ። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ሒደት ዓመታት ጥራይ 25 ሺሕ ኤርትራውያን ሓተቲ ዑቕባ ናብ ስዊዘርላንድ ኣትዮም እዮም።
European leaders open way to Australian style detention centres in Libya
Written by Martin Plaut |
by Martin Plaut |
At their summit in the Maltese capital, Valletta, European Council leaders have agreed to do all they can to halt the flow of African refugees and asylum seekers across the Central Mediterranean.
This is effectively the last route left for men, women and children attempting to flee repressive African dictators.
The European leaders agreed on a declaration (below) which includes this phrase: They are "seeking to ensure adequate reception capacities and conditions in Libya for migrants, together with the UNHCR and IOM."
The phrase is vague, but it would appear to open the way to the establishment of Australian style detention centres in Libya - away from the European mainland.
MSF, UNHCR, IOM criticism
The declaration has already been condemned by MSF, which issued this statement tonight:
“With their 'Malta Declaration' on the Central Mediterranean, the European Council is delusional about just how dangerous the situation in Libya really is. Those we rescue on our boats tell us that people still there are starving in detention centres, harassed and abused. The last thing these people need is for the EU and Italy to join the list of predators.
This declaration is yet more evidence that the EU leaders’ only aim is “stemming the flow”. Today was not about saving lives, it's clear that the EU is ready to sacrifice thousands of vulnerable, men, women and children in order to stop them reaching European shores.
The declaration does not refer to any alternatives for people who are unable to stay in Libya and would be at risk if they were returned home. The suggested ways of improving the situation in Libya for refugees and other migrants are dangerously lacking in detail. In short, the plan, is nothing more than another attempt to keep them away from European shores.”
– Arjan Hehenkamp, General Director of MSF
Earlier today the UNHCR and IOM put out a separate appeal calling on the European leaders not to establish detention centres in Libya. (See full text at end of blog)
"We believe that, given the current context, it is not appropriate to consider Libya a safe third country nor to establish extraterritorial processing of asylum-seekers in North Africa."
Speaking to the press the Maltese Prime Minister Joseph Muscat said the plan was no silver bullet but expressed confidence it could help stem the flow of migrants from Libya.
"We know Libya is in a particular situation but this must not be an excuse to do nothing; if anything it is a reason to do more with Libya," he said at a press briefing attended also by Council president Donald Tusk and European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker.
European politicians, under intense domestic pressure to reduce the arrival of refugees and migrants, are now close to sealing the Mediterranean as an escape route.
They already have a virtual "wall" across the sea, with Libya almost the only loophole remaining. It is this that they are attempting to block.
Martin
European Council PRESS RELEASE 43/17
03/02/2017
Source: European Council
Malta Declaration by the members of the European Council on the external aspects of migration: addressing the Central Mediterranean route
1. We welcome and support the Maltese Presidency's efforts to take forward all elements of the EU's comprehensive migration policy. We reaffirm our determination to act in full respect of human rights, international law and European values, and in conjunction with UNHCR and IOM.
2. A key element of a sustainable migration policy is to ensure effective control of our external border and stem illegal flows into the EU. In 2016, arrivals decreased to one-third of the levels in 2015. On the Eastern Mediterranean route, while pressures remain, arrivals in the last four months of 2016 were down 98% year-on-year. We remain committed to the EU-Turkey Statement and the full and non-discriminatory implementation of all its aspects, as well as to continued support for the countries along the Western Balkans route.
3. On the Central Mediterranean route, however, over 181,000 arrivals were detected in 2016, while the number of persons dead or missing at sea has reached a new record every year since 2013. With hundreds having already lost their lives in 2017 and spring approaching, we are determined to take additional action to significantly reduce migratory flows along the Central Mediterranean route and break the business model of smugglers, while remaining vigilant about the Eastern Mediterranean as well as other routes. We will step up our work with Libya as the main country of departure as well as with its North African and sub-Saharan neighbours.
4. The Partnership Framework and the Valletta Action Plan have allowed us to deepen long-term cooperation with a number of partner countries, including on root causes of migration, through a solid partnership based on mutual trust. This work is already yielding results and will be intensified. At the same time, the urgency of the situation requires immediate additional operational measures at the regional level, taking a pragmatic, flexible and tailor-made approach at each and every point involving all actors along the migratory route. In this context, we welcome the joint Commission and High Representative Communication "Migration on the Central Mediterranean Route - Managing flows, saving lives".
5. Efforts to stabilise Libya are now more important than ever, and the EU will do its utmost to contribute to that objective. In Libya, capacity building is key for the authorities to acquire control over the land and sea borders and to combat transit and smuggling activities. The EU remains committed to an inclusive political settlement under the framework of the Libyan Political Agreement and to supporting the Presidency Council and the Government of National Accord backed by the United Nations. Where possible the EU and Member States will also step up cooperation with and assistance to Libyan regional and local communities and with international organisations active in the country.
6. Priority will be given to the following elements: a) training, equipment and support to the Libyan national coast guard and other relevant agencies. Complementary EU training programmes must be rapidly stepped up, both in intensity and numbers, starting with those already undertaken by Operation SOPHIA and building on its experience. Funding and planning for these activities needs to be made sustainable and predictable, including through the Seahorse Mediterranean Network; b)Further efforts to disrupt the business model of smugglers through enhanced operational action, within an integrated approach involving Libya and other countries on the route and relevant international partners, engaged Member States, CSDP missions and operations, Europol and the European Border and Coast Guard; c) supporting where possible the development of local communities in Libya, especially in coastal areas and at Libyan land borders on the migratory routes, to improve their socio-economic situation and enhance their resilience as host communities; d) seeking to ensure adequate reception capacities and conditions in Libya for migrants, together with the UNHCR and IOM (emphasis added); e) supporting IOM in significantly stepping up assisted voluntary return activities; f) enhancing information campaigns and outreach addressed at migrants in Libya and countries of origin and transit, in cooperation with local actors and international organisations, particularly to counter the smugglers' business model; g) helping to reduce the pressure on Libya's land borders, working both with the Libyan authorities and all neighbours of Libya, including by supporting projects enhancing their border management capacity; h) keeping track of alternative routes and possible diversion of smugglers' activities, through cooperative efforts with Libya's neighbours and the countries under the Partnership Framework, with the support of Member States and all relevant EU agencies and by making available all necessary surveillance instruments; continuing support to efforts and initiatives from individual Member States directly engaged with Libya; in this respect, the EU welcomes and is ready to support Italy in its implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding signed on 2 February 2017 by the Italian Authorities and Chairman of the Presidential Council al-Serraj; i) deepening dialogue and cooperation on migration with all countries neighbouring Libya, including better operational cooperation with Member States and the European Border and Coast Guard on preventing departures and managing returns.
7. These objectives shall be underpinned by the necessary resources. In line with the Valletta Action Plan, the European Union is strengthening the mainstreaming of migration within its Official Development Assistance for Africa, which amounts to €31 billion during this financial period. Some of the actions referred to above can be funded within projects already under way, notably projects funded by the EU Trust Fund for Africa as appropriate, which mobilises €1,8 billion from the EU budget and €152 million from Member States' contributions. To cover the most urgent funding needs now and throughout 2017, we welcome the Commission's decision to mobilise as a first step an additional €200 million for the North Africa window of the Fund and to give priority to migration-related projects concerning Libya.
8. We will further develop our external migration policy in order to make it resilient for future crises. We will identify potential barriers, for example in relation to conditions to be met for returns, and reinforce EU return capacities, while respecting international law. We welcome the Commission's intention to rapidly present, as a first step, an updated Action Plan on Returns and to provide guidance for more operational returns by the EU and Member States and effective readmission based upon the existing acquis.
9. We agree to act determinedly and speedily to achieve the objectives set out in this Declaration and call upon all actors to work towards this end. We welcome the intention of the Maltese Presidency, in close cooperation with the Commission and the High Representative, to present a concrete plan for implementation to this effect to the Council at the earliest opportunity, to take work forward and to ensure close monitoring of results. The European Council will review progress on the overall approach at its meetings in March and in June on the basis of a report from the Maltese Presidency.
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Joint UNHCR and IOM statement on addressing migration and refugee movements along the Central Mediterranean route
2 February 2017 | Français
Ahead of the informal meeting of the European Council in Valletta tomorrow, we call on European leaders to take decisive action to address the tragic loss of life on the Central Mediterranean route and the deplorable conditions for migrants and refugees in Libya.
To better protect refugees and migrants, we need a strong European Union that is engaged beyond its borders to protect, assist and help find solutions for people in need. This includes building capacity to save lives at sea or on land, strengthening the rule of law and fighting against criminal networks.
We call for concerted efforts to ensure that sustainable migration and asylum systems are put in place in Libya, when the security and political situation permits, and in neighboring countries.
We urge a move away from migration management based on the automatic detention of refugees and migrants in inhumane conditions in Libya towards the creation of proper reception services. Open reception centres should offer safe and dignified conditions, including for children and victims of trafficking, and respect key protection safeguards.
We hope that tomorrow’s summit will also help move towards the adoption of a common approach to migration by the European Union.
Concrete measures in support of the Government of Libya are needed to build capacity to register new arrivals, support the voluntary return of migrants, process asylum claims and offer solutions to refugees. This should include a significant expansion of opportunities for safe pathways such as resettlement and humanitarian admission, among others, to avoid dangerous journeys.
In Libya, together with partners, we have made tremendous efforts to deliver basic protection to refugees, migrants and affected local populations, which in some places are also in dire need of assistance.
Security constraints continue to hinder our ability to deliver life-saving assistance, provide basic services to the most vulnerable and find solutions through resettlement, assisted voluntary return or self-reliance. Unhindered humanitarian access remains a priority.
We believe that, given the current context, it is not appropriate to consider Libya a safe third country nor to establish extraterritorial processing of asylum-seekers in North Africa.
We hope that humane solutions can be found to end the suffering of thousands of migrants and refugees in Libya and across the region, and we stand ready to assist and enhance our engagement, conditions permitting.
Switzerland Hardens Process of Accepting Refugees from Eritrea
Written by EPDP information Office
The Federal Administrative Tribunal of Switzerland decided on 2 February 2017 that "illegal escape from Eritrea" alone cannot be presented as a justification for Eritrean asylum seekers to be accepted as political refugees. The law will be put into effect as of June 2017 by the Federal office for migration and refugees.
The Federal Administrative Tribunal, which is the supreme court in interpreting laws in the country, made it clear that any asylum seeker from Eritrea will no longer be eligible for refugee status unless he/she presents sufficient evidence of political persecution by the Eritrean authorities.
Tribune de Genève, the French daily, reported on 3 February that the Swiss authorities have collected information that a number of Eritrean refugees had travelled to their home country, Eritrea, soon after obtaining political protection in Switzerland and that this showed they have no problem to go back to their country of origin.
It is to be recalled that delegations of right-wing Swiss parties visited Eritrea in recent years and came with reports which claimed that Eritrea "is safe for the return of refugees" who fail to obtain political protection in Switzerland.
In the last few years alone, Switzerland was a destination for over 25,000 Eritrean asylum seekers.
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ብስርዓት ህግደፍ ወግዓዊ ፈቓድ ንግዲ ዝተዋህቦም ኤርትራውያን ግዳይ ተደራራቢ ግብሪ ይኾኑ ከምዘለዉ ካብ ኤርትራ ዝተረኽበ ሓበሬታ ኣቃሊዑ። በቲ ካብ ኤርትራ ዝተረኽበ ንኩነታት ንግዲ ዝምልከት ሓበሬታ መሰረት፡ ነጋዶ ካብ ሱዳን ይኹን ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተረኽበ ንህዝቢ ዘድሊ መሰረታዊ ነገራት ናብ ኤርትራ ከእትዉ እንከለዉ ኣብ ከም በዓል ተሰነይ ዝኣመሰሉ ናይ ዶብ ከተማታት ቀረጽ ይኸፍሉ እሞ ቅብሊት ይወሃቦም እዩ። ኣብ ማእከል ኤርትራ ምስ ኣተዉ ድማ ዋላ ዝኸፈልሉ ቅብሊት እንተርኣዩ ዳግማይ ቀረጽ ክኸፍሉ ይግደዱ ምህላዎምን እንተዘይከፊሎም ድማ ዝሓዝዎ ንብረት ከም ዝራሰን እዞም ምንጭታት ይጠቕሱ።
ብዘይካዚ ኣብ ምኽፋል ዘይፍትሓዊ ግብርን ቀረጽን ዝተዋፈሩ ናይቲ መንግስቲ ኣካላት ኣብ ፈቐዶ ድንኳናት እንዳዞሩ „እዚ ንብረት ካበይ ኣምጺእኩምዎ?“ እንዳበሉ ንዋናታት ከም ዘዋጥርዎምን ቀረጽ ክኸፍሉ ከም ዘገድድዎምን እንተዘይከፊሎም ድማ ንብረቶም ከም ዝውሰድን እቲ ዝረኸብናዮ ሓበሬታ ብተወሳኺ ኣብሪሁ።
ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ ብሰንኪ ወጻዒ ሕግታትን ምምሕዳርን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዘማረሩን ኩሉ መዳያት ዘጸገሞምን እሞ ናብ ውሕስነት ዘየብሉ ስደት ክኸዱ ዘይመረጹን ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት፡ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ገዳማትን ስቱር ቦታትን ክሕብኡ ይግደዱ ምህላዎም ካብ ኤርትራ ዝተላእከ ሓበሬታ የረድእ።
“When prison became a synonym for Eritrea…you can only flee.”
Written by Anna SuttererPROJECT EXILE: ERITREAN STATE MEDIA REPORTER TURNS CRITIC
“When prison became a synonym for Eritrea…you can only flee.”
In Eritrea, even being part of the East African nation’s tame state media is no protection. That was the conclusion Abraham Zere reached after years of working as a columnist for the government newspaper Hadas Erta and later for the ruling party’s magazine.
All independent media outlets in the country of 6 million were closed in 2001 amid a massive crackdown on internal dissent following the country’s disastrous two-year border-war with Ethiopia. More than a dozen prominent journalists were jailed – and to this day it’s not known how many are still alive.
Abraham Zere (courtesy)
But as Abraham has written, for state media workers Eritrea became aKafka-esqueworld of uncertainty and seemingly random detentions by security forces.
In 2006, security forcesdetained10 state media journalists who worked at the Ministry of Information without any apparent rhyme or reason–keeping some in custody for weeks. In 2009, the military raided a state educational station called Radio Bana, arresting at least 40 reporters and media workers for reasons that are still unclear. Some wereheldin prison until 2015.
Abraham had his own difficulties in 2009 after publishing a column in the ruling party’s Hidri magazine highlighting the disaffection of Eritrean youth. That led to an immediate rebuke from Eritrea’s powerful Minister of Information Ali Abdu (himself now anasylum seekerin Australia after fleeing in 2013) – who published his own column in the state newspaper labeling Abraham’s work “irresponsible and dangerous.”
“I was living in a stifling atmosphere characterized by fear and uncertainty,” Abraham says. “When prison became a synonym [for] Eritrea; when citizens were left to languish in harsh dungeons merely by association, friendship or suspicion; when you vividly see your bleak future projected, what other options do you have? You can only flee.”
Abraham escaped Eritrea in 2012 after being granted permission to study abroad. Now living in Ohio, where he co-founded the free expression group PEN Eritrea and is a graduate student at Ohio University, he spoke with Global Journalist’s Anna Sutterer about his work in a country that has ranked last in Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index foreight consecutive years.
Global Journalist: How did you manage to get out of Eritrea in 2012?
Abraham: I left the country initially to study in South Africa after lobbying and pulling all possible contacts for more than four months. I had to go to the Office of the President in person and discuss my case with the director [Yemane Gebremeskel, now information minister].
It is still considered a big favor…I had a good excuse to leave officially to study, but I also badly wanted to escape and breathe fresh air.
GJ: Tell us about the article you wrote that angered the former information minister – and led you to think about fleeing?
Abraham: After resigning from [state newspaper] Haddas Erta, I started to contribute to the only other outlet: Hidri magazine, the official organ of the ruling party. Then in April 2009, I wrote an article in which I boldly mocked how the Eritrean youth were disempowered while the national media have been portraying otherwise.
The article outraged [former information minister] Ali Abdu, as I was teasing his ministry. The next day he wrote me a strong warning and identified me as a national security threat in the national newspaper.
Global Journalist: It’s been very difficult for foreign reporters to cover Eritrea, though recently a few have been allowed in. How free are they to report?
Abraham: The journalists have their escorts who are often extensively briefed by the ruling party’s leaders. Then they end-up interviewing tow or three media-friendly government officials.
But there has been an exception to this recently by theNew Yorker‘s Alexis Okeowo. Her main story was the Eritrean soccer team that defected in Botswana.
She extensively interviewed the players, met most of the crucial figures in the country and accurately described everyday life in Eritrea. Her article, in my view, is the best article written on Eritrea over the last decade.
Global Journalist: PEN Eritrea advocates for free expression in Eritrea. Why is it important to keep talking about press freedom there when it hasn’t changed in 15 years?
Abraham: Myself and other exiled colleagues are writing to underline the abysmal state of free press in Eritrea. Over the last year, we have done some tangible works and highlighted the cases offorgotten Eritrean journalists who have been reduced to names and numbers mainly for lack of information.
For the last year and a half, I have been extensively writing mainly on Eritrea’s freedom of expressions and human rights abuses for different media. When I publish something, in an attempt to shake the dread silence, I relieve a fraction of my guilty conscience for staying behind my colleagues who are languishing in Eritrean detention centers.
Source=http://globaljournalist.org/2017/02/project-exile-exiled-eritrean-state-media-reporter-turns-critic/
ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ወርሓት ቀውዒ ዝበጽሑ ደቆም ናብ ግዱድ ኣገልግሎት ዝተወስድዎም ብዕድመ ዝደፍኡ ኤርትራውያን፡ ብደቂ-ደቆም እውን ክሕገዙ ከም ዘይከኣሉ ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያት ናብ ኤርትራ ገይሾም ናብቲ ዝነብርሉ ወጻኢ ሃገር ዝተመልሱ ምንጭታት ሓቢሮም። ከም ሓበሬታ ናይቶም ምንጭታት እዞም ዝኣኸሉ ደቆም ብግፋ ዝተወስድዎም ሽማግለታት ካልእ መተካእታ ምስ ሰኣኑ ካብ 14 ክሳብ 17 ዓመት ዝዕድሚኦም ደቂ-ደቆም ናብ ስረሓት ቀውዒ ምስ ኣዋፋሩ እቶም ህጻናት እውን ብሓይልታት ጸጥታ ናይቲ ስርዓት ከም ዝተገፈፉን ናበይ ከም ዝተወስዱ ከም ዘይለጡን ሓቢሮም።
እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዕድመ ንዝደፍኡ ዜጋታት መሬት ኣይወሃብን ዝብል ዘይፍትሓዊ ሕጊ ስለ ዝወጸ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት እታ ሃገር ተቓውሞታት የስዕብ ከምዘሎ እዞም ኣቐዲምና ዝጠቐስናዮም ምንጭታት ይሕብሩ። ዋላ‘ኳ ካብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት „መሬት እንተዘይተዋሂብዎም ደኣ ብምንታይ ክነባበሩ“ ዝብል ሕቶታት ይልዓል እንተሃለወ ላዕለዎት ሰብ መዚ ናይቲ ስርዓት ግና ክምልስዎ ከም ዘይደለዩ እቲ ሓበሬታ የረድእ። ነዚ ኩነታት ዝተዓዘቡ ወገናት ምናልባት ብዝሕን ዋሕድን ስድራቤት ወይ ተወሳኺ ኣታዊ ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲኻ ካብ ምሉእ መገበር ኣትሕት ኣቢልካ ምዕዳል ሓደ ጉዳይ ምዃኑ፡ ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ግና ንሰባት ኣብ ገዛእ ሃገሮም እሞ ድማ ኣብቲ ዝያዳ ኣላዪ ዝደልይሉ ደረጃ ዕድመ መሬት ኣይግበኣኩምን ምባል መወዳድርቲ ዘየብሉ በደል ምዃኑ ይገልጹ ኣለዉ።
ብኻልእ ወገን ድማ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብደረጃ ተጋዳላይ ይኹን ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ከም ዘገልገሉ ዘረጋግጽ ወረቐት ዘለዎም እንተዘይክይኖም ካብዚ ውጻኢ ብዜግነትካ ኣብ ዝኾነ ስራሕ ምውፋር ከምዘይፍቀድ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ብቐረባ ዝተኸታተሉ ወገናት ይምስክሩ።
EU navies entering Libyan waters to attack people-smugglers a step closer
Written by Martin Plaut |
by Martin Plaut |
This is something that has been on the cards for some time.
It is the latest attempt to shore up Europe's 'wall' against Africa, which Leonard Vincent and I wrote about earlier (see below).
Martin
Libya may allow EU ships to pursue people-smugglers in its waters
Source: The Guardian
UN-backed PM says foreign ships could be permitted to operate in Libyan waters alongside national military coastguard 
German navy sailors reach a migrants’ boat off the coast of Libya in March 2016. Photograph: Matthias Schrader/AP
Patrick Wintour Diplomatic editor
Wednesday 1 February 2017
Libya’s UN-backed prime minister, Fayez al-Serraj, has said Nato or EU ships could be permitted to operate in Libyan waters alongside the national military coastguard to slow the flow of people-smuggling across the Mediterranean.
The move came as a report claimed elements of the Libyan coastguard were complicit in the smuggling and said returning anyone caught on boats to coastal detention centres was risky since conditions there were horrendous.
Serraj’s comments after talks at Nato on Wednesday will be a boost to EU plans to move its anti-smuggling mission Operation Sophia into Libyan waters to help prevent migrants from reaching Europe. The EU is due to discuss a comprehensive plan for Libya at a special heads of state summit on Friday.
“If there is something to be carried out jointly between the Libyan navy and any other party interested in extending a hand to the Libyan navy, that would be possible,” Serraj said.
“Of course, we have to modernise our navy flotilla and enhance its capacities. Nato or any other friendly nation on a bilateral basis could extend a hand in this.”
Smugglers’ boats currently can only be turned back to Libya if they are stopped inside Libyan waters, but both Nato and the EU need Libyan government consent to operate inside its sovereign waters. This year tens of thousands of migrants will face the risk of drowning while the smugglers’ networks benefit from the political chaos in Libya.
Serraj, struggling to gain authority inside Libya, is under pressure not to be seen to be succumbing excessively to outsiders.
On Wednesday Italy pledged €200m (£170m) in funds to several African countries as part of its drive to reduce migration at source. The foreign minister, Angelino Alfano, said the fund – aimed at Niger, Libya and Tunisia – would help bolster the “fight against human trafficking and illegal migration”.
He said Europe was not trying to build a wall but helping countries to reduce the incentive to migrate.
A report by the Clingendael Institute, a Dutch thinktank, drawing on first-hand research, said migrants intercepted or rescued at sea by the Libyan coastguard were sent to detention centres “where they often spend months languishing with no legal recourse, subject to the whims of their jailers”.
It said some smugglers tortured migrants to secure the release of more money from their families, or forced them to work in order to continue their journey. “Moreover, migrants are reportedly sold to criminal groups if they cannot pay for their voyage across the Mediterranean: for €15,000 they were sold to groups, mostly Egyptians, who are involved in removing and selling organs. Finally, based on self-reporting by migrants, up to 40% of migrants are forced on to boats.”
The report added: “Particularly in the northwestern part of Libya, migration is accompanied with absurdly high levels of crime and violence, and migrants are subject to the whims of the group that controls the area they are in. The line between smuggling and trafficking runs thin here, as cases of kidnapping, torture, sexual violence and killings are widespread, and the situation in and around detention centres for immigration is horrific.”
Martin Plaut and Leonard Vincent
It may not be a physical barrier comparable to Donald Trump's wall to prevent Mexicans from reaching the USA, but it is nearly in place.
Europe is close to sealing the routes refugees and migrants take across the Mediterranean.
Consider the facts. These are the routes into southern Europe. (Map: Frontex Risk Analysis, Q2 2016)
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The graphic produced by the EU’s Frontier Agency is clear: the major route that Africans are taking is via Libya.
The map below, from the same source, underlines the point.
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Two routes that Africans have used in the past have almost been sealed. There is next to no transit by sea from West Africa through the Canary Islands and only a limited number arriving in Spain.
The route through the Sinai and Israel has been closed.
The brutal treatment of Eritreans and Sudanese in the Sinai by mafia-style Bedouin families, who extracted ransoms with torture and rape, was certainly a deterrent. So too has been the increasing propensity of Egypt to deport Eritreans to their home country, despite the risks that they will be jailed and abused when they are returned. But this route was sealed in December 2013 when the Israeli authorities built an almost impregnable fence, blocking entry via the Sinai.
This has left Libya – and to a lesser extent Egypt – as the only viable routes for Africans to use. Both are becoming more difficult. Although the International Organisation for Migration calculates that roughly 17 men, women and children perishing every day making the crossing, or nearly one every hour, they have not been deterred.
Libya is critical to the success of the EU's strategy, as a recent European assessment explained: “Libya is of pivotal importance as the primary point of departure for the Central Mediterranean route.”
Libya: the final brick in the ‘wall’
The European Union has adopted new tactics to try to seal the central Mediterranean route.
The countries keenest to push this for this to take place are Germany and Italy, which took the bulk of the refugees that arrived in recent years. Germany received nearly 1.2 million asylum seekers over the past two years, while Italy received 335,000 arrivals over the course of 2015 and 2016.
Earlier this month Italy’s Interior Minister Marco Minniti was dispatched to Tripoli to broker an agreement on fighting irregular migration through the country with Fayez al-Sarraj, head of the UN-backed Government of National Accord.
Minniti and al-Sarraj agreed to reinforce cooperation on security, the fight against terrorism and human trafficking.
“There is a new impulse here — we are moving as pioneers,” Mario Giro, Italy’s deputy foreign minister, told the Financial Times. “But there is a lot of work to do, because Libya still doesn’t yet have the capacity to manage the flows, and the country is still divided.”
The deal has, apparently, hit a snag. The Libyan government is resisting Italy’s proposals, although their detailed objections have not been revealed.
Germany’s aid threat
While Italy’s attempting to strike a deal with Libya, Germany is issuing threats.
With Chancellor Angela Merkel facing elections in 2017 and keen to show she is no longer a ‘soft touch’ for refugees, a much harder line is now being taken with anyone seeking asylum in Germany.
Germany deported 25,000 migrants in 2016 and another 55,000 were persuaded to return home voluntarily.
German Interior Minister Thomas de Maizière is pushing a plan that would make it easier to detain rejected asylum seekers considered a potential security threat, and to deport them from “repatriation centres” at airports.
Germany is underling its determination to cut numbers by threatening to end development aid to countries that refuse to take back rejected asylum seekers. “Those who do not cooperate sufficiently cannot hope to benefit from our development aid,” Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel told Der Spiegel.
Europe and Africa
The Italian proposals are very much in line with agreements the EU reached with African leaders during their summit in Malta, in late 2015.
The two sides signed a deal to halt the flight of refugees and migrants.
Europe offered training to “law enforcement and judicial authorities” in new methods of investigation and “assisting in setting up specialised anti-trafficking and smuggling police units”. The European police forces of Europol and the EU’s border force (Frontex) will assist African security police in countering the “production of forged and fraudulent documents”.
This meant co-operating with dictatorial regimes, like Sudan, which is ruled by Omar al-Bashir, who is wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.
But President al-Bashir is now seen as a western friend, despite his notorious record. One of President Obama’s last acts in office has been to lift sanctions against Sudan.
What is clear from the Italian and German initiatives is that Europe is determined to do all it can to reduce, and finally halt, the flow of Africans through Libya – the only viable route left for most African migrants and refugees to reach Europe.
A legal route into Europe
While the informal and illegal routes are being sealed a tiny legitimate route is being opened. The Catholic Church, working through its aid arm, Caritas and the Community of Sant Egidio, has managed to negotiate an agreement with Italy for 500 refugees from the Horn of Africa to be allowed to come to Italy.
Oliviero Fortis, Head of the Immigration Department of Caritas, said: "We must, as far as possible, promote legal and secure entry solutions. Being able to enter Italy with a visa is an operation that works perfectly. Except at the political level, and that's the big problem! It is the Italian Church that will bear the costs, in the hope that this initiative will be a model for the acceptance of refugees that can be monitored and replicated by European institutions."
EU and Eritrea
Eritrea – among the most brutal dictatorships in Africa – remains one of the key sources of migration and refugees. Although Eritrea has fewer citizens than most other African states more Eritreans arrived illegally in Europe in early 2016 than from any other African country.
This comes at a time of unprecedented pressure on Eritrean refugees, as they make their way through Sudan and into Libya. The Sudanese government’s ‘Rapid Support Force’ – an autonomous special force headed by a notorious Janjaweed commander – has been used to round up refugees, to deport them back to Eritrea.
The EU is floundering around attempting to halt this exodus. Recently it offered €200 million in aid to Eritrean ‘projects’, but has few means of monitoring just how it will be spent. Eritrea is a one-party state, in which the ruling PFDJ has never held a congress.
The country is ruled by a narrow clique surrounding President Isaias Afwerki, which uses National Service conscripts on the farms and factories that they control.
While the EU has outlined a range of programmes it is willing to support, given the monopoly power exercised by the sole party and army commanders over the entire Eritrean society, it has next to no means of ensuring that the funds do not ultimately end up reinforcing this autocracy.
Conclusion
If the EU initiatives fail (and it is highly likely that they will) they will only serve to strengthen the Eritrean and Sudanese regimes. At the same time attempting to block Libya and Egypt as the only remaining means of reaching European soil is likely to force Eritrean and Sudanese citizens to take even longer and more dangerous journeys to reach safety.
The EU is working hard to strengthen its ties with Libya so that it can go into Libyan waters and destroy the boats and other infrastructure used to smuggle Africans into Europe.
In a report to EU’s 28 member states, Rear Admiral Enrico Credendino, who heads the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean (EU NAVFOR MED) explained that it is vital that European navies operated inside Libyan territorial waters to halt trafficking. But this cannot happen at present. “It is clear that the legal and political pre-conditions have not been met,” said Admiral Credendino, indicating that greater cooperation with the Libyan authorities was needed.
The tiny legal route offered by Italy is unlikely to meet the needs of Africans desperate to seek refuge in Europe. Instead, the increasing restrictions are likely to lead to increased deaths and despair as destitute African youths take ever-more risky routes out of Africa – and further destabilisation of an already fragile part of the world.
This is the likely outcome of Europe’s African ‘wall’.
It will neither end the flow of refugees fleeing suffocating repression, nor will it seal the borders of Europe. Thousands of people fleeing for their lives will be forced away from Europe (and away from European public opinion). Instead it will place the burden of this crisis on brutal and often racist regimes along the fugitives' routes.
And all this for what?
Refusing to accommodate, for a reasonable period of time, a few thousand young women and men who are only too eager to learn, live and contribute to European societies, until eventually circumstances change and they can return home with gratitude towards their European hosts.
It's not only a shame; it is a political mistake of historic proportions.
