Africa’s North Korea: Reporting From Eritrea, the Land of No Journalists
Written by Conor GaffeyOn September 18, 2001, as the world reeled from the September 11, 2001 terror attacks in New York and international attention focused on the United States, the president of a tiny African country decided journalists were no longer needed in his country.
Isaias Afwerki, the president of Eritrea— which borders Ethiopia and lies 20 miles across a strategic shipping canal from Yemen—announced that all independent media organizations were to cease activity. Private presses were shuttered and broadcasters closed down; journalists were rounded up and put in prison.
The deplorable state of press freedom in the Horn of Africa country—Eritrea has been ranked bottom of Reporters Sans Frontieres’ (RSF) Press Freedom Index in eight out of the last nine years—has led to the country being dubbed Africa’s North Korea, in comparison with the East Asian totalitarian dictatorship.
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But Fathi Osman, an ex-Eritrean diplomat who fled the country and now works for Paris-based Radio Erena, an Eritrean media outlet in exile, says that comparison doesn’t do the situation in his home country justice. The Eritrean capital Asmara, he says, is a less open place than Pyongyang.
An Eritrean migrant simulates what she says is a torture technique during a protest outside the European Union delegation in Israel, in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv on June 25, 2015. Eritrea, a repressive state with no free press, is one of the most closed countries in the world. Baz Ratner/Reuters
“This is not a catchphrase, this is a well-deserved description. When you have one newspaper, one radio, and people are not allowed to leave the country from aged nine to 57—imagine that,” Osman, 51, tells Newsweek . “So we are maybe the worst copy of North Korea, [like] when you have a genetic mutation...Eritrea is a deformed copy.”
Read more: Who is Isaias Afwerki, Eritrea’s enigmatic dictator?
Today, there are no independent media outlets in Eritrea, a country where around 10 percent of the population has fled abroad as refugees and asylum seekers. The number of newspapers, broadcasters and internet news agencies can be counted on two hands; all of these are state-run. Eritrea is, effectively, a land with no journalists.
“The country gives only one version of the truth, the government version of the truth,” says Osman. “Internet is very difficult to access and, even if it’s accessed, it’s one of the slowest in the world. It takes maybe two hours to see a very short video clip.”
Through Radio Erena, Osman and his colleagues are doing their bit to try and lift the information blackout in Eritrea. Founded in Paris 2009 with backing from RSF by Biniam Simon, an ex-government television presenter who fled Eritrea for France, Radio Erena—which means “Our Eritrea”—has a network of sources inside the repressive state and broadcasts in the middle of the day, when Eritreans workers can return home for lunch, shut the door, pull the blinds down and listen in the relative seclusion of their homes. This week, U.K. non-profit One World Media gave Radio Erena its special award for its role as the country’s sole independent source of information.
Osman leads the station’s Arabic news team, which broadcasts a 30-minute program three times a week. (Radio Erena also broadcasts in Tigrinya, the local language in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia.) He is reluctant to reveal how the station’s journalists contact sources in Eritrea—the government views Radio Erena as a public enemy, working on behalf of political opposition—but says that steps are taken to ensure their safety. “Numbers, whereabouts, things like that [we do not disclose], but we have our own confident and reliable sources inside the country. This gives Radio Erena an advantage.”
But Osman says that the station sometimes has to turn away potential sources and stories for the safety of those providing information. “We don’t encourage people to call us. There are some people that want to call us and comment in hotel rooms. We advise them not to do that,” he says.
Having worked within the Eritrean government for more than a decade, Osman knows from the inside how dangerous life can be inside the country. He started working for the Ministry of Information—which oversees state-run media—in the 1990s. Those were heady days in Eritrea: the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) had claimed victory in 1991 in a 30-year war against Ethiopian occupiers, and independence was sealed in a 1993 referendum.
Fathi Osman collects an award on behalf of Radio Erena at the One World Media Awards in London on June 7. Radio Erena, based in Paris, is one of the only independent sources of information for people living in Eritrea. Kinga Kardynal/One World Media
But in 1996, things began to turn sour for Eritrea’s journalists. The government passed a law that required all journalists and publications to be licensed by the administration and for publications to be submitted for government approval before dissemination. Osman, who was working as an editor for a state-run Arabic language newspaper, lost his job in what he says was described by the government as a “downsizing” of the media industry. He then worked in the foreign ministry for several years before being posted as a diplomat, first to Pakistan in 2003, then to Saudi Arabia in 2004.
After eight years in Riyadh, Osman defected in 2012—a year after the government rounded up independent journalists. He is reluctant to explain why, but says he was subjected to “threats” and had disagreements with his colleagues over the government’s increasingly authoritarian policy. “You cannot defend the policies of a government that you don’t believe, that you don’t have faith in,” he says.
Many of the journalists arrested in Eritrea in 2001 remain in prison, and the country is the biggest jailer of reporters in sub-Saharan Africa, with at least 17 journalists in jail as of December 1, 2016, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. The climate does not seem to be improving, according to Jennifer Dunham, research director at Freedom House, a pro-democracy U.S.-based NGO that works on press freedom. “[The climate] has led to either extreme self-censorship in the country and a climate of fear for any remaining journalists and the general population,” says Dunham. “Even the [journalists] working for state-run outlets are under threat.”
Osman says that Radio Erena has dedicated its award to the journalists currently imprisoned in Eritrea. And while he is not optimistic about the future of press freedom in Eritrea, he says it is important to keep supplying the Eritrean people with some degree of news.
“There is not a hint or a tip that [the government] may release these people, so it’s dark at the moment, but one believes in change and one should work for this change,” says Osman. “We did not coin the North Korea [comparison] but we are confirming it and telling the truth about the situation in Eritrea and give the facts and give people the chance to judge for themselves.”
Source=http://www.newsweek.com/eritrea-north-korea-press-freedom-isaias-afwerki-623641
UNDP Officials in Asmara Blamed for Becoming 'Cheerleaders' for Repressive Eritrea Regime
Written by EPDP Information Office
In a strongly-worded message to UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres, two human rights advocacy organizations charged Ms Christine Umutoni, the UN Humanitarian Coordinator and UNDP-Eritrea country representative, of becoming "cheerleader" and top promoter of the repressive Eritrean regime by violating standard rules of conduct that govern international civil servants. Blamed as her collaborator in blindly working on behalf of the Eritrean regime is Mr. Mansoor A. Mirza, a UNDP policy specialist assigned to Asmara, Eritrea.
In their message dated 7 June 2017, the London-based Human Rights Concern-Eritrea and Christian Solidarity Worldwide, made an urgent request to the UN Secretary General to take appropriate measures against the errant two UNDP officials, who have literally become unrepresentative of the UN mission by devotedly speaking and acting on behalf of the dictatorship in Eritrea. It was not for nothing that Ms Umutoni was mockingly listed as one of the trio-foreign ministers of Eritrea together with presidential advisor Yemane Ghebreab and Mr. Osman Saleh.
The UNDP representative was undermining the conclusions of the UN Inquiry Commission and negating the glaring facts regularly presented by the UN Human Rights Rapporteur on Eritrea. She also reportedly took it as her priority job to meet donors in private and open forums to promote the Asmara regime and attended hearings and conferences to tell that Eritrea has a regime which is a credible partner in development efforts.
Similarly, her UNDP colleague, Mr. Mansoor Mirza, reportedly attended last year's UN Human Rights Council meetings and was spotted to be lobbying on behalf of the Eritrean regime and against the UN COI and the UN Human Rights Rapporteur.
Signed by Dr. Khataza Gondwe of the Christian Solidarity Worldwide and Ms Eliabeth Chyrum of the Human Rights Concern-Eritrea, the message to Mr. Antonio Guterres underlined that the actions of the two UN officials have already created the impression that "the UN speaks with two mutually negating voices: one which recognises that atrocity crimes are underway and seeks to address this urgently, and another which appears to overlook atrocity crimes and other grave violations, disregards the inalienability of human rights and, despite the human rights upfront initiative, accepts claims of economic advancement blindly in spite of the absence of independent verification mechanisms".
ኣብቲ ብዕለት 10-06-2017 ብግዱሳት ደቂ ኣንስትዮን፣ ብኣባላት ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራን ተዳልዩ ድራር ውጉኣት መደበር ከሰላ ምስዮት በዓል ብዓወት ተዛዚሙ። ኣብ ኣዳራሽ ዛልባው ጋሉስ ቫርተ ከተማ ፍራንክፈርት ካብ ሰዓት 16.00 ክሳዕ 23.00 ንእዋናዊ ሃለዋት መደበር ከሰላ ዘንጸባርቕን፣ ዝገልጽን ተንቀሳቓሲ ስእሊ ተሰንዩ ከም ዘምሰየን፣ ዝበዓለን ዝመጸና ሓበሬታ እነሆ።
ኣብዚ ዕዉት ምስዮት እዚ ብመሰረት ናይቲ ዝተራእየ ሓብሬታን፣ ዕዱማት ብዛዕባ ህሉው ኩነታት መደበር ኣልዒሎም እዚ መደበር እዚ ካብዚ ዘለዎ ኩነታት ባዕላቶም ዝናበርሉ መንገዲን ጥዑይ መነባብሮ ዝነብርሉን ካብ ህዝቦም ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ካብ ካልኦት ዓበይቲ ዜጋታትን፣ ዓበይቲ ገበርቲ ሰናያትን፣ገንዘባዊን ንዋታዊን ብርኩት ሓገዝ ክረኽቡ ከም ዝክኣልን፣ ኣብ ርእሲኡ ድማ እዚ ማሕበር እዚ ሓደስቲ ማሕበርተኛታት ተመዝጊቦም ንማሕበር ከዳብርዎን፣ ብሰፊሕ ዘትዮምን ርእይቶታቶምን ለበዋታቶምን ለጊሶም።
ብድሕሪዚ ልብኻ ኣብ ዝሃለወሉ ትሕዝቶኻውን ኣሎ ከምዝብሃል ገንዘባዊ ኣስተዋጽኦም ብምልጋስ 1200.00 ( ሓደ ሽሕን ክልተ ሚእቲን ኤውሮ) ንመደበር ከሰላ ውጉኣት ሓርነት ተዋጺኡ ።
እዚ ሸውዓተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ዕዉት ናይ ድራር ምሸት በተን ነዚ ዘዳለዋን፣ ዘዳለዉን ኣካላት ዝቐረበ ምዑዝ ድራርን ዝስተን እኹል ትሩፍ ብምንባሩ ዝኣክል ብደስታን ፈገግታን ዋዛ ምስ ቁምነገርን ዘሰነዮ ምሸት ኮይኑ ከም ዘምሰየ በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ነበስረኩም ።
ወዲ ሰብ ክፍጠር እንከሎ ብዘይካ ሳሕቲ ብገለ ሕማማት ተዘይተጠቒዑ፡ ምስ ምሉእ ጥዕንኡን ኣእምሮኡን እዩ ዝውለድ። ጎደሎ ዲዩ ምስ ምሉእ ጥዕንኡ ይወለድ ኣብ ቅድሚ ተፈጥሮኣዊ ሕጊ ኩሉ ባህሪያውን ሰብኣውን መሰላቱ ማዕረ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር ነፍሲ ወከፍ ፍጡር ነናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ደረት ከም ዘለዎ ርዱእ እዩ። ነታ ናቱ መሰል ንናይ ካልኦት መሰል ግሂሱ ዝፍጽም ብሕጊ ዘኽስሶ እዩ። እዚ መስመር ሕጊ ክጠሓስ እንከሎ እቲ ማዕርነት ይትንከፍ’ሞ ናብ ዘየድሊ ምፍሕፋሓት ገጹ የድህብ።
እቲ ሕጊ ጥሒሱ ክጎዓዝ ዝደሊ ነቲ ባህርያዊ መሰል ካለኦት ክጥሕሶ እንከሎ ስኽፍ ኣይብሎን። ብዝኾነ ግን ሕጊ ከይተጣሕሰ ንምትግብሩ ዝከኣል ኩነት፥ ወዲ ሰብ ክብሩ ሓልዩ ንኽብርን መሰልን ካልኦት ክሕሉ እንከሎ እዩ። ነቲ ሓባራዊ ክብርን መሰልን ዘይሕሉ፡ ግን ከኣ ነዓይ ጥራሕ ኣኽብሩኒ በሃላይ እንተኾይኑ ሽግር እዩ ዝፈጥር። ብፍላይ ከኣ እቲ ሕጊ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ክትግበር እንከሎ ዝመሮ ኣካል ናይ ብሓቂ ንልዕልና ሕጊ ከኽብር ኣይክእልን እዩ።
ሕጊ ኩሉ ግዜ ሰባት ኣብ ነንሓድሕዶም ከይጓድኡን ከይተዓማመጹን ዝሕሉን ዝከላኸልን መንጎኛ ኮይኑ፡ ዝከባበሩሉ ሃዋህው ዝፈጥር እዩ። ሕጊ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ምዃኑ ኣሚንና ብኡ ክንግዛእ እንተዘይበቒዒና፥ እቲ ዘይምርድዳኣትን፥ ቅልውላዋትን፥ ናተይ እንተዘይሰማዕኩም ወይ ዘይተቐበልኩም ዝዓይነቱ ብሓባር ዘየንብር ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ ዝስዕርር። ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት፥ እቲ ሕጊ ካብ ዘይከበረ እቲ ፍታሕ ዘድልዮ ጸገማት ብፍንው ኣገባብ ይኸይድ እሞ ናብ ሃልክን ህልኽን ገጹ ብምኻድ ኣብ ክንዲ እወንታዊ ፍታሕ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤን እዩ ዘኸትል።
ዝኾነ ሽግር ፍታሕ ክርከበሉ ሕጊ ክኸበርን ክጸንዕን ኣለዎ። እቲ ሕጊ ክኸብር ኣለዎ ከበሃል እንከሎ ምዕማጽ፥ ኣድልዎን ሸለልትነትን ከምኡ እውን ነሓፍነት ክህሉ ኣይግባእን ማለት’ዩ። ንኹሉ ብማዕረ ዝቕይድ ሕጊ ካብ ኮነ ሕጊ ምኽባር ወይ ምምእዛዝ ማለት እወንታዊ ዝኾነ ክንሰርሕን ክንሓስብን እምበር ከም ቃሕታኻን ድላይካን ናብ ጸቢብ ጥቕማኻ ከምዝውዕል ናይ ምጥምዛዝ፡ ዘይምምእዛዝን ንግርጭት ብስልጡን ኣገባብ ንኽፍታሕ ዘይሕግዝን እዩ። ሓደ ካብቲ ኣፈታትሓ ግርጭት ድማ ነቲ ሕጊ ተማእዚዝካ ምኻድ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ሕጊ እዩ ንሽግራት ናይ ምፍታሕ መግዲ ዝኸፍት። ሕጊ ምምእዛዝ ከኣ እዩ፡ ቅኑዕ ኣፈታትሓ ግርጭት ዝወልድ። እቲ ሕጊ ዋላ ኣንጻር ድሌትካ እንተኾነ፡ በቲ ነዓኻ ዝምእምኣካ ጥራሕ ክትሓስብ እንከለኻ ሕጊ ይጠሓስ ማለት እዩ።
ነቲ ብዛዕባ ሕጊ ዋላ ሓንቲ ዘይፈልጥ፡ ብሕጊ እንተዘይከድካ ኢልካ ዓቕሉ ክተጽብበሉ ኣድላዪ ኣይመስለንን። እቲ ሕጊ ዝፈልጥን ባዕሉ ኣብ ልዕሊ ባዕሉ ዝሓንጸጾ፡ ጥሕሰት ከዘውትርን ቀይዲ ክበትኽን እንከሎ ግና ዝግበኦ መቕጻዕትን መግናሕትን ክቕበል ናይ ግድን እዩ። ሕጊ ሓደ ሓባራዊ ዕላማ ንምዕዋትን ንምትግባርን እንሰማማዓሉ ግዴታ እዩ። ሕጋዊ ግደታ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ንኹልና ብማዕረ ዝዳንየናን ወጻዒ መቕጻዕቱ ዝቕበለሉን ብምዃኑ ፖለቲካዊ ግደታ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ብሕጊ ተቐይድና ንኹልና ዝተኣሳስረናን ዘርብሓናን ኣብ ምስራሕ ንዝመስረትናዮ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፊ ቅኑዕነቱ ዘረጋግጽ ስለዝኾነ። ነዚ ፖለቲካዊ መስርሕ’ዚ ከኣ ካብዚ ሕጋዊ ግደታ ነቒልና፡ ውሳነታት ካብ ክመርሑና ኢልና ዝመረጽናዮም ኣካላት ተቐቢልና ኣብ ግብሪ ክነውዕል ናይ ግድን እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ንፍነውነትን ንናይ ገዛእ ርእስና ፍሉይ ረብሓን ጸቢብ ኣተሓሳስባን ክንብል፡ ነታ መራር ሓቂ ካብ ምቕባል ምድሕርሓር ቀይዲ በተኽነት እዩ ዘስዕብ።
ምምሕዳራዊ ውሳኔታት ካብቲ ሓፈሻዊ ዝተሓንጸጸ ሕጊ ከይወጸ ብናቱ መሳርሒታትን ቀየድቲ ዝኾኑ ነኣሽቱ ሕግታትን በቲ መሪሕነት ክሕንጸጽ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነዚ ከኣ ኢና ካብቲ ሓፈሻዊ ሕጊ ነቒልና ነቲ ሓላፍነት ዝሃብናዮ መሪሕነት ክንምእዘዞ ናይ ግድን ዝኸውን። ጌጋ እንተልዩ ከኣ ነቲ መሪሕነት ኣብ ክንዲ ብስምዒት “ሆ” ዘበሃህሉኻ ጃንዳታት ምፍጣር፥ በቲ ግቡእ መስኖ ኣቢልካ ዕቃበኻ ምስማዕ ዝንፈግ መሰል ኣይኮነን። ካብኡ ወጻኢ ምኻድ ግና ነቲ ብሓባር ዝተለምካዮ ድሲፕሊን ይግህሶ እሞ ቃሕ ከከምዝበለና ክንውስንን ኣንጻር መሪሕነት ክንከይድን ንህንጠ። እዚ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ እቲ ደረት ስልጣን ሕውስውስ ነብሎ እሞ ነቲ ሓባራዊ ራኢና ዝጻባእን እቲ መሪሕነት ንሕግታትን ፖሊሲታትን ንሓባራዊ ረብሓታትና ዘገልግል ወይ ንኹልና እንተዘይኮነ ከኣ ንዝበዝሐ ዘዕግብ ክይሕንጽጽን ክይውስንን ምዕንቃጽ የኸትል። ክዉንን ዘይክዉንን ደዋዊስካ፡ ደርሆዶ እንቋቁሖ ይቕድም ዝዓይነቱ ተግባራትን ምትህልላኽን ምኽታል ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ቃልሲ ጐዳኢ ይኸውን። ስለዚ ገደብ ኣልቦ ናጽነት ዝህብ መሰል ፈጺሙ ስለዘየለ ነቲ ሕጊ ንምምእዛዝ ካሳብ ንስምዒትካ ኣሕሊፍካ ምሃብ ማለት ምዃኑ ክንርዳእ ኣሎና።
ኣብ ሕጊ ሰፊሩ ካብ ዝርከብ ኣገደስቲ ነጥብታት፡ በቲ ኣብ ምሕንጻጹ ብኣካል ተሳቲፍካ ይኹን ብውክልና ዝተሰማማዕካሉ መሰረት ነቲ ዝመረጽካዮ መሪሕነትን ዘጽደቕካዮ ሕግን ክትምእዘዝ ኣሎካ ዝብል ቀንዲ’ዩ። ዝተመርጸ መሪሕነት ነቲ ዝተሓንጸጸ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮን ቅዋምን ኣብ ግብሪ ንምትርጓም ብዘውጽኦ ኣገባብ ኣመሓድራ ክተግብሮ ሓላፍነቱ እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት፡ ውክልና ሂብካዮ ክንስኻ ብመሪሕነት ንዝተዋህበካ ትእዛዝ እንተ ብዕግበት ወይ ብጥርናፈ ተቐቢልካ ካብ ምፍጻም ካልእ ምርጫ የለን።
ንኣብነት ብመሰረት ቅዋም ጉባኤ መዓስ፡ ከመይን ኣበይን ይካየድ ዝውስን መሪሕነት እዩ ዝብል ሕጊ እንድሕሪ ጸዲቑ፥ እቲ ኣገባብ ኣወዳድባኡ ንዝምልከት እቲ መሪሕነት ብዝውስኖ፥ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ኣቚሙ መምርሒ ሂቡ ንስራሓታ እናተኸታተለ የተግብር። ነዚ ኣሰራርሓ ምጽባእ ከምቲ “ምሳር ኣብ ዘይለዓቱ” ዝበሃል ናብ ኣድማዕነት ዘይኮነስ ናብ ዝርጋን ከም ዝወስድ ነስተብል።
مشروع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري للعمل المشترك بين تنظيمات المعارضة الارترية
Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
خلال الستة وعشرين سنة المنصرمة من عمر الاستقلال الوطني تعرض الشعب الارتري لمخاطر شاملة تتهدد وجوده، ولا يختلف اثنان في أن السبب في ذلك هو نظام الهقدف الدكتاتوري، بيد أن وضع جميع الأسباب والعيوب في سلة النظام يعيق تحرك المعارضة نحو إصلاح ذاتها وتحسس مواقع ضعفها، مما أدَّى ويؤدي دوماً الي إطالة عمر النظام.
مع كل ما اعترى المعارضة من ضعف وقصور إلا أن قدرتها علي تأكيد وجودها علي أرض الواقع أمر يحسب لها مهما كانت أدوارها ضئيلة ومتفاوتة في قوتها. كما لا ننسى جهود المعارضة في حل مشكلاتها ومساعيها الوحدوية ومحاولاتها تأطير نفسها في أطر وتحالفات جبهوية. ومما هو جدير بالتنويه والإشادة في نضالات المعارضة لمعالجة مشكلاتها اتفاقها علي تحديد الحد الأدنى من نقاط اتفاقها واختلافها. النقاط الواردة أدناه تكاد لا تخلو منها وثيقة من وثائق تنظيمات المعارضة الارترية لذا يجب أن نعتبرها حجر الأساس الذي نقيم عليه اللبنة الأولى لمشروع العمل المشترك بيننا، ألا وهي الآتي نصها:
1- المحافظة علي السيادة الارترية
2- إسقاط نظام الهقدف الدكتاتوري واستئصال دعائمه القمعية
3- إبدال نظام الهقدف الدكتاتوري بنظام ديمقراطي شعبي تعددي
4- الإقرار بحكم القانون والحقوق الديمقراطية وكافة الحريات الأساسية للشعب
عند تقييمنا لمسيرة العمل المشترك ماضياً وحاضراً وإن كانت مظلاته الجامعة لا بأس بها إلا أنه كثيراً ما كان ينقصها أن تكون أوعيتها المشتركة شاملةً للجميع. إن ما قامت به المعارضة من جهود لتقوية وتعزيز معسكر المعارضة من محاولات اندماجية أو جبهوية يجب أن يكون من مرغباتنا في بذل المزيد من تلك الجهود لا وضع المعيقات أمامها.
وضعنا الراهن يحتم علينا الخروج من حالة التقوقع والانطواء علي الذات الي رحاب أعلى مستويات العمل المشترك. يجب أن نشرع فوراً في تكوين مظلة وطنية جامعة تشمل المؤطرين في أطر جبهوية وغير المؤطرين. علينا الاستفادة من جميع أخطائنا السابقة لتحويل معسكر المعارضة الي قوة فعالة في مواجهة الهقدف عدوها المشترك.
من أبرز سلبيات عملنا المظلي المشترك في السابق قيامه في ظل أجواء تسودها روح التنافس الشديد، الأمر الذي أربك ترتيب أولوياتنا. إن من أولى أولوياتنا الآن إزالة الدكتاتورية الجاثمة علي صدر شعبنا. لكننا بدلاً من أن نقدم المقدم من الأولويات أخرناه وقدمنا المؤخر والثانوي من الأولويات. إن عدم مراعاة ترتيب الأولويات بعثر جهودنا ودفن عملنا المشترك في غياهب التنافس الأعمى. وإذا استمر الحال هكذا فسوف يطول عمر الدكتاتورية ويزداد شعبنا بؤساً وضياعاً.
لكي يتغير الحال البائس، ويقصر أمد الدكتاتورية، ويتحسن حال شعبنا ويزدهر، فإن حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري يناشد جميع من يهمهم أمر العمل المشترك لاستئصال الدكتاتورية الخروج من هذه المتاهة ووضع حصان العمل المشترك أمام عربة ذلك العمل.
حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري منطلقاً من هذا الفهم الذي لا يخلط بين الأولويات ولا تسيطر عليه روح التنافس والاحتواء يتقدم بهذا النداء الذي نرى أن يكون محل إجماع والتفاف الجميع، كما يبدي الحزب استعداده التام للجلوس علي مائدة الحوار مع من لهم الرغبة الملحة والمصلحة الأكيدة في تلبية مطلب بناء مظلة وطنية جامعة اليوم قبل الغد.
هذه المظلة الجامعة سوف تصب جميع جهودها في التصدي لمهمة إسقاط النظام الدكتاتوري، وبما أن جميع القوى والعناصر المكونة للمظلة هي الأخرى يجمعها معاً هدف إسقاط النظام لابد أن تعطي الهدف المشترك الأولوية القصوى. علي أن يقاس جهد وإسهام أيٍّ من مكونات المظلة بمدى الإخلاص في خدمة الهدف المشترك وحجم العطاء والمساهمة في إنجازه.
ما أقمناه من أحزاب أو تحالفات جبهوية هي الأخرى يجب أن تخدم الهدف المشترك لا أن تعيقه، لذلك واضعين في الاعتبار قدسية الهدف المشترك نتوجه بالنداء الحار لكل التنظيمات والتحالفات القائمة كي تتحاور ثنائياً وجماعياً من أجل إقامة كيان مظلي جامع قوي وفعال.
هذا الكيان الجامع يجب أن يسخر جهده بالدرجة الأولى في خدمة المهام التالية:
1- تكوين وفد خارجي مشترك ناطق باسم معسكر المعارضة في المحافل الخارجية: جهودنا الدبلوماسية المتفرقة لم تعد مجدية، وكل الجهات الصديقة التي نلتقيها تنصح بالعمل المشترك لمعسكر المعارضة، لذا فإن تفويض وفد خارجي مشترك سوف يجعل عملنا المعارض أكثر فاعلية، بالطبع لن توقف التنظيمات السياسية والمنظمات المدنية نشاطها الدبلوماسي القائم الآن، لكن المطلوب منها أن تسخر كل مكاسبها الدبلوماسية وغيرها في خدمة المهام المشتركة، علي أن يتكون الوفد من عناصر ذات تجربة وكفاءة في العمل الدبلوماسي دون اشتراط انتمائها جميعاً الي التنظيمات المكونة للكيان الجبهوي. يلتقي الوفد بالهيئات الحكومية وغير الحكومية لجلب الدعم المادي والأدبي للمعارضة. يصدر البيانات ويخاطب المحافل الإقليمية والدولية باسم معسكر المعارضة. يكون الوفد مسئولاً أمام الكيان المشترك وفي ذات الوقت يتمتع بحرية اتخاذ ما يراه مناسباً من الخطوات والسياسات الفعالة الداعمة لعمله. يتلقى الوفد الموجهات والخطوط العامة من قيادة الكيان ويقدم لها تقارير نشاطاته.
2- إقامة جهاز اعلامي مشترك يتحدث باسم معسكر المعارضة:
أداؤنا الاعلامي المتفرق أيضاً لم يعد مجدياً، لذا علينا إقامة أجهزة اعلامية ناجعة تتحدث باسم الكيان وتكون مسئولة أمام قيادته ويعمل بها خبراء اعلاميون من تنظيمات الكيان وخارجها. بالطبع المؤسسة الاعلامية المشتركة ليست بديلاً عن عملنا الاعلامي المنفرد المملوك للأفراد والتنظيمات والمنظمات. لكن بالضرورة الكل مطالب بإعطاء الأولوية للعمل المشترك.
3- إقامة هيئة لإدارة ومتابعة العمل الجماهيري:
إقامة هيئة تعمل علي توسيع دائرة القواعد الجماهيرية لمعسكر المعارضة، ذلك علي الرغم من أن الشعب هو الخلفية الداعمة للعمل السياسي المعارض، إلا أن العمل في هذا المجال لم يأخذ نصيبه المستحق من الانتباه والمتابعة. الأمر الذي أجبر الشعب علي اتخاذ المبادرات الذاتية لتنظيم نفسه، إلا أن تلك الجهود لا شك تعتريها روح المنافسة التي تعاني منها الساحة السياسية الارترية ككل. لذا تكثر الصراعات والمشادَّات في العمل المتفق علي محتواه وهدفه بدلاً من التعاون علي إنجازه. ومع نقدنا لهذه الروح السالبة في العمل الجماهيري المشترك نشيد بالمبادرات الذاتية مثل لجان المدن التي تنسق بين كل الراغبين في العمل لإسقاط النظام علي مستوى المدينة الواحدة، كما يجب علي الآخرين غير المنظمين الاحتذاء بهذا النموذج لدعم وتمثيل المعارضة في جميع أنحاء العالم، وبذلك ننجز سوياً – الشعب وقواه السياسية – المهمة الملقاة علي عاتقنا - مهمة إسقاط النظام الدكتاتوري الغاشم.مثل هذه الهيئة المكلفة بإدارة ومتابعة العمل وسط الجماهير يمكن تكوينها من التنظيمات الارترية، علي أن تنسق الهيئة عملها مع لجان المدن السابقة التكوين وترفع تقاريرها لقيادة المظلة الوطنية.
المظلة المراد إقامتها تتخذ من المهام الثلاث أعلاه منصة انطلاق للعمل المشترك وتتطور حسب الظروف والأجواء الي مرحلة ومستوى أكثر تطوراً وفعالية.
حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري يبدي استعداده التام ورغبته التامة للتحاور فوراً مع كل من يبدي الرغبة والاستعداد لتقبـُّــل مشروعه هذا والتحاور حوله ومن ثم لعب دوره في إقامة الكيان الوطني المعارض.
تأبـَـى الرماحُ إذا اجتـَــمـْــعـْــــنَ تكســُّــــرا ***** وإذا افـتـَـــرَقـْــنَ تكســَّــــــرتْ آحادا
حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
4 يونيو 2017م
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት “እማመ ንሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ” ኣውጺኡ ኣሎ። እዚ እማመ ብሃንደበት ዝመጸ ዘይኮነ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ በብግዜኡ ካብ ኣባላቱን ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናትን ክቐርብ ዝጸንሐ ለበዋታት ኣብ ግምት ኣእትዩ ክሓስበሉን ከጽነዖን ዝጸንሐ እዩ። እዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና እዋን በቲ ሓደ ወገን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣርዑት ወጽዓኡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ዝያዳ ዘትረረሉ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ብናይ ሓባር ቃልሲ ከናግፍዎ ጻዋዒቱ መመሊሱ ዘስመዓሉ ዘሎ እዩ። ሓይልታት ተቓውሞና’ውን በበይኑ ቀያርን ተካእን ሓይሊ ክኸውን ከምዘይክእል ተገንዚቡ ከብቅዕ፡ ዓቕሙ ኣወሃሂዱን ሰፊሕ ጽላል ፈጢሩን ብሓባር ክሰርሕ ኣብ ዘይበቐዓሉ መድረኽ ኢና እንርከብ። ብመንጽር እዚ እማመ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ሰዲህኤ እዋኑ ሓልዩ ዝመጸ እዩ ምባል ካብ መስመር ሓቂ ዝወጸ ኣይኮነን።
ናይዚ እማመ ትሕዝቶ ማእከሉ “.ምውዳቕ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ምልጋስ መሓውራት ጭቆናኡን” ኮይኑ ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ኣገደስቲ ነጥብታት ዘትከለ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ማእከሎም “ ምቛም ህዝባዊ ስርሓት ዝከተተልን ዘካይድን ኣካል” ዝብል ሓሳብ ዝማእከሎም ብሓባር ዝስረሓሎም ኣገደስቲ መዳያት እውን ኣለልዩ ኣሎ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እቲ እማመ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝተፈተኑ ናይ ሓባር ጽላላት ከምቲ ትጽቢትና ስለ ዘይተዓወቱ እንኹንኖም ዘይኮኑስ ክንመሃረሎም ዝግበኣና ምዃኖም ኣነጺሩ ኣሎ። እዞም ሰዲህኤ ኣብ እማመኡ ጠቒስዎም ዘሎ ነጥብታት፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣምታት ብቐጥታን ብተዘዋዋርን ከቃልሕዎም ምስ ዝጸንሑ ናይ “ሓቢርና ንስራሕ” ጭርሖታት ዝመሳሰሉ ስለ ዝኾኑ እቲ እማመ ባይታን እዋናውነትን ኣለዎ ዝብል እምነት ኣለዎ።
ሰልፍና ነዚ እማመዚ ከውጽእ እንከሎ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ድኸምታት ኣብ መስርሕ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ዳህሲሱ ክኸውን እንከሎ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ካብዚ ድኽመት ብምግላል ኣይኮነን። ብኻልእ ወገን ነዚ እማመ እዚ ከቕርብ እንከሎ ኣብ ምምዕባሉን ምንጻሩን ብመትከል እንካን ሃባን ናይ ዘተን እሂንምሂንን ኣፍደገኡ ብምኽፋት እምበር ናተይ ጥራይ ተቐበሉለይ ብዝብል ዓጋቲ መንፈስ ኣይኮነን። ርግጽ እዩ እዞም ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ ንጥለብ ዘለና ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ነናትና ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ኣለና። መደብ ዕዮታትና ናብ ቅድምን ድሕርን ምውዳቕ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝዓለሙ እዮም። እቲ ሕጂ ዝድለ ዘሎ ከኣ ኣብ ክንዲ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ዘመሳስለናን ዝፈላልየናን ካብ ምድውዋስ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ነቲ በበይኑ ስፍሓትን ዕምቆትን ዘለዎ ምዕራፋት ምድብላቕ፡ ብንጹር ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ብቲ ውሱን ዘሰማምዓና ነጥብታት ተጊህካ ምስራሕ እዩ።
እቲ ካልእ መልእኽቲ ናይዚ እማመ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተጀሚሮም ኣብ መስርሕ ዘለዉ ንኡሳን ውዳበታትን ተበግሶታትን ነቲ ዝሰፈሐ ጽላል ብዘይጻባእ፡ ከም ዘለዉዎ ኮይኖም ንዓኣቶምን ኣብኣቶም ንዘየለዉን ዝሓቁፍ ዝሰፈሐ ጽላል ምፍጣር እዩ። ሰዲህኤ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከምዚ ዓይነት እማመ ከቕርብ እንከሎ እንታይ ሓድሽ ነገር ሒዙ ስለ ዝመጸ እዩ? ዝብል ሕቶ ከም ዝለዓል ፍሉጥ እዩ። ብዙሓት ወገናት ከኣ ነዚ ነናቶም መልሲ ክህልዎም ይኽእል። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርራ፡ ናብ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ምስኣተን ዘይሰርሐ ሓደስቲ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን እማመ የቕርብ ከም ዘየለ ይርዳእ። ኣብቲ እማመ ጠቒስዎም ዘሎ ነጥብታት’ውን ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ቻርተራትን መሰል ናይ ሓባር ሰነዳትን ዘይተጠቕሱ ከምዘይኮኑ ይግንዘብ። እንተኾነ ሎሚ ትማሊ ኣይኮነን። ሎሚ ካብቲ ናይ ትማሊ ተመኩሮ ተማሂርካ ሓላፍነታዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ከተጥሪ ከኣ ዘይተርፍ መስርሕ እዩ። ስለዚ ሓድሽ እንብሎ እቲ ኣብ ኩልና ተፈጢሩ ክህሉ ተስፋ እነንብረሉ፡ ጸዋር፡ ሓላዪ፡ ሓላፍነታውን ርትዓውን ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ሎሚ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕን ዘይምስራሕን ብመንጽር ሃገርና ኮነ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ናይ ምሕያልን ምድካምን ዘይኮነ ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን እዩ።
እማመ ስሙ ከም ዝሕብሮ ኣብ መስርሕ ዘተ ናብ ናይ ሓባር መሰማምዒ ተረድኦ ዝምዕብል ኣፈናዊ ተበግሶ እዩ። ስለ ዝተኣመመ ጥራይ ይዕወት ማለት እውን ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ፍረ ንክበጽሕ ጻዕርን ቅሩብነትን የድልዮ እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ መንፈስን ትሕዝቶን ናይዚ እማመ ናብቶም ዝምልከቶም ሰብ ጉዳይ ብግቡእ ከም ዝበጽሕ ኣብ ምግባር ኣካላት ሰዲህኤ ዓብይ ዕዮን ወፍርን ይጽበዮም ኣሎ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እቲ ጉዕዞ ናብ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል ምብጻሕ ካብ ኮነ፡ ነዚ እማመ ናብ ርትዓዊ መረዳድኢ ሰነድ ንምምዕባሉ ካልኦት ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን እውን፡ ውልቀሰባት ወይ ውድባት ዘይኮነ “ኩሉ ዓቕምና ኣንጻር ምልኪ ይቕናዕ” ከም ማእከላይ ነጥቢ ወሲዶም ክዓምዎ ዝግበኦም ዕማም ኣሎ ዝብል እምነት ኣለና::
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ዝመነ መግዛእቲ ኣትሒዙ ክሳብ እታ ኣብ ሃገሩ ንፋስ ነጻነት ዘተንፍሰላ ዕለት፡ ምእንቲ ሃገሩን ክብሩን ክእሰር፡ ክምቋሕን ክመውትን ዘካየዶ ቃልሲ መዳርግቲ የብሉን። ጎበጥቲ ሓይልታት ንሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክዘርጉን ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ከናቝቱን ዘይፈሓስዎ ሽርሒ ኣይነበረን። እዚ ምዃን ምስ ኣበዮም ከኣ እቲ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ሱዳንን ክትምቀል ዝመሃዝዎ ንድፊ፡ ንሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ይፈታተን ምንባሩ ኣስላማዩ ክርስትያኑ ስለ ዘስተውዓሉ “ኣይፋል ንምክፍፋል” ብምባል ሃገር ኤርትራ ክትገሃድ ዘኽእል እምነ-መሰረት ሓድነታዊ ቃልሲ ኣንበሩ።
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ኣርበዓታት ኣትሒዙ ብፖለቲካዊ ማሕበራት ክወዳደብ ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ እዋን፡ ዘውዳዊ ስርዓት ሃይለስላሴን መጋበርያታቱን ነቲ መስርሕ ነጻነትን ዲሞክራስን ከሎ ጋና ከይሰሰነ ክቖጽይዎ ተበገሱ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብረት ኣልዒሉ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ህዝባዊ ቃልሲ ኣበገሰ። ይኹን እምበር ኣብቲ ፈለማ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝተበገሰሉ ግዜ ኣብ መንጎ ማሕበር ሸውዓተን ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራን ዝተረኽበ ዘይምርድዳእ ክሳብ ናብ ብረታዊ ጐነጽ ዘብጽሐ ምርጻማት ተኻየደ። ቅድሚኡ እቲ ባዕዳውያን ገዛእቲ ዕድመ ስልጣኖም ከናውሑ፡ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከተኣታትውዎ ዝፍትኑ ዝነበሩ ፈላላይን ኣናቛትን ሽርሒታት ዝነቐለ እቲ ምትእምማን ድኹም ነይሩ እንተተባህለ ጌጋ ኣይኮነን።
ቀጺሉ እቲ ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ዝተረኽበ ምፍንጫላትን፥ ዝተኻየደ ውግእ ሓድሕድን ፖለቲካዊ ቁርቁስን ዘምጽኦ መዘዝ ንሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብኣሉታ ዘይጸልይዎ እዩ። እዚ ጥርጠራን ዘይምትእምማንን ዝያዳ ጎሊሂ ዝተራእየሉ ከኣ፡ እቲ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ኤርትራ ስልጣን ዝሓዘ ሓይሊ፡ ነቲ ኩነታት ቀጻሊ ሃገራውን ፖለቲካውን መዕለቢ ኣብ ክንዲ ዝገብረሉ ሓዊ ዘናኽስ ስጉምትታት ብምውሳድ ዘስዓቦ ሽግር ክሳብ ሕጂ ንደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ከም ዘይሰማማዕን ዘይተኣማመንን ገይሩ ሽግሩ ክይፈትሕ ቀፊዱ ሒዝዎ ኣሎ።
እቲ ግዜ ኣብ ስውራ ኣብ መንጎ ውድባት ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ናይ ስምረት ስምምዓት ከኣ ግዜ ንምኽሳብን ኩነታት ናብ ጠቕምኻ ንምቕያርን እምበር ንረብሓን ሓድነትን ህዝብን ሃገርን ተባሂሉ ዝኽተም ከምዘይነበረ ተግባር እዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ስርዓት ግርም ገይሩ ይሕብር እዩ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በብግዚኡ ዝውጽኦ ዝነበረ መጸዋዕታታትን መሰማምዒ ነጥብታትን ተቐባልነት ይረክብ ኣይነበርን። ኣብ ክንድኡ ነቲ መጸዋዕታ ብዘቆናጽብ መንፈስ ክትርጐምን ህዝቢ ርግእ ኢሉ ከይሓስበሉን ከየስተውዕሎን ብዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ኣደናጋርን ተጻይን ተግባራት ይካይድ ነይሩ።
ሎሚ ከኣ እነሆ ሰደህኤ ከይሰልከየ ሓደ ንኹሉ ደላይ ለውጢ፥ ማሕበራት፡ ውልቀሰባትን፥ ተሓለቕቲ ስበኣዊ መሰላትን መጸዋዕታ ናይ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ እማመ ኣቕሪቡ ኣሎ። እቲ እዋኑን መድረኹን ከም ዝሕብሮ እቲ ነዚ ስርዓት እዚ ሓቢርካ ብምስራሕ እምበር በበይንኻ ተወዳዲብካ ዝገበርካ እንተገበርካ ንሰላምን ምርግጋእን ዘውሕስ ስለ ዘይኮነን፡ በዚ ኣተሃላልዋና ነዚ ስርዓት ጽንጽያ ዓይኑ ክነንፍረሉ ከምዘይንኽእል ግዜ የርእየና ኣሎ። ሎሚ ነንሓድሕድና እንጸላለመሉ፥ እንጻረፈሉን፥ እንወነጃጀለሉን መድረኽ ዘብቀዓሉ ክኸውን ይግበኦ።
እቲ ሎምን ጽባሕን እነተግብሮ መደባት ኣነጺርና ክንርዳእን ክፈላልየና ከምዘይብሉ ከነስተውዕልን ነፍሲ ወከፍ ውልቀሰብ ይኹን ሰልፍታት፡ ውድባትን ማሕበራትን ነናቱ እዋናውን መጻእን እጃምን ሓላፍነትን ፈሊዩ ክፈልጥ የድሊ። እቲ ናይ ሎሚ ሓላፍነትና ወይ ከኣ ክንፍጽሞ ዝግበኣና ዕማም፡ ምስቲ ናይ ጽባሕ ናይ ህዝቢ ሓላፍነት ሓዋዊስና ክንጐዓዝ እንተዀንና ንዕድመ ስርዓት ክነሕጽሮ ዘይኮነ ክነናውሖን ሰቓይ ህዝብና ብማዕሪኡ ክዘይድን ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን።
ስለዚ ከምቲ እማመ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝእምቶ ናይ ሎሚ ስራሕናን ሓላፍነትናን ተገንዚብና ሓቢርና ከሳርሓና ዝኽእል መደብ ምውጻእን ምስምማዕን ይጽበየና ኣሎ። ነዚ ስርዓት እዚ ንምልጋስ ቀዳማይ ዕማም ተቓወምቲ ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኰይኑ፡ ፖለቲካዊ መድብ ዕዮ፥ ብምሕንጻጽና ጥራይ ንህግደፍ ክነልግሶ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። ንመርጾ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ብሓባር ከይንሰርሕ ዝዕንቅጸና ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። እንታይ ደኣ ሓቢሩ ከሳርሓና ዝኽእል ሓሳባት ቅድሚት ምስራዕ እዩ ዝዋጽእ። ንሱ ድማ እቲ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ናይ ጽባሕ ሓላፍነት ናይ ህዝቢ ምዃኑን ድሕሪ ህዝቢ ዝኣምነሉ ቅዋምን ህዝቢ ዝቆጻጸሮ መንግስትን ንኽንምስርት ክንስማማዕ ይግባእ። እቲ ንፈላለየሉ ሓሳባት ድሕሪ ውድቀት እዚ ንሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣውዲቑ ዘሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ሰርዓት፡ ብሰፊሕ ተሳትፎ ህዝብና ኣብ ሕጋውን ደሞክራስያውን መድረኽ እነተግብሮ ምዃኑ ምእማንን ልዕሊ ኩሉ ሓላፍነት ህዝቢ ምዃኑ ብዕቱብ ክእምነሉ የድሊ።
ስለዚ እቲ ሎሚ ክንገብሮ ዝግበኣና ሓላፍነት እንታይ ምዃኑ ኣነጺርና ከምኡ እውን እቲ ናይ ጽባሕ ዕማም ናይ ህዝቢ ሓላፍነትን ስልጣንን ምዃኑ ክንጣበቕን ክንከላኽልን ምስ እንበቅዕ ብሓባር ከይንሰርሕ ምንም ዝዕንቅጸና የለን። ዝያዳ ንምብራህ ኩሉ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ዝምረሓሉ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ኣለዎ። እቲ ሕጂ ዝድለ ዘሎ መዋጸኦ ከኣ ነቲ ዝፈላልየና ኣካል መደብ ዕዮታትና ኣብ መጻኢ ብውሳነ ህዝቢ ንክውገን ኣወንዚፍና ኣብቲ እንሰማመዓሉ ኣብ ምውጋድ እቲ ስርዓት ዘተኮረን ዕማም ሓቢርና ክንሰርሕ ክንተብዕ እዩ።
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
እዋኑ ኣብ ዝሰሓተ ውድድር ተኣሊኽና፡ ነቲ ቀንዲ ዕማም ዘመንና ዝኾነ ምልጋስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዝግብኦ ትዅረትን ክብርን ከሊእናዮ ኢና። በዚ ዘየድማዒ ቀዳምነታት ዘመሳቕል፡ ዓቕምና ኣብ ካልኣዊ ጉዳያት ዘህልኽ ኣገባብ ኣቀላልሳ እንተቐጺልና ዕድመ መለኽቲ ክነውሕ ስቅያት ህዝብና ድማ መመሊሱ ክውስኽ እዩ። በዚ ምኽንያት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ንሓባራዊ ዕማም ዘደንፍዕ ንኹሉ ዓቕምና ኣብ ምልጋስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዝሰርዕ ተበግሶ ክውሰድ ህጹጽ እዋንና ዝጠልቦ ዘሎ ጠለብ ምዃኑ ይርኢ ኣሎ።
ንታሪኽ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ምልስ ኢልና እንተርእናዮ ብመንፈስ ውድድር ዝቖሰለ መደባትን ምትእኽኻባትን ኢና እንርኢ። ውድድር ኣብ መንጐ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ውድድር ኣብ ሲቪክ ማሕበራት፡ ውድድር ኣብ ህዝባዊ ተበግሶታት፡ ውድድር ኣብ ምንቅስቓስ መንእሰያት፡ ውድድር ኣብ ስርርዕ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወዘተ። ኩሉ መንፈስና ኣብ ውድድር ተጸሚዱ ሓባራዊ ስራሕና ምስ ቆሰለ፡ ዕማም ምልጋስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ተዓንቂፉ ዓቕምና ኣብ ካልኣዊ ጉዳያት ሃሊኹ እዩ። ጌና ውን ይሃልኽ’ዩ ዘሎ።
ዝፈጠርናዮም ውድባት፡ ጽላላትን ልፍንትታትን ንሓባራዊ ዕማም እዋንና ኣሳለጥቲ ክኾኑ ኣይከኣሉን። እንተወሓደ ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ፡ ኣብ ዜናዊ፡ ኣብ ህዝባዊ ዕዮ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ክህሉ ዝግብኦ ፍጹም ትኽረት ከሊእናዮም። ነቶም ሕጂ ብዓቕምና ከነሳልጦም እንኽእል ከየሳለጥና ብዛዕባ ዓብይ ዓቕሚ ዝሓቱ ጉዳያት ክንዛረብን ክንቋየቕን ክቡር ግዜና ኣጥፊእና ኢና። ካብ’ዚ ኣህላኺ መንገዲ ክንወጽእ እንተዘይክእልና ከኣ ኩሉ ንህዝብና እንህቦ ዘለና መብጽዓታት ከንቱ ኮይኑ ክተርፍ እዩ።
እንታይ እንተተገብረ ድኣ ይሓይሽ?
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “ኩሉ ዓቕምና ኣንጻር ምልኪ ይቕናዕ” ዝብል ጭርሖ ሒዝና ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ዘደንፍዕ ተበገሶ ክውሰድ እዋኑ ዝኣኸለ ምዃኑ ይርኢ ኣሎ። ኩሎም ዝፈጠርናዮም ውዳበታት ይኹኑ ጽላላት መሳለጥቲ እምበር ዓንቀፍቲ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ክኾኑ የብሎምን ይብል ኣሎ። ነዚ መንፈስ’ዚ ዝሰማምዑ ኣካላት ከኣ ግዜ ከይወሰዱ ኣብ ልዝብ ክኣትው እዋኑ ከምዝኣኸለ ይርኢ ኣሎ። ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ዝምልከት ሓዲሽ እማመ ድማ ኣብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ብዕሊ ወጺኡ ኣሎ።
ኣብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ኩርናዕ ዓለም ዝነብር ህዝቢ፡ ኩሉ ግዜ ብኣሉታን እወንታን ከም ዝጸሉን ዝጽለውን ርዱእ እዩ። ከምኡ እውን ኣብ መዓልታዊ ህይወቱ ብዙሕ ዕንቅፋታት ከጋጥሞ ይኽእል። ነቲ ንሱ ዝሓልፎ ሽግርን መከራን ይኹን ራህዋን ቅሳነትን ግን ተመሊሱ ንመጻኢ ህይወቱን ህይወት ካልኦትን ብኣሉታ ዝጸሉ ክኸውን ኣይግበኣን።
ኩሉ ኣተሓሳስባና ምስ ግዜን ኩነታትን ክቕየር ስለዝኽእል፡ ንቕንዕናን ሰናይ ተግባርን ክውዕል ዝኽእል፡ ነቲ ናይ ትምኒታዊ ኣተሓሳስባና ክዕብልል ኣይግበኦን። እዚ ማለት ነቲ ነባር ኣተሓሳስባና ምስቲ ካብ ኩነታት ዝምንጩ ሓዲሽ ሓሳባት ደባሊቕና ካብ ምኻድን ምሕሳብን ነጻ ክንከውን የድሊ። ምኽንያቱ ነባር ወይ ኣረጊት ኣተሓሳስባ ናቱ ኣሉታዊ ግደ ክህልዎ ስለ ዝኽእል ነቲ እንጽበዮ በቲ ቅድም ዝነበረና ኣተሓሳስባ ክንከዶ እንተኾይና ግብራዊ ክኸውን ዘይክእል ስለ ዝኾነ።
ብዛዕባ ናይ ትማሊ ምሕሳብ ንግደፎ ዘይኮነስ፡ ብዛዕባ መጻኢ ከመይን እንታይን ክኸውንን ክልወጥን እዩ ኢልና ምሕሳብ ነቐድም። ምኽንያቱ ንናይ መጻኢ ትልሚ ክትድህስስ ኣዝዩ ዝቐለለ ይኸውንን ናብ ጭቡጥ ዝኾነ ክትበጽሕ ስለ ዘኽእልን። እዚ ነቲ ብሉይ ኣተሓሳስባ ዘስዕቦ ኣሉታታት ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ንመጻኢ ንምሕሳብ ብክፉት ልቦናን ቀልብን ምስ እንገጥሞ እወንታዊ ዝኾነ ውጽኢት ከስዕብ ይኽእል እዩ።
ኣተሓሳስባና ክምዕብል ኩሉ ግዜ ካብቲ ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮና ክንመሃር ናይ ግድን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ኣብ ትማሊ ኰንና ዝተለምናዮ ኣብ ከመይ ዝበለ ኩነታት ክሰርሕ ክኢሉ እዩ ውጽኢት ዘርኣየ ወይ ዝመኸነ ንምርዳእ ስለ ዘኽእለና። ነዚ ከስርሕ ወይ ዘይክሰርሕ ዝገበረ ኩነታትከ ደጋዊ ዲዩ ወይ ውሽጣዊ ሽግራት ምርምርን ፍተሻን ምግባር ስለ ዘድሊ። ስለዚ ነቲ ትማሊ ዝተፈጸመ ኣሉታ ይኹን እወንታ ሓዋዊስና ጥዑይን ምዕቡልን ሓሳብ ክነጥሪ ወይ እውን ንዝርከብ ሽግራት ክንኣሊ ከጸግመና እዩ። እዚ ማለት እቲ እወንታ በቲ ኣሉታ ክዕብለል ዘይኮነስ፡ እቲ ኣሉታ እዩ በቲ እወንታ ክዕብለል ዝግበኦ። ንኣብነት እቲ ኣብ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ዝተፈጸመ ጉድለታት ወይ ጌጋታትዶ ይረዝን ወይ እቲ ምእንትኡ ዝተቓለስናሉ ዝሃቦ ፍረ እዩ? ምምዛኑ የድሊ። እቲ ኣብ ሰውራ ዝተራእየ ጉድለታት ወይ ጌጋታት ነቲ ዝተረኽበ ሃገራዊ ነጻነት ፈጺሙ ክኾልፎ ኣይከኣለን። እቲ ዝተፈጸመ ጉድለታት ዋላ እኳ ሽዑ ክንፍውሶ እንተዘይከኣልና፡ ነቲ ዝገድፎ ስምብራት ክነህስሶ እዩ ዝግበኣና እምበር ለይቲ ምስ መዓልቲ ጸቢብ ስምዒታትና ንምርዋይ ክንጥቀመሉ ኣየድልን።
ስለዚ ሕጂ’ውን ነቲ ሕሉፍ ኣይንዘክሮ ንምባል ዘይኮነ፥ ነቲ ትማሊ ክንጥቀመሉ ዝተለምናዮ ኣብ ምንታይ ተዓዊቱ ኣብ ምንታይከ ፈሺሉ? ስለምንታይከ ከምኡ ኮይኑ? ዝብሉ ሕቶታት ንምምላስ ርጉጽ ሓበረታ ረኺብና ንመጻኢ ዝጠቅም ክንወስድ እዩ እቲ ሕሉፍ ዝሕግዘና። እዚ ማለት እገለ ቀቲሉ፥ ኣሲሩ፥ ወይ ከምዝን ከምትን ገይሩ ኢልና ጭብጥን መርትዖን ዘይብሉ ኣብ “ኢሎሞ” ተመርኰስና ፍርዲ ክንህብ ዘይኮነስ፡ መጽናዕቲ ክካየድን ጭቡጥ ሓበረታ ክእከብን ዝከኣለሉ ጥጡሕ ባይታን ግዜን ምፍጣር የድሊ። እዚ ከኣ ናብቲ ፍርዲ ወይ ሕነ ምፍዳይ ገጽና ክንጎዓዝ ዘይኮነስ ነቲ ትማሊ ዝተጋገናዮ ተመሊስና ኣብ ናይ ጽባሕ ከይንደግሞ ዝሕግዘና ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ብዛዕባ ሕሉፍ ምጽናዕ ዘገድሰና።
ይኹን እምበር ካብቲ ሕሉፍ ኣሉታዊ ተመኩሮ ተበጊስና ንመጻኢ ክንሓስብ ኣብ እንፍትነሉ እዋን ካብ ጥርጠራን፥ ሕማቕ ዝምባሌታትን ክንድሕን ሚዛናዊ ፍታሕ ክነምጽእ ንኽእል። መጻኢና ትስፍው ክንገብሮ እንኽእል፡ ከምቲ ፈሊጣውያን “ንሕሉፍ ዝቆጻጸር ንመጻኢ እውን ክቆጻጸር ይኽእል” ዝብልዎ፡ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ከም ታሪኽና ክንመሃረሉ ከምዘሎና ክንርዳእ የድሊ። እዚ ስለዝኾነ ነቲ ሕሉፍ ብግቡእ ክንፈልጦን ምዛናዊነት ሃልዩና ንኣተሓሳስባና ካብ ሕሉፍ ኣውጺእና ልቦና ዝመልኦ ሓሳብ ሒዝና ናበይ ገጽና ኢና ንጎዓዝ? ዝብል ሕቶ መልሊስና ኣብ ናይ ለውጢ ጐደና ክንጐዓዝ የድልየና።
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Analysis | Why key Arab countries have cut ties with Qatar — and what Trump had to do with it 10 / 24
Written by Michael Stephens
The decision by five Arab states to sever ties with Qatar marks another chapter in a multiyear saga of turbulent relations between Qatar and its neighbors. A split between Doha and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was brewing for years. At the heart of the problem lies an irreconcilable difference between the Persian Gulf countries about how to interpret the events of the 2011 Arab Spring and, more important, how to react to them.
In contrast to its GCC neighbors, Qatar actively promoted regime change across the Arab world. The Qataris mobilized finances and offered favorable media coverage to many Islamist actors, including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Hamas in Gaza, the Ennahda party in Tunisia and myriad militias in Libya and Syria.
In response, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia worked forcefully to block Qatar’s interests in the region, helping to depose Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, funding rival opposition factions in Syria and supporting the government of Gen. Khalifa Hifter in Libya.
Although the Saudis and Emiratis began to resist Qatar’s regional activities, Qatar’s rulers were no pushover. The emir, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani, and his cousin, Prime Minister Hamad Bin Jasim al-Thani, were seasoned operators on the international stage. For 20 years, they built “Brand Qatar” by forming a crosscutting swathe of alliances across the region, stretching from Mauritania to Afghanistan. And so the decision by Hamad to hand power to his son Tamim in August 2013 presented an opportunity for the Saudis and Emiratis to put pressure on the young monarch to force him into line.
In an environment increasingly hostile to Qatari foreign policy, Tamim lacked the experience of his father and uncle to handle the challenges. Al Jazeera was hemorrhaging viewers regionally, and Qatari foreign policy increasingly struggled in Libya, Syria and Egypt in the face of GCC pressure.
Sensing their opportunity, the Emiratis, Saudis and Bahrainis urged Tamim to scale back Qatar’s regional activities. Following six months of failed negotiations, the three countries pulled their ambassadors from Doha in protest in early 2014.
With the help of Kuwait’s emir, Qatar agreed to acquiesce to each of the three countries in a series of bilateral negotiations, leading to a repair in relations by the GCC summit in December 2014. But it was not until December 2016, when Saudi Arabia’s King Salman bin Abdul Aziz came to Doha, that the rift was publicly mended.
But for all the goodwill that was shown, the core problem that underlay the split had never healed. While the Qataris had toned down Al Jazeera and evicted a few Muslim Brotherhood members from Doha, their ambition to be a regional actor remained, as did their myriad of friendships with a host of political Islamists across the region — friendships that the UAE in particular found hard to accept.
In recent months, Qatar has once again drifted outside the GCC consensus. Particularly galling for the UAE and Saudi Arabia has been Qatar’s interaction with Islamist groups linked closely to the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda. Worse still to them are its business dealings with Iranian regional affiliates. In April, Qatar was involved in communications with the al-Qaeda-linked Hayat Tahrir al Sham organization to guarantee population transfers in the country. Qatar appeared to have brokered the deal by communicating with Iran, which in return managed to secure the release of 26 Qataris royals kidnapped in Iraq in return for a princely sum to be paid to Iranian client militia Kataib Hezbollah.
Qatar also helped Hamas publicly rebrand itself— and the group launched its new policy objectives at a Doha hotel in May. Islamist rebranding has been a favored tactic Qatar uses with Syrian opposition groups, particularly the Islamist Ahrar al Sham, and, unsuccessfully, with the leader of the now defunct al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra. This attempt to legitimize Islamist groups is an issue the Emiratis in particular find difficult to accept.
The United States has served as a key actor from which the Saudis can take their lead. As Riyadh has moved closer to the United States in recent days, helped with a promise of purchasing more American arms during President Trump’s visit in May, there is little doubt the Saudis felt emboldened to ratchet up the pressure against the Qataris.
The Emiratis also have found themselves in favor with the new Washington administration, whose strong dislike for both Iran and Sunni Islamists fits well with UAE policy priorities. Accordingly, there is a newfound confidence in Saudi Arabia and the UAE that strong measures to force the Qataris back into their box will find support in Washington.
Qatar’s support for Hamas seems to have been a card the gulf states have played effectively to curry favor with U.S. decision-makers amid the warming relations between the gulf and the Israelis. The UAE and Saudi Arabia appear to be preempting U.S. policy by sounding notes that will find favor with pro-Israel, anti-Iran, and anti-Islamist legislators in Congress, albeit for reasons much more applicable to intra-GCC politics than the regional strategic goals of the United States.
Given that diplomatic attempts to isolate Qatar in 2014 seem to have had no long-term effect on Doha’s behavior, it is not surprising that the Saudis have decided to dramatically up the stakes this time around by closing off Qatar’s only land border and— along with the UAE and Egypt— blocking all air travel to the emirate, with Egypt denying Qatar Airways the use of its airspace.
The closure of land borders and the disruption to air traffic will have serious consequences for the Qatari economy and its society that will quickly prove prohibitively expensive, even for a rich state like Qatar. And so, serious concessions will have to be made if relations in the GCC are to normalize to the usual levels of mutually suspicious friendship.
Michael Stephens is a research fellow in the Middle East Department and head of the Qatar operations of the British-based Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies.
ማሕበር ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራውያንኣብ ኣምስተርዳምን ከባቢኣን
እቲ ዋና ተልእኾ፥ ማሕበር ምጥርናፍ ኣምስተርዳምን ከባቢኣን፡
“ ሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ልዕላውነትን ብምርግጋጽ ፥ እዋናዊ መድረኻዊ ቃልስና፥ ሃገርን ህዝብን ካብዚ ወሪድዎ ዘሎ ስቓይ ንምድሓን ኣብ ዝሰፍሐ ንህዝብና ዝእክብን ዝጥርንፍን ዓውደ መቃለሲ ኣብ ትሕቲ ንጹርን ግሉጽን ሓባራዊ ባይታ ኣንጻር እቲ ጸረ - ፍትሒ ዝዀነ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ከምዝለዓል ምግባር እዩ ። “
ነዚ ንምዕዋት ፥ ናይ ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ፖለቲካዊ ኣረኣእያኡ ብዘየገድስ ፥ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ይኹን ስቪካውያን ማሕበራት ዘሎ ወይ’ውን ብውልቁ ፥ ነዚ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዝቃወምን ዝቃለስን ፥ ኣብ ሓደ ጽላል ተጠርኒፉ ሓደ ዓብን ሰፊሕን ምትእኽኻብ ብምምስራት ጥራይ እዩ ኣድማዒ ስራሕ ክሰርሕ ዝኽእል ። ካብዚ ሓቂ’ዚ ብምንቃል እምበኣር እዩ ማሕበር ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራውያን ኣምስተርዳምን ከባቢኡን ብዕለት 28-05-2017 ንኩልና ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ሆላንዲ እንነብር፥ ኣብዚ ንኹልና ዝምልከት ጉዳይ ፡ ሓቢርና ክንዛተን ክንላለን፡ ሓብርና ክንሰርሓሉ እንኽእል መደባት ክንሰርዕን ፡ ብዝመደቦ መጸዋዕታ ምኩራትን ፡ ሰብ ሕልናን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ፥ ነዚ መጸዋዕታ ኣኽቢሮም ካብ ዝተፈላለየ ከተማታት ዝተሳተፍዎ ዕዉት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ ።
ኣብዚ መዓልቲ’ ዚ ኣቦ መንበር ማሕበር : ንኣኼበኛ እንዃዕ ድሓን መጻእኩም ድሕሪ ምባሉ ፥ ኣኼባ ነቶም ጀጋኑ ስዉኣትና ብምዝካር ብዝክረ-ሰማእታት ተጀሚሩ። መበል 26 ዓመት ጽንብል ነጻነት ሃገርና ኤርትራ ብምዝካር ፥ ነቲ ቅያ ሰርሑ ልዕላውነት ሃገር ዘውሓሰ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዮሃና ንብሎ። በቲ ሓደ ሸነኽ ከኣ ንፍረ መስዋእቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጨውዩ ፥ ብስርዓት ህግደፍ ህዝብና ይሳቐን ፡ ይእሰርን ይበታተንን ብምህላዉ ዝስመዓና ሓዘን ኣስሚርሉ። ኣስዒቡ ፡ ልዕላውነት ሃገርና ክንዕቅቦ ዘሎና ሕላገት ታሪኽና ምዃኑ ፥ ዘተኮረ መግለጺ ብምውሳኽ ሓሳቡ ደምዲሙ ።
ቀጺሉ ፡ መምህር ኢብራሂም መሓመድ ዘዳለዎ ትምህርታዊ መግለጺ ብዛዕባ ሃገረ ኤርትራን ( ደውላ ኤርትራ )ብድሆታትን ኣመልኪቱ ዝገልጽ ፥ ዕሙቕ ዝበለ መግለጺ ኣቕሪቡ። ንሃገረ ኤርትራ ዘቖማ ኣዕኑድ ብዝርዝር ፥ ኤርትራ ፥ 1. ፍሉጥ ዶባትን ስፍሓትን ዘለዋ ፥ 2. ዝተፈላለየ ቋንቋታትን ፡ እምነታት ዝሓቖፈት ብሓድነት ዝነብር ህዝቢ ዘለዋ ፥ 3. ህዝቢ ብጅግንነቱ ብ1991 ነጻነቱን ልዕላውነቱን ዘውሓሰ ምዃኑ ብሰፊሑ ኣብሪህዎ። 4. እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ በዂሩ ዘሎ ግን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ፡ ብዂረት ህዝባዊ ዋንነት ስልጣንን ምዃኑ ኣስሚርሉ።
ብድሕሪ’ ዚ መድረኽ ንኣኼበኛ ተኸፊቱ ። ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ናይ እንካን ሃባን ልዙብ ክትዓት ፡ ብዙሕ ሃናጺ ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን ወሪዱ። ኣብዚ መድረኽ’ዚ ፡ ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ፡ ቀዳማይን ቀንድን ዕላምኡ ኣንጻር ኣቲ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘጥፍእ ዘሎ መላኺ ስርዓት ከቕንዕ ከወሃህድን ከምዘለዎ ርኢና።
- በዚ መላኺ ስርዓት ዝተበደለ ህዝቢ እዩ ዘሎና። ብፍላይ ድማ እቲ ሓድሽ፡ ወራሲ ክኸውን ዘለዎ መንእሰይ ወሎዶ ኣዝዩ ዝተበደለ ምዃኑን፥ ጥርኑፍ ናይ ቃልሲ ታሪኽን ተሞክሮን ንከነውርሶን ፡ካብ ግዳይ ናይ ኣህላኺ ተሞክሮ ምፍልላይን፡ ምቅንጻልን ክድሕን፥ ናይ ምእላዩ ተራ ክንጻወት ከምዘሎና መዚና ።
- ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ዝተፈላለያ ማሕበራት ወይ ምትእኽኻባት ከምዘለዋን ፥ ብማዕሪኡ ዝርኤ ምጥርጣራትን ከምዘሎን ብጥቃስ ፥ ከምኡ’ውን ዘሰክፍ ምልዕዓላትን ጎስጓሳትን ብምምዛን፥ ነዚ ክዉንነት ፈጢሩ ዘሎ ጠንቅታት ብውሕሉል ኣገባብ ከነጽንዖ ከምዘሎና ርኢና ።
- ንፍትሕን ንለውጥን ዝቃለስ ሰብ ፥ መጀመርያ ንነብሱ ሓራ ከውጽኣ ከምዘለዎን
ኣኼበኛ ፥ ነቲ ማሕበር ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራውያን ኣምስተርዳምን ከባቢኣን ሒዝዎ ዘሎ መሰረታዊ ዕላማን ፥ እቲ ካብ ታሕቲ ናብ ላዕሊ ዘቕንዐ ፡ ብከተማ ዝጅምር ፡ ቦታዊ ምጥርናፍን ብልጫታቱን ቅኑዕ ምዃኑ ኣስሚሮሙሉ። ኣብ ካልኦት ከተማታት ብተመሳሳሊ መንገዲ ንክጥርነፋ ዘድሊ ምትሕብባር ክገብሩ ቃል ኣትዮም። እዚ ምስ ዝዕወት ድማ ንኩለን ከተማታት እትጥርንፍ ሓንቲ ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ምምራጽ ። መደባታ ብምእኩል ኣገባብ ብምስራዕ ፡ ኩሉ’ቲ ዘድሊ ማሕበራውን ፖለቲካውን ስርሓታ ተካይድ። እቲ ተግባራዊ መስርሕ ነዚ ይመስል። ብተውሳኺ ሽማግለ ማሕበር ከይተሓለለት ነዚ ናይ ምጥርናፍ ጎስጓስ ክትቅጽሎ ለበዋ ቀሪቡ ።
ኣብ መድምደምታ ክንብሎ ንደሊ ፥ ግርማ ሓይሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሓድነቱ ዝተኣማመን፥ ጭዋ ተቓላሳይ ህዝቢ ምዃኑ ዘረጋገጾ ፥ ናይ ትማሊ ቃልሲ ኣንጻር ኩሎም ባዕዳውያን ዘካየዶ ህያው ምስክር ኣሎ። ነዚ ምስ እነለልዮ ኢና ኸኣ ኣብ ሃገርና ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ዝመልኦ ብስርዓተ-ሕጊ ዝመሓደር ሕብረተ ሰብ ክንሃንጽ ንኽእል። ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ዕድሜኡ ዘናውሖ ዘሎ ፥ ድኽመትናን ዘይምጥርናፍና እዩ። እንታይ ክንገብር ኣሎና ? ዝብል ሕቶ ፡ ኩሉ ብሃገሩን ህዝቡን ዝሓምም ኤርትራዊ ክምልሶ ዘለዎ ወዓል ሕደር ዘየድልዮ ጉዳይ እዩ ። ዋናታት ጉዳይና ንሕና ኢና። ናውቲ ሓድነት፡ ግሉጽነትን ፥ ተጻዋርነትን ምውናን ጥራይ እዩ ዘድሊ። ሕድሪ ጀጋኑ ሰማእታት ብሓቂ ህያው ኰይኑ ክነብር ዝኽእል ግቡእና ምስ ንገብር ጥራዩ ።
ሰላምን ራህዋን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ !!!!
ዘለኣለማዊ ክብርን ዝኽርን ንሰማእታና !!!!
ማሕበር ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራውያን ኣምስተርዳምን ከባቢኡን
31-05-2017
EPDP Proposal for Joint Work of the Eritrean Opposition Camp
Written by Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)
In the past 26 years of Eritrea's independent existence, our people have faced multiple harmful challenges threatening the very existence of the nation. It is indisputable that the primary culprit and source of Eritrea's tribulations has been the autocratic PFDJ regime, misnamed the 'People's Front for Democracy and Justice'. However, putting all the blame on the regime does not help in making a national soul-searching and addressing one's own shortcomings in a proper manner. It is time to admit that the failure of the Eritrean opposition camp to play an effective role contributed in the suffering and displacement of the Eritrean people; the opposition camp - the camp of change and justice seekers - so far did very little to shorten the days of absolute dictatorship in the country.
Nevertheless, one of the positive aspects not to be sidelined is the fact that the opposition camp was able to continue making efforts, albeit limited, in confronting the multiple abuses of the repressive PFDJ regime. The efforts exerted to resolve existing problems and, in particular, the attempts made towards creating coalitions and mergers were equally positive. In our past attempts to create alliances and strengthen the opposition camp, we did reach common understanding on a number of fundamental principles that bind us all. As such, the four principles listed below appear in various documents of the Eritrean camp of change seekers. Those points of common understanding can be taken now as the basic principles for the joint work proposal being initiated for further deliberations. They are:
1. Protecting Eritrea's territorial sovereignty;
2. Removing the autocratic PFDJ regime with its organs of repression;
3. Installing a democratic multiparty system of participatory governance;
4. Submitting to rule of law and guaranteeing basic liberties and democratic rights.
As noted, although our past experiences had some positive aspects, yet we could not create an inclusive national body or umbrella. A new start will require our commitment to never let our existing organizations or alignments to hinder the creation of a working relationship for more effective common action.
The urgency of the present situation obliges us to come out of our boxes. In simple terms, it is time to create a body/umbrella coalescing all forces currently in or outside existing alliances. Only to stress the evident truth, we are called upon to use learned lessons of the past and build a more effective body able to challenge the abusive regime in Eritrea.
The alignments we created and tried to work with were, till the present time, adversely affected by a spirit of controversy and rivalry. This is because we created an unsustainable situation in which priorities were not put in order.
For now, our most immediate task should be the removal of the autocratic regime. In past, instead of concentrating all efforts on this task, we put ourselves in a vicious circle by mixing up short-term objective with long-term objectives that cannot be attained now. And no wonder that, in a situation of controversy and with un-prioritized objectives, the structures we worked out and the programmes we adopted could not be implemented. If we continue on that path, we will only guarantee long life for the autocratic regime and fail to address the problems of our people.
Therefore, the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) finds it timely to call upon all fraternal forces and fellow citizens opposed to the PFDJ regime to join us in trying to come out of the old vicious circle we are in and jointly start a new path that can lead to victory of the people's cause. Based on the understanding that unjustifiable controversies and mixing up of priorities can lead us nowhere, the EPDP is now presenting this proposal for joint work that should include all concerned, and pledges to do its utmost to promote the agreed upon tasks.
Needless to say, the primary agenda for the proposed common body or umbrella is the removal of the autocratic regime. All forces coalescing for this agenda shall be expected to do what they can to carry on the new joint body. The measure and weight of each member in the common umbrella shall be its degree of contribution in implementing the joint tasks.
The existing alliances and parties shall be the building blocks of the common umbrella and shall in no way hinder the proper functioning of joint tasks. Therefore, this is a call for starting a serious dialogue among all fraternal forces, a process that should lead to timely formation of an effective body embracing all stakeholders in the struggle.
The common umbrella or body to be formed shall primarily aspire to achieve the following three major tasks:
1. A Joint Foreign Delegation
Our individual efforts in the diplomatic sphere have not been effective. All parties (governments, organizations, parties) we individually approach have been advising us to meet them as one Eritrean delegation. There is no doubt that a joint/representative Eritrean delegation will make our diplomatic work more effective. Existing Eritrean organizations or parties shall not be obliged to end their ongoing relations in this sphere. But they are expected to strengthen the work of the joint Eritrean opposition delegation. Although details can be worked out in due course of time, the delegation can consist of members from the Eritrean organizations as well as expert diplomats from outside those member organizations. The joint delegation will be able to represent the Eritrean opposition camp at international conferences and speak/write on its behalf in addition to seeking all-round assistance (political, moral and material) for the umbrella. While working under the umbrella leadership, the foreign delegation can be empowered to take various initiatives as it sees them appropriate.
2. A Common Media Centre
Having a centralized information organ representing the opposition camp is an urgent necessity in light of the fact that our fragmented media outlets are not accomplishing the intended objective. The central information organ, which shall not hinder the member organization from continuing to run their own media outlets, can be staffed by members and media experts from outside the working common umbrella.
3. An Organ for Mass Mobilization
This organ shall endeavour to mobilize the people around the opposition camp by reviving the central task of political organizations in educating and organizing participants in the struggle for change. We must acknowledge the fact that mobilization efforts have been initiated at grassroots level in several places by Eritrean activists. However, these commendable initiatives could not be spared from the Eritrean malaise of controversy and negative rivalry. We in the opposition (camp of change and justice seekers) continually resort to unnecessary contention and squabbles instead of cooperating to promote the same national objective. It is appropriate to make self-criticism on this negative attitude, while at the same time bestowing high gratitude and admiration upon those compatriots who are taking initiatives at organizing justice seekers around local councils (baitos) at district and city levels. These efforts must be encouraged at all places around the globe. Eventually, people organized at grassroots level could join their efforts with political and civic organizations and help in drawing clear action plans in removing the repressive regime. The central organ for mass mobilization can be composed by representatives of political organizations and work under the common umbrella. However, it can also closely work in cooperation with the local popular councils/baitos all over the world.
The proposed national umbrella can start with the above listed three objectives but gradually expand its work activities, as needed. Only to reiterate, the EPDP hereby commits itself to start immediate dialogue and work with any Eritrean body accepting this proposal towards forming a joint body/umbrella for joint action. No Alternative to Joint Action to Remove the Autocratic Regime!!
The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)
4 June, 2017
100-christians-detained-in-eritrea-orthodox-patriarch-marks-10th-year-under-house-arrest
Written by Jay Gotera
(PHOTO: BARNABAS FUND)Eritrean Christians in Egyptian prison worship together.Just like its despotic East Asian counterpart, the regime in this East African country has been accused of stepping up its campaign against Christians, arresting almost 100 of them in the past month, World Watch Monitor reported.
The arrests were made 10 years after the dictatorial regime of President Isaias Afwerki placed Eritrean Orthodox Patriarch (Abune) Antonios under house arrest, and also 15 years after the forced closure of many churches in the country.
Patriarch (Abune) Antonios, who turns 90 in July, is also being held incommunicado in a location known only to the authorities.
His family and friends have expressed concern that the Patriarch, who is reportedly diabetic, may not be receiving adequate medical treatment.
The latest arrests were made early last month ahead of Eritrea's Independence Day on May 24.
A source told World Watch Monitor that 49 Evangelicals were arrested outside the capital, Asmara, on May 21 at a post-wedding celebration where the couple were among those picked up and detained.
Four days before that, security officials arrested more than 35 Christians from their homes in Adi Quala, a market town not far from the Ethiopian border.
Evangelicals and Pentecostals have been living in fear in Eritrea since 2002 when a law was passed prohibiting churches other than the Orthodox, Catholic and Evangelical Lutheran churches, and also Sunni Islam.
However, as the Patriarch's house arrest shows, even members of permitted churches face arrest if they criticize the regime.
Eritrea has been described as among the harshest dictatorships in the world, according to Haaretz.
A special permit is required to go to a friend's house for dinner if the meal is to be attended by at least three guests from different families. This is because the authorities already consider it a gathering that requires a special permit, according to the Israeli news outlet.
The group Reporters Without Borders ranks Eritrea the 179th out of 179 countries when it comes to the lack of freedom of expression, even lower than hermit communist country North Korea.
Eritrea is also ranked as the 10th most difficult country for a Christian to live in, according to the Open Doors' 2017 World Watch List.
Last month, 10 Christians - four women and six men - were reportedly arrested by security officers in Eritrea for still undetermined charges, according to the Christian persecution watchdog.
Open Doors reports that Christian prisoners in Eritrea are locked up in shipping containers with little ventilation, if at all, and many have died as a result.
Source=http://www.christianpost.com/news/100-christians-detained-in-eritrea-orthodox-patriarch-marks-10th-year-under-house-arrest-186025/
