Eritrea Focus Conference – Building Democracy in Eritrea

Sunday, 05 July 2020 22:04 Written by ERITREA HUB ERITREA FOCUS, NEWS

JULY 5, 2020 ERITREA HUB ERITREA FOCUS, NEWS

Habte Hagos: Virtual Conference Closing Remarks – 4 July 2020

[Not read at the end of conference due to time constraint]

As this conference draws to a close it is my pleasure to make a few final remarks.

Let me begin by thanking everyone for their contributions; whether you are here today, or you were here earlier in the week. I think it would not be an exaggeration to say that this has been a considerable success, where we all too often feared it would be a failure.

As you may know, we had prepared for a conventional conference in partnership with the University of London Institute of Commonwealth Studies, with a wonderful venue kindly donated by them. Sadly, COVID struck and it was not to be. All those face-to-face meetings and informal discussions were, unfortunately, lost.

However, the task of working on a transitional blueprint for a democratic Eritrea was urgent, and we had to act. So, we took advantage of this new technology, and here we are. People attended from various parts of the United States, Australia, Israel, Southern Africa and beyond.

I want to thank everyone who participated, giving so much of their time and energy to helping us take this work forward. Much of the credit must go to the experts who spent over a year preparing the papers that underlay the ideas that we have been discussing. The spirit of lively, but courteous, debate that characterised this week is a credit to us all. Even when the most hotly-contested issues were before us, we treated each other with respect – something we cannot say always characterises Eritrean discussions!

Special thanks must go to those who worked hard behind the scenes: Helen Kidane, Yvonne Orengo, Paulos Michael and Kiflom Teklehaimanot in particular. We are also immensely grateful to our sponsors – the National Endowment for Democracy. Their generosity has made this conference possible. I will be formally writing them to convey our thanks for their donation.

As I said at the start of this conference, we will now take the comments and feed them into the discussions we will continue to have to formulate a blueprint. Once this has been thoroughly prepared and reviewed, we will be ready to go public with our work. We hope to hold a further conference towards the end of the year/early next at which we can formally present our blueprint to the participants and then make it public for the Eritrean people. Our aim will be – as ever – to make a contribution to a democratic, free country. Our work, along with that of others, should help a future government to find a way forward in those first, vital months following a transition.

What this conference has shown is the immense goodwill that permeates our community. Eritreans from very different backgrounds came together to share their experiences. It was humbling to listen to men and women who have spent the best part of their lives attempting to build the kind of Eritrea that we all want. We heard from Professor George Ayittey (from Ghana) on the lessons from other African nations which was insightful. We listened brother Festum Abraham’s comments about how vital a neutral administration is in overseeing a transition process.

For me, this conference had three key lessons.

Firstly, there is a deep desire in our Eritrean community to unite, work together and to transform that desire into a movement that can lead us to a new democratic Eritrea that is at peace with itself and its neighbours. Eritrea Focus is not that movement, but we would be willing to assist and do all we can to encourage our diverse communities to come together;

Secondly, we have an immense pool of goodwill from our allies across the world. Whether you look at the work of the Hotline for Refugees in Israel, or the America Team for Displaced Eritreans, we know who our friends are. We will build on their contributions and find others who can support our work. We already have links with democratic institutions across the world. We will strengthen these and seek even more supporters who share our vision, whenever we can and wherever they maybe; and

Thirdly, our work – collectively – is well understood and appreciated by our people. We can say with some confidence that even in the villages of Eritrea and the refugee camps of Sudan, Ethiopia and Libya there is an increasing awareness of what we, in the diaspora are doing. The regime may seem strong and stable; the reality is quite the opposite. The more credible and viable we are, the more confident our Eritrean people will be that the bright future ahead belongs to them and no one, but no one, can take it away from them again.

Finally, and as we bring the conference to a close, I would like to pose two question that, we as Eritreans, need to take away with us and ponder upon:

Was the sacrifice of our martyrs to liberate our country from Ethiopian oppression only for our people to be humiliated, abused, enslaved and exiled in their tens of thousands by an internal enemy?

What are we going to do about it individually and/or collective to ensure justice is served and the long nightmare of our people comes to an end?

I often wondered who or what is the worst enemy of the Eritrean people; Isaias or our disunity? I was, therefore, absolutely delighted to hear from brother Hailemariam Tesfai that the Eritrean opposition groups have decided to unite. I commend them hugely for that. At long last, the suffering and nightmare of the Eritrean people may be coming to an end.

With that, I bring this conference to a close – I wish you all well and stay safe.

Thank you.

Habte Hagos

Chair, Eritrea Focus

————————– ENDS ——————————-

Some of the hundreds of speakers and participants

Eritrea Focus Conf. 2 Working together. Sheikh Omar Abu Hanifah

Eritrea Focus Conf. 2 Working together. Dr Asia Abdulkadir

Eritrea Focus Conf. 2 Working together Dr Berhane Asmelash

Eritrea Focus Conf. 2 Working together. Fikre Gaim

Eritrea Focus Conf. 2 Working together. Professor Araya Debessay

Fears grow over seven Eritrea football internationals on the run in Uganda Players fled after tournament and are seeking asylum Worries they could be captured and punished ‘as traitors’

Friday, 03 July 2020 21:28 Written by Ed Aarons and Alex Cizmic

Ed Aarons and Alex Cizmic

@ed_aarons

The Eritrean players Abiel Oqbay, Isaias Abraham, Ismail Sultan, Eyob Girmay, Robel Kidane, Yosief Mebrahtu and Filimon Semere are in hiding in Uganda.

The Eritrean players (from left) Abiel Oqbay, Isaias Abraham, Ismail Sultan, Eyob Girmay, Robel Kidane, Yosief Mebrahtu and Filimon Semere are in hiding in Uganda.

Seven Eritrea internationals who have been in hiding in Uganda for more than six months fear being captured and sent home “as traitors” if they are not granted asylum.

In December 2019 they were part of the Eritrea team that reached the final of the Cecafa Senior Challenge Cup – an annual tournament for teams from east Africa – for the first time. They were due to return home on a flight with the rest of the squad after a 3-0 defeat by the hosts Uganda but Abiel Oqbay, Isaias Abraham, Ismail Sultan, Eyob Girmay, Robel Kidane, Yosief Mebrahtu and Filimon Semere escaped and have since been on the run.

The Ugandan authorities, having initially co-operated with the Eritrean embassy in Kampala in the search for the players, issued them with asylum registration cards in January before a proposed interview with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees that has yet to materialise.

“In January they told us to be patient because if the police opened the procedure our cases will move on smoothly,” said Oqbay. “Then in May they called us back and said they can’t help us at the moment. We don’t know what to do, because we don’t have many resources to move forward … we have been eating only once a day.”

Since 2009 it is estimated that more than 50 players have used their status as international footballers to escape the oppressive regime of the Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki, which imposes lifetime military service on many subjects and bans groups of more than two people congregating in public places. A recent report by the Norwegian Refugee Council outlined concerns that asylum seekers in Uganda often face long delays in their applications given the fact that more than 1.7 million refugees were expected in the country this year.

The coronavirus pandemic has made the situation even more desperate, and George Ghebreslassie – a senior member of the America Team for Displaced Eritreans, which has been helping the players in Uganda – has warned that the players are still at risk of being captured if the UNHCR does not intervene.

“As soon as I talked to them, I was terrified to hear they were in Uganda without any protection,” Ghebreslassie said. “Uganda is a hub for the supporters of the Eritrean regime and some people are looking for the players. If they catch them they will punish them so they can serve as an example of how the regime treats who they consider as traitors.

“Something within UNHCR doesn’t work; it seems they don’t realise the seriousness of the situation. I talked to a woman there, but she didn’t follow up the case. The players need to be moved to a safer place under UN protection as happened to their youngest colleagues some months earlier.”

The Guardian has sought comment from UNHCR but received no response.

In January, the Guardian spoke to Mewael Yosief – one of the four players from the country’s under-20 side who fled after reaching the Cecafa Under-20 Challenge Cup semi-final in Uganda a few months earlier. They are awaiting the result of their asylum application but Kimberley Motley, the American attorney who is following their case, said that was a slow process.

Mewael Tesfai Yosief (left), with Simon Asmelash Mekonen, Hanibal Girmay Tekle and Hermon Fessehaye Yohannes in a house in Uganda last October. Photograph: AP

“They have been interviewed in order to see if they qualify – which they do,” she said. “It is up to a country to invite them, but the Covid-19 pandemic has complicated things. Countries aren’t really accepting refugees now.”

Oqbay and his teammates spent their first weeks in Uganda in Kampala, where they were moving from place to place to avoid capture, before in February going to a more remote location thanks to the help of Ghebreslassie’s organisation, which is based in Pennsylvania. Despite several attempts by Giulia Tranchina – an Italian immigration lawyer based in London – to advance their case with UNHCR for Uganda, there has been no progress.

“We are aware we have to wait,” Oqbay said. “We love football so much and what we want is just to be safe in a free country where we can continue playing.”

Source=https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/jul/02/fears-grow-over-seven-eritrea-football-internationals-on-the-run-in-uganda-asylum?CMP=Share_AndroidApp_WhatsApp

America Should Start Planning for Eritrea’s Transition

Thursday, 02 July 2020 13:53 Written by Michael Rubin

Reuters

July 1, 2020 Topic: Security Region: Africa Tags: Eritrea Africa National Security Isaias Afwerki Constitution

The time is now for U.S. officials to reach out to Eritreans, both inside the country and out, and put plans in place to help build the institutions Isaias Afwerki has left weakened or destroyed.

by Michael Rubin

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In January 2018, against the backdrop of the immigration debate, President Donald Trump seemed to dismiss all African nations as “shithole countries.” His attitude has not evolved much during the course of his presidency. Speaking at his first post-pandemic rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma on June 20, President Donald Trump disparaged Somalia. “No government, no safety, no police, no nothing, just anarchy,” he quipped, the ultimate irony considering he has gifted Somalia almost $3 billion over the course of his presidency. Trump appears to wallow in a reality which happily is long since gone. Whereas Africa was once a continent embroiled in wars, most countries are now at peace. Many UN peacekeeping missions have gone home. Dictators are increasingly rare as state after state has held democratic elections and witnessed peaceful transitions. As Black Lives Matter promotes socialism if not Marxism in America, Africa itself has largely abandoned socialism and embraced capitalism. The result? More than a billion lifted out of poverty in just the last few decades. To all of Africa’s advances, Eritrea remains an unhappy exception.

Eritrea formally gained independence from Ethiopia and international recognition in 1993 after a three-decade struggle. Initially, there was great hope for the former Italian colony. It could have leveraged its historical links to Europe to kickstart its industry and manufacturing base. It possesses great mineral wealth, and its position astride the Red Sea gave it great economic potential both for trade and transshipment to neighboring and landlocked Ethiopia, Africa’s second-largest country by population. At the time, observers expected warm relations. Isaias Afwerki, president from independence until the present day, was a comrade-in-arms with Meles Zenawi, the president of Ethiopia when they both had fought against Ethiopia’s Marxist regime. Meles was supportive of Eritrean secession.

As Eritrea moved toward independence, there was some hope that Isaias would evolve toward democracy. Certainly, there was reason to be concerned. He was trained in China in the late 1960s, and, according to a New York Times profile, he “became the virtual commissar of a tightly disciplined Leninist organization” in the 1970s. They dropped Marxism in 1986 but did not necessarily embrace democracy as a goal. A 1991 AllAfrica report explained, “The Addis Ababa government argues that political success in Ethiopia requires the immediate granting of full political rights and freedoms throughout the country. The Provisional Government in Eritrea, on the other hand, operates from a belief that in a country without any experience of freedom, democracy must be guided in order to prevent its abuses.” American diplomats at the time reportedly said “they find Mr. Isaias shrewd, tough, but usually reasonable.” Speaking in Tigrigna on Voice of the Broad Masses of Eritrea on June 16, 1993, Isaias promised a multi-party democracy but said his goal would be first to build the institutions to support them. Dan Connell, an aid worker and activist, who chronicled the Eritrean struggle, advised in a 1993 article, “If the Clinton administration is genuinely interested in fostering democracy in Africa and elsewhere in the third world, Eritrea is the place to start.”

That was wishful thinking. Rather than promote democracy, Isaias turned Eritrea into North Korea on the Red Sea. Indeed, Eritrea today often manages to fall behind North Korea in press freedom rankings. Freedom House ranks it alongside North Korea and Syria. Just a year ago, over 100 African dignitaries signed an open letter to Isaias lamenting, “Eritrea has not kept pace with the changes seen elsewhere.  Over the past two decades, Eritrea has been described as the most closed society on our continent, an unfortunate situation for a country with such rich human capital and potential.”

Eritreans are also subject to indefinite conscription with little or no pay. In effect, Isaias enslaves his population. There is a perverse logic to this: By keeping males detained and controlled until well past middle age, he need not worry about opposition forming from civil society or a middle class. Of course, many Eritreans risk life and limb to flee. Isaias is happy to see them go because, if they do survive the journey, they often remit money to family who remained and therefore keep Eritrea above starvation without Isaias being held to account for his failures to develop Eritrea economically.

Isaias’ grip on power might be absolute, but he is not immortal. He is seventy-four-years-old, and both Eritreans and foreign diplomats are already beginning to speculate about the future of Eritrea in a post-Isaias era, especially afterallegedhealth scares.

Paranoia has a price. There is no vice president nor are there any other clear successors as Isaias has systematically removed any rival. Additionally, the constitution does not serve as a guide as, in practice, it remains unimplemented. There is some indication that Isaias wants to pass the torch to his son Abraham, but few Eritreans let alone those outside the country believe Abraham wields a steady hand and so it is uncertain he will be able to maintain or consolidate power or win the army’s support after his father’s death.

In 2013, the International Crisis Group (ICG) reported on possible succession scenarios, but the report was short on details (through no fault of the ICG) and, at any rate, is now dated. During the most recent health scare, a number of names surfaced, but many are old and also in poor health.

By any metric, Eritrea under Isaias has been both a failure and a human tragedy. Eritreans deserve better, and Isaias’ death will allow them to close the door on a sad chapter in their nation’s existence. Every recent U.S. administration has talked about how Africa is a priority, but the United States remains absent without leave across the continent—its diplomats often locked in their compounds by overzealous security officers—as Morocco, Turkey, Qatar, Iran, India, China, and increasingly Russia all vie for influence. Both Democrats and Republicans may recognize that commercial outreach is more important than diplomatic niceties or military force but, in practice, they are unwilling to rethink a U.S. strategy which has not served American interests well.

A democratic state in Eritrea would be of broad benefit for Eritreans and within the region and, indeed, for everyone except for countries like China that seek to co-opt dictatorships and entrap countries with debt. Rather than simply react, the time is now for U.S. officials to reach out to Eritreans, both inside the country and out, and put plans in place to help build the institutions Isaias has left weakened or destroyed. These officials must ensure Eritrea’s continued independence against the backdrop of Ethiopian ambitions, ready the resources to help Eritrea recover and thrive to take its place in the world, and help advance its stability and moderation in an increasingly strategic corner of Africa.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he researches Arab politics, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran, Iraq, the Kurds, terrorism, and Turkey. He concurrently teaches classes on terrorism for the FBI and on security, politics, religion, and history for U.S. and NATO military units.

Source=https://nationalinterest.org/feature/america-should-start-planning-eritrea%E2%80%99s-transition-163857

BBC Tigrinya coverage of Eritrea Focus Conference 2

Wednesday, 01 July 2020 00:36 Written by ERITREA HUB NEWS

JUNE 30, 2020 ERITREA HUB NEWS

The Conference – which concluded it’s first day of discussions on Law and Justice yesterday – has been reported in the BBC.

Habte Hagos, Eritrea Focus’s chair, was interviewed. You can listen to this here.

Below is the report on the BBC Website.

‘ዋዕላ ምህናጽ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ 2020’ ይጋባእ ኣሎ

29 ሰነ 2020

ምንጪ ስእሊ,GETTY IMAGES

ኣስታት 300 ኤርትራውያን ምሁራት፡ ተጠባቕቲ መሰላትን፡ ወጻእተኛታት ዕዱማትን ዝሳተፍዎ ዘለዉ ዋዕላ ሎሚ ሰኑይ 29 ሰነ ተኸፊቱ።

እቲ “ምህናጽ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ” ተባሂሉ ዝተሰምየ ዋዕላ፡ ብመገዲ ኢንተርነት (‘ቪርቹዋል) ይካየድ ምህላዉ ተፈሊጡ።

ኣቐዲሙ፡ ኣብ ከተማ ለንደን ብገጽ ንገጽ ርክብ ብኣካል ክካየድ ተወሲኑ’ኳ እንተነበረ፡ ብሰንኪ ለበዳ ኮሮናቫይረስ ከም ዝተሰናኸለ ወደብቱ ሓቢሮም።

ኣብቲ ን6 መዓልታት ዝቕጽል ኣኼባታት፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ኪላታት ቁጠባ፡ ሕጊ፡ ፍትሒ፡ ፖለቲካ፡ ዓለምለኻዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ሰባዊ መሰላትን፡ ካልኦት ዓውድታትን፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ጉጅለታት ተኸፋፊሎም ክመያየጡ ምዃኖም፡ ሓላፊ ናይቲ ነቲ ዋዕላ ዝወደበ፡ ‘ፎካስ ኤርትራ’ ዝተባህለ ማሕበር ገሊጹ።

ኣቶ ሃብተ ሓጎስ ንቢቢሲ ኣብ ዝሓቦ ሓበሬታ፡ እቲ ዋዕላ ናይቲ ኣብ ሚያዝያ 2019 ኣብ ለንደን ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ ምዃኑ መቐጸልታ ኣብሪሁ።

ቀጺሉ ኣቶ ሃብተ፡ “ሽዑ ሓደ ሽዱሽተ ሕንጻጻት ኣውጺእና ነይርና፡ 24 ኪኢላታት ድማ ኣብዘን ዝሓለፋ 12 ከጽንዕወን ጸኒሖም” ብምባል፡ ውጽኢት ናይቲ መጽናዕትታት ኣብዚ ናይ ሕጂ ዋዕላ ንምይይጥ ክቐርብ ምዃኑ፡ ሓቢሩ።

እቲ ዋዕላ፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ክልወጥ ብዝደልዩ ወገናት ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኮይኑ፡ “ድሕሪ ለውጢ ኣብታ ሃገር ንዝምስረት…ሓድሽ መንግስቲ ንምድጋፍ” መጽናዕትታት የካይዱ ከም ዘለዉ ይገልጹ።

“ጻዕርና ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ንምፍጣር’ዩ። ምስ ጎረቤትና ኢትዮጵያ ህውከት ኣይንደሊ፡ ኣብ ዓድና ህዝብና ክርበሽ ኣይንደሊ፡ ህዝብና ርሂጹ ሰሪሑ ክነብር’ዩ ዝደሊ፡ ክጭኮን ኣይደልን’ዩ።

“ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 30 ዓመት ግን፡ ከም ሕሱም ተጨኲኑ’ዩ፡ ኣምባይዶ ሓውኻ፡ ጸላኢኻ ከምኡ ገይሩ ኣይጭኩነካን’ዩ” ኢሉ።

ብፕረዚደንት ኢሳይያስ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ፡ ብዘይቅዋምን ሃገራዊ ምርጫን፡ ንኣስታት 30 ዓመት ስልጣን ብሒቱዎ ከምዘሎ ይፍለጥ።

እቲ መንግስቲ ንዝኾኑ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ኣፍልጦ ክህብ ኣይረአን፡ ብኣንጻሩ፡ መሳርሒ ናይ ወጻኢ ሓይልታት ብምባል እዩ ክኹንኖም’ዩ ዝስማዕ።

ሓደ ካብቶም ዝቐርቡ መጽናዕቲታት፡ ሓንቲ ሃገር “ብኸመይ ካብ ዲክታተርሺብ [ምልኪ] ናብ ደሞክራሲ ትሰጋገር” ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ከምዝህሉ ዝጠቐሰ ኣቶ ሃብተ፡ እቲ ኣኼባታት ንኹሉ ሸነኻት ብዙሕነት ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ ምዃኑ ሓቢሩ።

A Call to all Pro-Justice Eritreans in the Diaspora

Monday, 29 June 2020 11:12 Written by Eritrea Hub News

JUNE 29, 2020 ERITREA HUB NEWS

Screenshot 2020-06-29 at 08.34.03

From: Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy

It is time to bring together our professionals, build hope, and shape the future of Eritrea with compassion for our people, professional ethos and effective solutions. The repression of Eritreans under the brutal PFDJ dictatorship and the scale of the current political crisis in Eritrea are unprecedented. Apparently, we share grave concerns about the fate of our people and the future of our nation, and we express a profound sense of solidarity with those who continue to take a firm stand against injustice. We also recognize that the situation requires a significant number of well-meaning Eritreans with knowledge, drive and persistence, effectively carrying out their duties to bring change and recover our great country from one of its gloomiest periods.

As you may be aware, we have recently released a letter to the public titled “The 2020 Manifesto of Eritrean Scholars and Professionals in the Diaspora” and in it we have highlighted our shared concerns over the regime’s continued and horrific human rights abuses, reckless political games and a need for building cohesive strategies. The Manifesto was signed by 114 Eritrean scholars and professionals with doctorate degrees, and it was heartwarming to many Eritreans to see so many intellectuals firmly standing with their people and exposing the abuses and oppression committed by the Isaias regime. Some also urged that Eritrean scholars and professionals assume the responsibility of providing direction and guidance in the fight for justice and beyond.

Acting in response to calls from several signatories of the Manifesto and other Eritreans, the organizing team invited all signatories for a follow up meeting, which was held on May 30, 2020. The meeting was by all means a great success with over 70 signatories attending and discussing about how they can further assist Pro-Justice Eritreans in the fight against dictatorship. As a result of the meeting and discussions that followed, decisions have been made (a) to form and name the organization “Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy (The Institute)”, (b) to expand the scope and membership of the Institute to include Eritrean professionals, academics and experienced activists with and without doctorate degrees, (c) to collaborate with political and civic organizations that share similar values and goals. The meeting also underscored the importance of collaborating with all well-meaning Eritreans to speed up the process of bringing about a positive change, completely transforming the political system of the country and ending the suffering of the Eritrean people. The Institute is committed to engage in all that is necessary and research-based activities and ensure that there will be a smooth transition to a democratic rule in the aftermath of regime change. Moreover, the Institute is now in the process of forming discipline-based Think Tank groups that will help to prepare the necessary blueprints and policy documents that may be launched during the transition period.

These blueprints will serve as the basis for the country’s economic development, the reformation of public institutions and the overall improvement of the welfare of the Eritrean people.

To this end, we are posting this public announcement to invite all Eritreans who are willing and have the ability, the knowledge, experiences and the commitment to contribute to the success of The Institute. Our aim is to position our discipline-based Think Tank Groups for effectively responding to and solving the toughest challenges of our people. We are therefore appealing to all who have the requisite expertise and the willingness to join and serve as members of the Think Tank Groups. Please join ERIPS and one of the Think Tank groups by providing your background and area(s) of interest in the following questionnaire: https://forms.gle/fBtDrdFJQc35PVJh6

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Regards, The ERIPS Organizing Team 6/28/2020

ጻውዒት ንኹሉኹም ኣብ ስደት እትነብሩ ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ካብ፡ ትካል ምርምር ኤርትራውያን ንፖሊሲን ስትራተጅን ኤርትራውያን ሞያውያን ተኣኪቦም፡ ንናይ ህዝቦም ሓልዮትን ሞያዊ ግዴታቶምን ብቑዕ ፍታሕ ንምርካብ ዘለዎም ዓቕምን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው፡ ተስፋ ዝሃንጽሉን ንኩነታት መጻኢት ኤርትራ ኣቐዲሞም ዝቕይስሉን ግዜ ሎሚ ኢዩ። ብሰንኪ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ፖለቲካዊ ቁሉውላው ሃገርናን ካብ ዓቐኑ ዝሓለፈ ኢዩ ዘሎ። እቲ ርኡይ ሓቂ ንሱ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ብኩነታት ህዝብናን መጻኢ ዕድል ሃገርናን ኣዚና ከም እንሻቐል ክበርህ አለዎ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ምስ’ቶም ፍትሒ ንምንዳይ ጸኒዖም ዝቃለሱ ዘለዊ ደቂ ሃገር ዘለና ምሕዝነት ክንገልጽ ንፈቱ። ኣብ ርእሲኡ፡ ኩነታት ክብርቲ ሃገርና ተቐይሩ ካብ’ዚ ጸላም ዘመን ክትገላገል እንድሕሪ ደኣ ኮይና፡ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ብቕንዕናን ንጥፈትን ተስፋ ብዘይ ምቕራጽን በብዓቕሞም ምስ ዘበርክቱ ኢዩ። ከም ዝዝከር፡ ኣቐድም አቢልና “ማኒፈስቶ 2020 ብኤርትራውያን ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ኣብ ስደት” ዘርእስቱ ጹሑፍ ዘርጊሕና ነይርና:። ኣብ’ቲ ናይ ሓባር መረዳእታናን ስክፍታታትናን ዘንጸባርቕ ጽሑፍ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ህዝብና ብቐጻሊ ዘውርዶ ዘሎ ዘስካሕክሕ ግፍዕን ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ፖለቲካዊ ቁማርን ነዞም ተርእዮታት ንምግታእ ዘድልየና ዘሎ ምህናጽ ዝተወሃሃደ ስትራተጅን ብሕጽር ዝበለ መንገዲ ገሊጽና ነይርና። እዚ ናይ 114 ኤርትራውያን ምሁራት ክታም ዝሓዘለ መንቀሊ ሰነድ፡ ንብጣዕሚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ፍናን ክህቦም ዝኸኣለ፡ ከም’ዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ብዙሓት ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ጎድኒ ህዝቦም ተሰሊፎም ነቲ ብምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ዝወርድ ዘሎ መሪር ግፍዕን ጭቆናን ብትብዓት ከቃልዑ ምኽኣሎም ኢዩ። ነዚ ቅዱስ ተበግሶ እዚ ምርኩስ ብምግባር ድማ ገለ ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያን እዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ምትእኽኻብ ክቕጽል፡ ከምኡ ድማ ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ምምእዛንን ምምሕዳርን ቃልሲ ግቡእ ሓላፍነቶም ክጻወቱ ጸዊዖም። ነዚ ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራውያን ጻውዒት ምላሽ ምእንቲ ክረክብ፡ አወሃሃድቲ ሽማግለ ማኒፈስቶ 2020 ንኹሎም እቶም ኣብ’ቲ ጽሑፍ ክታሞም ዘስፈሩ ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ብምዕዳም ኣብ ጉምበት 30, 2020 ቀዳማይ ኣኼባ ኣካይዳ። እቲ ልዕሊ 70 ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ዝተሳተፍዎ ኣኼባ ዕዉት ዝገበሮ ምኽንያት ድማ ንፍትሒ ምስ ዝቃለሱ ደቂ ሃገር ሓቢርካ ብምስራሕ ዕምሪ ውልቀ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝሓጽረሉ መንገድታት ዝድህስሱ ምዙሓት ሓሳባት ስለ ዝመንጨዉ ኢዩ። ከም ውጽኢት ናይ’ቲ ኣኼባን ብድሕሪኡ ዝቐጸሉ ዝርርባትን፡ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ውሳነታት ጸዲቖም፣ ሀ) ሓንቲ ማሕበር ክትፍጠርን ስማ ድማ “ትካል ምርምር ኤርትራውያን ንፖሊሲን ስትራተጂን (The Institute)” ክኸውን፡ ለ) ኣባልነት ማሕበር ሰፊሑ ንዶክተረይት መዓርግ ዘለዎምን ዘይብሎምን ሰባት ዘጠቓልል ኮይኑ ኩሎም ኣብ ፍትሒ ዝኣምኑ ምሁራትን ሞያውያንን ምኩራት ተቓለስትን ክጽምበሩዎ ክተባብዑ፡ ሐ) ምስ ኩሎም እቶም ተመሳሳሊ ዕላማን ባህርን ዘለዎም ፖለቲካውያንን በርጌሳውያንን ማሕበራት ተመሓዚኻ ምስራሕ። ከም ተወሳኺ፡ እቲ ኣኼባ ንኣድላይነት ናይ ምስ ኩሎም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያን ሰሪሕካ ኣዎንታዊ ለውጢ ምቅልጣፍ፡ ፖለቲካዊ መርሓ ሃገርና ኣመዓራሪኻ ምምዕባል፡ ከምኡ ድማ ስቓይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከብቅዕ ኣጸቢቕካ ምጽዓር ብምባል ኣድሚቑ ኣስሚሩሉ። እዚ ትካል፡ ኣብ ኩሎም ኣድለይትን ምርምር ምርኩስ ዝገበሩን ዕማማት ኣትዂ ብምስራሕ፡ ድሕሪ ምውዳቕ ህግደፍ ስልጣን ብዘይ ሓርጎጽጐጽ ናብ ህዝቢ ክመሓላለፍን ደሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ክጸንዕን ክሰርሕ ኢዩ። ክንዮ እዚ ዕላማ ዝኸይድ፡ ትካልና ብሞያ ዝተኸፋፈሉ ጉጅለታት መጽናዕቲ መስሪቱ ኣድለይቲ ምርምራት ብምክያድ ኣብ መሰጋገሪ ግዜ ክጠቕሙ ዝኽእሉ ጽሑፋት ክቕርብ ተበጊሱ ኣሎ። እዞም ጽሑፋት ነቲ ድሕሪ ለውጢ ዝበጋገስ ቁጠባዊ ተሃድሶን ምምዕርራይ መንግስታውያን ትካላትን ኩሉ መዳያዊ ምምሕያሽ ሂወት ኤርትራውያንን ከገልግሉ ኢዮም። እዞም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሱ ዕላማታት ኩዉናት ንምግባር፡ ኩሉኹም ዓቕምን ፍልጠትን ተመክሮን ድሉውነትን ዘለኩም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ክትጽምበሩና ብትሕትና ንዕድም። ተበግሶና እተን ብሞያ ዝተኸፋፈላ ጉጅለታት መጽናዕቲ ትካልና ብግቡእ ተወሃሂደን ነቶም ሰፍ ዘይብሉ ብድሆታት ህዝብና ክፈትሓ ኢዩ። ስለ’ዚ ኩሉኹም እቶም ነዞም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሱ ቅጥዕታት እተማልኡ ወለንተኛታት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ፡ ክትጽምበሩናን ኣብ’ተን ናይ መጽናዕቲ ጉጅለታት ተዋፊርኩም ዓቕምኹም ዝፈቕዶ ኣበርክቶ ንህዝብኹም ክትልግስሉን ንላቦ። ኣባላት እዚ ትካል ክትኮኑን ኣብ’ተን ናይ መጽናዕቲ ጉጅለታት ክትዋፈሩን ምእንቲ ንድሕረ ባይታኹምን ምርጫታትኩምን ዝምልከት ሓበሬታ ኣብዚ ብምጥዋቕን https://forms.gle/fBtDrdFJQc35PVJh6 ውሑዳት ሕቶታት ብምምላስን ክትሰዱልና ንምሕጸን። ምስ ትካልና ተሓባቢርኩም ክትሰርሑ ትደልዩ ማሕበራት ወይ ድማ ምስ ኣባላት ትካል ምርምር ኤርትራውያን ክትዛተዩ እትደልዩ ወከልቲ ማሕበራት፡ ንዝያዳ ሓበሬታ በዚ ዝስዕብ ኢመይል ክትረኽቡና ትኽእሉ፡ This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. ካብ ትካል ምርምር ኤርትራውያን ተወሳኺ ሓበሬታ እትደልዩ ሰባት እውን በዚ ኢመይል ርኸቡና፡ This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. ሰሰናዩ፡ ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ትካል ምርምር ኤርትራውያን ንፖሊሲን ስትራተጅን 6/28/2020

المعهد االرتري للسياسات واالبحاث االستراتيجية نداء لكل االرتريين طالبي العدالة في المهجر شعبنا، متحل ين لقد آن األوان لتجميع أصحاب االختصاص، وبناء األمل، وصياغة مستقبل إرتريا باالستجابة لرغبات بالروح المهنية ومعتمدين عىل الحلول الناجعة إن مستويات القمع والوحشية التي يتعرض لها شعبنا تحت ظل دكتاتورية الجبهة الشعبية للديمقراطية والعدالة وصلت مراحل غير مسبوقة، هذ ا في ظل مخاوف جدية متنامية حول مصير شعبنا وأمتنا، وهو ما يجعلنا نعبر عن عميق تضامننا مع الذين يقفون بحزم ضد هذا النظام الظالم، ويزيد أدراكنا بأن الوضع يتطلب من االرتريين ذو الفطرة السليمة الرافضة للظلم ويمتلكون المعرفة والدافع والمثابرة للقيام بواجباتهم بفعالية إلحداث التغيير وتمكين بالدنا من تجاوز واحدة من أكثر مراحل تاريخها قتامة. باسم )مانفيستو كما تعلمون فقد أصدرنا مؤخرا بيانا 2020م لألكاديميين والمهنيين بالمهجر(، عبرنا فيه مخاوفنا المشتركة بشأن انتهاكات النظام ً عاماً المستمرة والمروعة لحقوق اإلنسان، وسياساته المتهورة، وأوضحنا فيه الحاجة إلى بناء استراتيجيات متماسكة بديلة. لقد جاء المانفيستو بتوقيع مائة وأربعة عشرا من العلماء والمهنيين اإلرتريين الحاصلين على درجات الدكتوراه. وأوجد صدروه حالة من االرتياح لدى بعض قطاعات شعبنا وهم ً يرون العديد من اإلرتريين المثقفين يقفون بقوة مع شعبهم ويفضحون االنتهاكات والقمع الذي يرتكبه نظام أسياس. كما حث البعض على أن يتحمل األكاديميون والمهنيون اإلرتريون على عاتقهم مسؤولية التوجيه واإلرشاد لمسيرة النضال من أجل العدالة وما يلي ذلك. استجابة للنداءات الواردة من العديد من الموقعين على المانفيستو وغيرهم من اإلرتريين، دعا الفريق المنظم جميع الموقعين الى اجتماع لمواصلة الجهود، وتم عقد االجتماع في 30 مايو 2020 .كان االجتماع ناجحا نجاحا باهرا بكل المقاييس حيث حضره أكثر من 70 موقعًا. وقد ناقش المجتمعون وسائل المساعدة الممكنة التي يمكن أن يقدمها هذا التجمع لطالبي العدالة من االرتريين في مكافحة الدكتاتورية. وبناء على المناقشات التي دارت في االجتماع والنقاشات التي تلته، تم اتخاذ القرارات التالية )أ( تأسيس و تسمية مؤسسة باسم -المعهد االرتري ألبحاث السياسات والدراسات االستراتيجية- ) يشار اليه الحقا بالمعهد ( )ب( توسيع نطاق وعضوية المعهد لتشمل اإلرتريين من المهنيين واألكاديميين والناشطين ذوي الخبرة بدرجة الدكتوراه أو بدونها )ج( التعاون مع كافة المنظمات السياسية والمدنية التي تشترك مع المعهد في القيم واألهداف المماثلة. أكد االجتماع على أهمية التعاون مع جميع اإلرتريين ذوي المواقف الواضحة من النظام لتسريع عملية إحداث التغيير السياسي الكامل وإنهاء معاناة الشعب اإلرتري. المعهد من جانبه ملتزم بالمشاركة في كل األنشطة الضرورية التي تقوم على إجراء البحوث والدراسات لضمان انتقال سلس إلى حكم ديمقراطي في أعقاب تغيير النظام. عالوة على ذلك، يقوم المعهد في الوقت الحالي بتشكيل مجموعات من مراكز البحث او الخبراء المتخصصين )Tanks Think )والتي سوف تساعد في إعداد الدراسات المطلوبة والتي يمكن االستفادة منها خالل الفترة االنتقالية، ويمكن أن تكون هذه الدراسات أساس للتنمية االقتصادية، وإصالح المؤسسات العامة واالصالح الشامل من أجل رفاهية الشعب اإلرتري. تحقيا لهذه الغاية، ننشر هذا اإلعالن العام لدعوة جميع اإلرتريين الراغبين ولديهم القدرة والمعرفة والتجارب وااللتزام بالمساهمة في نجاح المعهد . ً هدفنا في ذلك هو تمكين هذه المجموعات من مراكز البحث )الخبراء المتخصصين( بغرض االستجابة الفعالة لمواجهة التحديات الصعبة التي يواجهها شعبنا. وعليه نناشد جميع من لديهم الخبرة المطلوبة واالستعداد لالنضمام والعمل كأعضاء في مجموعات المراكز البحثية المتخصصة، ويمكن افادتنا عن كيفية وطبيعة مساهماتكم من خالل توفير معلومات عن خلفياتكم العلمية ومجاالت اهتمامكم من خالل تعبئة هذا االستبيان الموجود في هذا الرابط: https://forms.gle/fBtDrdFJQc35PVJh6 ولطلب التعاون بشكل رسمي مع المعهد، أو أي استفسار يتعلق بالمعهد نأمل ارسال كافة المراسالت الى االيميل التالي: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. فريق العمل بالمعهد م2020/06/28

Joint Declaration of The Eritrean Political Forces

Thursday, 25 June 2020 08:33 Written by Eritrean Political Forces

Art provides comfort and hope to Eritrean refugee in Libya

Wednesday, 24 June 2020 21:06 Written by Caroline Gluck

Source UNHCR



Posted 23 Jun 2020
Originally published 23 June 2020
Origin

View original

Much of Solomon’s work is inspired by his faith, featuring images of saints and other biblical scenes © UNHCR/Mohamed Alalem

By Caroline Gluck

Painting and drawing offers an escape for one refugee living in Tripoli at a time of conflict and a lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic

In an unfinished building in a downtrodden neighbourhood of Tripoli, Solomon Gebreyonas Alema, a 29-year-old Eritrean refugee, can be found most days sketching and painting.

One small room in the dimly lit, overcrowded building that houses around 200 refugees from Eritrea, Ethiopia and Sudan has been designated by the residents as an “art room” – a space for people to paint, draw, write and play music.

Since mid-March, few residents have been able to venture far from the building due to stringent restrictions on movement introduced to limit the spread of COVID-19 in Libya, as well as ongoing security concerns linked to the conflict in Tripoli, which until recently had raged for more than a year. This has prevented most from being able to earn money through daily labour.

“Painting means life to me, I don’t want to be separated from it,” said Solomon, as he displayed his sketches and drawings. “When we get money, we spend it on necessary essentials like food and rent. Even so, because art is a necessary thing for me, for my life, my friends and other people around me help in whatever way they can by providing some items for painting and drawing.”

Solomon has been drawing and painting since he was a young child. He is self-taught and never attended formal art classes. His faith informs much of his work – large canvases in rich, vibrant colours portraying scenes from the bible, including figures of saints.

Painting these not only gives him purpose and inspiration, said Solomon, but has also helped other Eritrean and Ethiopian refugees struggling to get by in Libya.

“We don’t have any place to pray here in this country. So we use these pictures” he explained. “When people pray, it gives them hope. Using this painting to pray helps them with their faith and makes them feel they are protected from danger.”

There are currently close to 49,000 registered refugees and asylum seekers living in Libya. Many face violence and abuse on their journeys here, as well as in detention when they reach the country. Most continue to face huge challenges on a daily basis as they struggle to get by.

Many were smuggled into the country, like Solomon, who left his home and family determined to find a safe place to study and make a career as a professional painter. He paid smugglers US$5,500 to take him to Europe, which he paid for with the help of his mother, who sold her gold jewellery, and money from relatives in the Eritrean diaspora.

His attempt to reach Europe by boat, however, ended when the vessel was intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard, and he was put in a detention centre with others.

On his release into the urban community in Tripoli, he developed tuberculosis – a common disease among refugees living in cramped, unsanitary conditions – and re-entered another detention centre in order to seek medical assistance, which he was unable to afford outside with no means to support himself.

He is grateful now to be living in a place where he has the support of others in his community, despite the tough conditions.

“People’s thoughts are very much on coronavirus. They are so worried because most of the people live a hand-to-mouth existence,” he explained, saying that with his housemates and friends, food and other items are shared among the group.

“I honestly would prefer to spend everything I have on materials to paint. But life is very difficult and it is not easy to focus on painting when there are other really important things that are priorities for us, necessities for us to survive,” he said.

UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, and its partners provide help to refugees and asylum seekers in urban settings in Libya, including documentation, cash assistance to the most vulnerable, hygiene and household items, medical assistance and psychosocial support.

Together with the U.N. World Food Programme, the agency will also start providing monthly emergency food assistance for up to 10,000 refugees and asylum seekers until the end of the year, to help those struggling to provide for themselves having lost access to daily work due to the COVID-19 restrictions.

One of Solomon’s most recent sketches, which he is turning into a painting, shows life in Tripoli during the coronavirus pandemic. One side of the drawing depicts the city at war: shelling, fighting and tanks on the move; on the other side, a man wears protective clothing as he sprays disinfectant to fight the disease.

In the centre, surrounded by people who are praying and washing their hands, is a Madonna-like mother and baby. These central figures are protected by the shade of an umbrella, with the letters UNCHR written on it.

“I have tried my best to focus on my art,” he explained. “We have tried to stick with the little hope that we have. And one thing that has given us all hope is having UNHCR’s help.”

“We have a feeling that somehow, we are safe. We didn’t lose hope due to this and due to our faith. We didn’t give up.”

Source=https://reliefweb.int/report/libya/art-provides-comfort-and-hope-eritrean-refugee-libya

African Union suspends South Sudan over unpaid bill

Tuesday, 23 June 2020 10:30 Written by Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

AFRICA, AFRICAN UNION, SOUTH SUDAN

African Union suspends South Sudan over unpaid bill

Date: 23/06/2020Author: Martin Plaut0 Comments

AU sanctions South Sudan over $9m membership debt

By Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban
Source: africanews

The African Union (AU) has suspended South Sudan from the continental
body over failure to honour its financial obligations over the past
three years.

A letter from the country’s mission in Ethiopia to the Foreign Affairs
Ministry confirmed the development saying the amount in question came
up to over 9 million dollars. The Xinhua News Agency said the Ministry
had confirmed the suspension from the Addis Ababa-based body.

In clarifying the extent of the suspension, Hakim Edward, deputy
Foreign Affairs Spokesperson, said Juba’s AU membership attained in
July 2011 remained intact except that the country cannot participate
in AU meetings.

“We would like to confirm to the public that South Sudan is one of the
countries that have been sanctioned by the AU due to lack of yearly
financial contributions,” Edward said in a statement late last week.

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs would like to assure the public that
it is coordinating with the ministry of finance to resolve the matter
not only with the AU but with other regional bodies,” he added.

Local news outlet Eye Radio also reported that South Sudan has a lot
of unpaid arrears to regional, international, and global bodies it
subscribes to. The country is also yet to clear its arrears to the
East African Community to which it owes about 24 million dollars.

South Sudan, which seceded from Sudan on 9 July 2011, joined the
African Union on 27 July 2011, becoming the 54th member.

A year ago, the AU’s Peace and Security Council voted to suspend
neighbouring Sudan from all AU activities until a civilian government
has been formed. The decision followed violent military action against
pro-democracy activists who helped toppled the government of Omar
Al-Bashir.

The council made the announcement after a meeting in Addis Ababa of
the member states of the pan-continental body. The country’s
membership was restored after the ruling military council and
opposition groups agreed to share power in a transition to democracy.

EU says no more money to Eritrea

Thursday, 18 June 2020 21:32 Written by Habte Hagos

JUNE 18, 2020 ERITREA HUB NEWS

17 June 2020

Eritrea Focus

By Habte Hagos

On Monday, 15 June 2020, the European Union (EU) at the meeting of the Committee on Development (DEVE) on the EU’s development cooperation with Eritrea (state of play and the EU’s policy objectives) meeting, declined the Eritrean government’s request for €50 million for more road works in the country. The EU is also sending €30 million originally reserved for Eritrea to Sudan instead.

Disappointingly, however, and despite the appalling human rights abuses in Eritrea, the EU has provided or has committed the following funding allocations to the country over the last couple of months:

€6.6 million was allocated in the middle of April. This was a ring-fenced allocation through WHO specifically for COVID-19. This aid was apparently given at the request of the “self-reliance” champion president of the country and despite him rejecting COVID-19 Personal Protection Equipment shipments and aid from various countries.

€19.7 million for 4 new projects to be implemented by UNDP (2 projects), IOM and UNODC.

€5 million to support the implementation of the UPR by the UNDP. The aim here is to increase capacity to follow up on UPR recommendations;

€5 million to support diaspora engagement in support of national development to be implemented by the IOM. The aim here seems to be for the temporary and voluntary return of Eritrean diaspora members to assist in socio-economic development in Eritrea. This funding seems to be specifically targeted towards PFDJ members in diaspora. The EU knows full well the destiny of any Eritrean justice seeker returning to Eritrea whilst the ruthless regime is still in Asmara. Clearly, that has not crossed the mind of EU technocrats on this occasion because it does not suit their interest;

€5 million for judiciary administration. Apparently to support and enhance efficiency of the judiciary administration in the country through the partnership framework with UNODC. Yes, improving a judiciary system where none exist. Makes you wonder in which planet these EU technocrats live; and

€4.7 million for promotion of economic growth, jobs and public finance management to be implemented by UNDP. The aim of this project is to enhance capacities of national institutions involved in economic governance. I would describe this as a subsidy for the national service programme. The regime in Asmara can enslave more youth and for longer period so it stops them from coming to Europe.

The above four projects funding has apparently been accepted by the “self-reliant” regime in Asmara but are yet to be rubber stamped by EU member states.

What is incredibly difficult to fathom with these funding to Eritrea is the incredible duplicity of the EU. It is mind boggling for the EU to work on the hypothesis that “at the very end we don’t like it [Eritrea], we cannot change it but let’s throw millions of Euros at it”. But again the funding to Eritrea at the end of the day, is in the interest of the EU; to stem the flow of Eritrean refugees to the EU and more crucially, and as one of the officials said at the end of the meeting “I don’t think we have an interest to leave it all to China and Saudi Arabia”. Alas the EU sees Eritrea for sale to the highest bidder. And why shouldn’t they?

Maybe it is not only Isaias that should be brought to the ICC but also the EU technocrats too because without their money he may not be able to commit crimes against humanity.

A rough translation of the meeting notes inserted below:

Transcription of the meeting of the Committee on Development (DEVE) on the EU’s development cooperation with Eritrea: state of play and the EU’s policy objectives

(Exchange of views with the Commission and the EEAS)

15 June 2020

Full meeting can be viewed via this link.

Opening remarks by the Chair, T. Tobe:

The EU relations with Eritrea are challenging. It’s development cooperation support has been subject of intense debates in our Parliament and DEVE committee. Most recently in February, we have discussed with the UNOPS, HRW, the Commission and EEAS. As a result of massive human rights violations and a strong isolation tendencies from the Eritrean government, cooperation was suspended for many years. At the centre of the development cooperation is the road rehabilitation project which aims to rebuild road from the border with Ethiopia to its’ Read Sea coast. After a brief reopening the border with Ethiopia was closed again. If the border is again reopen the road will provide a landlocked Ethiopia with a valuable connection to the sea. The road rehabilitation project is being carried out with the help of the national service labour. Let us start by hearing the Commission and EEAS how this work is going and what progress, if any there is now on the human rights track. We would be interested in your assessment on the ongoing dual-track approach and how you view the possibilities of getting results on the very difficult situation. Thank you to the Commission for engaging with us today and I give floor to Han Stausboll.

Hans Stausboll, Head of Unit on Eastern Africa, Horn of Africa at DG DEVCO:

Thanks you, it is an honour to be here today and continue conversation with this committee that started in February 2020. You have also seen that our Director General informed the DEVE Committee in the middle of April about specific COVID-19 action in Eritrea where we are providing €6.6 million through WHO to support the government its in response to pandemic. Lhotar from EEAS will cover the political part and I will focus on the cooperation side. Since the launch of the dual-track approach we have committed €125 million for Eritrea. All the funds we are providing serves to provide opportunities and livelihoods of the people of Eritrea. All projects are now implemented and closely monitored by the UN. Within the strategic cooperation framework signed between UN and Eritrea covering period 2017 – 2021. There are no blind checks or transfer funds to the government of Eritrea without our sight counter the allegations that you would have seen in media articles. This is easily traceable from the contracts that the EU signed with the UN implementing partners – UNOPS, UNDP etc. On the road project as it has been referred to, and it is indeed the biggest action we have, the objective is to rehabilitate the main road in order to reinforce the peace agreement and economic integration between Ethiopia and Eritrea. As we have said previously, this is a joint request we have received from the two governments. It will help to create economic opportunities, and it will help Ethiopia to break its’ isolation of Ethiopia and get the access to the Sea.

The project is not road construction project. We are procuring equipment that is indeed being made available to the Eritrean authorities. But we are not directly involved in road construction. Activities under the phase 1, which was €20 million action, are almost completed and it’s progressing in line with the EU and UN standards for project and financial management. 4 procurements contracts with suppliers – 3 with European based and 1 international supplier were authorised for procurement of construction equipment. Plans were completed by November 2019 and delivery started in late 2019 and continues. The contract for the second phase has been signed on 10^th of June. The EU delegation together with the UNOPS follows up the implementation regularly, including several field visits. To date, we had carried out 5 missions. Inspection of the equipment supplied are also conducted. A tripartite dialogue between EU, UNOPS and Government also ensures close monitoring and continues dialogue. All that without hiding implicit limitations faced when working in Eritrea. Field visits are organized with Eritrean authorities and access to information is limited. We are keen to facilitate the joined mission to Eritrea by the representatives from the Budget committee and DEVE committee. And we assure that this will give you a unique opportunity to have better understanding of the country and our engagement there.

On the link to the national service. Among the people employed by the government on the road construction project by construction companies through cash-for-work schemes, there are individuals belonging to national service as is the case for all areas of economic and social sectors in Eritrea. Reform of the national service can only be done gradually. And we cannot pretend that the EU can change workers’ conditions in Eritrea through the development projects we have now. Within the limits of the EU funded procurement project, a space has been secured for the dialogue with the government about the labour conditions and also to impact on then possibly through the provisions of health and security equipment for workers, as a preliminary step. The government continues to inform us but also publicly, about generalized increase of salaries for people serving under the national service. And have also recently gave indications that demobilisation is being considered. These were reconfirmed few days ago. Within the cooperation track there is much more than procurement for road rehabilitation. Decisions within €125 million I referred to have been adopted to support job creation in agriculture, an action to reinforce statistic for economic governance, and a project on strengthening capacities of health services to respond to the crisis with WHO. Contracting is progressing and we have contracted 70% of funds that have been committed.

Just last week, my Director General informed the Chair of the DEVE committee, I apologize it came so late, about our intentions. We have proposed to our member states 4 new actions for Eritrea for total amount of €19.7 million. The proposed pack is a set of actions which build on recent exchanges with the European Parliament, EU member states, and it represent the best compromise to accommodate the different views expressed by EU member states but also views expressed by the EP notably on the 2018 EDF discharge procedure. We have also conclusions of [the meeting] 7^th May, which confirmed that the member states are globally in favour to continue with the dual approach. The package that is on the table now, firstly I would like to emphasize that we listen very carefully to the Parliament – no more roads. It was very clear request from you and obviously we took that very seriously despite the fact that the government have one major priority and that is roads. The package targets soft areas and it consists of four main elements: €5 million to support the implementation of the UPR to be implemented by the UNDP; €5 million to support diaspora engagement in support of national development to be implemented by IOM; support to enhance efficiency of the judiciary administration in Eritrea through the partnership framework with UNODC; 4.7 million for promotion of the economic growth, jobs and public finance management implemented by UNDP. The fact that the government has accepted this package is an illustration that it is keen to maintain its engagement with the EU. We have also informed the government that this package will be the last under the current MFF which means a reduction of a amount for Eritrea by €30 million. Our intention is to transfer that amount to Sudan to support the positive political transition we see there.

It is important to recall that the Trust fund is not only activity that we have there and we are also using our lines to promote within the possibilities engagement with civil society and support for human rights within Eritrea.

Looking to the next MFF 2021-2027 – this was very clear request from our member states, we have been invited to make an evaluation of the dual track approach before the next programming cycle starts. We will not take any operational decisions before we have a thorough evaluation of our engagement with Eritrea and the dual approach. The outcome of the evaluation will orient the EU’s policy towards the country and will obviously be giving us the guidance for the upcoming programming. My Director General to the Chair of this Committee has committed to keep the EP closely informed about the evaluation that should start before the end of this month. With that, whatever form our engagement with Eritrea will take the overall objective is obviously to ensure that the EU can stay engaged in this crucial country and crucial region. Strategic patience is in our opinion is the best recipe for engaging with Eritrea and facilitating reform of the country.

Lothar Jaschke, EEAS:

Dear members, it is honour to be present here today and follow up on the exchange that we had in February. On Eritrea – the EU has strategic interest in promoting stable, prosperous and secure Horn of Africa which gets increasingly integrated provides maritime security and becomes reliable partner for the EU. We have interest to offer its youth perspective to become resilient to extremist ideologies. Eritrea will remain to be a key component of peace prosperity and stability in the Horn of Africa with a strategic location. Over the past year Asmara improved its relations with Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan and maintain close relations with Saudis and Emiratis. In December 2019 it signed the Red Sea Charter. It has also contributed to develop a trilateral cooperation with Mogadishu and Addis. Concerning Ethiopia, yes, we would like to see the peace agreement to be implemented much faster. And the border be reopened. But first, Eritrea needs to build up its economic base which is very low and that is also through our cooperation. Moreover, internal tensions between Ethiopian federal authorities and Tigray authorities should be mitigated in order to make progress on joint border commission. The EU is present in Asmara since 1995, promoting political engagement and development cooperation. Following the 2018 peace declaration, and in support to the peace process of two arch rivals, the EU decided to put engagement with Eritrea on a new dual-track approach. The idea is to pursue a robust political dialogue in view of promoting political reforms and in parallel, not as a condition, to invest in pragmatic development cooperation, which promotes regional integration, human rights, jobs and economic opportunities. This approach has been confirmed two times by the member states, last time on 7 May.

We consider this approach the best chance to pursue our key objective, which is to ensure Eritrea contributes to advancing our objectives in the region, to bring tangible objectives to Eritrea’s population, to increase our leverage to impact on reforms, to promote regional integration, and to build better positions for the EU in the future. And as you know, the future starts now.

While it is true that the Eritrean regime did not carried out the reforms that we wanted to see, the dual approach increased engagement opportunities and promoted Government to take more open, constructive attitude towards the EU. It has improved bilateral relations. Two examples are – when COVID-19 came to Eritrea, the leader turned to the EU asking for support forgetting about proud policy of self-sufficiency and rejecting humanitarian aid from the past. This can be seen as improvement in bilateral relations. Secondly, taboo issues, for example human rights violations are now discussed regularly and have entered the mainstream of our political dialogue and bilateral relations. When in Asmara, a presidential advisor told me, we want to better understand EU positions through the political dialogue that we have with you. And on human rights be assured, that we will address issues consistently, critically and constructively and encourage improvements and if they happen we will welcome them. We welcome Eritrea’s participation in the UPR process. It is quite remarkable that only high official with human rights in his title is the EU special representative Eamon Gilmore, who has been in Asmara and who has long standing invitation to Eritrea. This approach of constructive and robust engagement allows us to secure the gains and achieve through our dialogue while remain firm on our political objectives. We have made it clear to Asmara that we appreciate new possibilities to engage but also that the dual track approach is not a one-way street ant that it needs to be nurtured by strong drive for reforms in Eritrea and important progress on human rights. In engaging with Eritrea, we face criticism we respond to criticism and debunk false allegations. You have seen articles and statements against the EU engagement in Eritrea, but they do not suggest any constructive alternative. It is only through this constructive engagement and trust building however uncomfortable this is, that we stand a chance to be heard on sensitive issues. It is clear that we cannot expect miracles, and that we need to be patient and realistic. But we need to be part of the game and not be left out of it. This engagement would reduce our leverage and make it harder to come back. And we would have no chance to pursue our objectives when it comes to strengthening the rule of law, democracy, human rights and improving the wellbeing of Eritreans. Within the population and the government Europe is considered an attractive alternative to over dependence vis a vis Saudi Arabia and China. EU is the best place and help best positions for the future. Looking ahead, another meeting of the political dialogue is planned whenever the COVID restrictions allow it and discussion on long awaited Eritrean plan on human rights which is the action plan in implementing UPR recommendations. A visit of this committee is scheduled in the first week of November. This is welcomed event for more interaction and engagement. This is expression of interest that I know Eritrean people hugely appreciate.

Questions & Comments from the DEVE members

Gyorgy Holvenyi:

We have to pay attention to shrinking space of religious freedom in Eritrea. Authorities closed down almost 30 catholic health facilities and expelled patients receiving treatments without compensations. This is not a religious act it is important to note that many of the facilities were in the rural areas were there are no alternative medical services. Do you know about this? What do you think about this? The UN HRC also addressed the issue in its report.

Bullmann, S&D:

I heard in every sentence balance for reasonable approach. This is something we have to appreciate. But please, you have to understand that the very concrete accusation is in this specific Eritrean case that the EU’s money is being used to make use of forced labour in this road project and the conditions that are hardly justifiable. This is the very concrete issue. And perhaps we could come back to this issue. I very well understand that if you say it’s not in our command. At the very end we don’t like it but we cannot change it. But it should then be more clear and we should talk about – do we really not have any trigger points to change the situation of these workers, in a way of dialogue with Eritrean authorities, involved partners, international organisations and what would you say if these kinds of attempts have already taken place is the understanding of the other side? Is there willingness of the Eritrean authorities to accept the codes of values that we would present here or is there a major resistance? We have to be clear about these issues. Especially if at the end we would like to strike a fair balance of what we are doing or not doing.

Goerens, Renew:

The Commission representative just told us that they are going to carry out the evaluation. Can we get the terms of reference for the evaluation and criteria that will have to be respected by Eritrea?

Bilde, :

I think we are all paying careful attention to the national service and the impact that it has on project supported by the EU in this country. I had asked the Commission a written question about motorway between Adi-Guadad and Agordat and cooperation with Chinese companies as we heard that the project supported by China in Africa do not resect the social standards required. And I wonder if you are going to find out about the working conditions on those sites? And to find out if the national services are making contributions. Eritrea has also adopted ILO convention on the worst forms of child labour – do you have any idea on the progress that has been made since then? Because the American labour department noted the absence of efforts of the country in that area.

And my last question is on religious freedom. We know that church is having issues since 2007 and international press has mentioned persecution of the catholic church. Do you have any information on those key issues?

Michele Rivasi, Greens:

We have to admit, that I was rather disappointed what the commission had to say here. We’ve been asking since February, about financing that goes to the government and you are still telling us the same thing. So I’d like to give a couple of pieces of information that shows that this EU money has been poorly utilized and indeed puts us in a difficult situation. Most recent report of from the UN special rapporteur which came out on 11 May on 5 criteria to measure progress in Eritrea. The rapporteur says that there has been no progress made up to the date of May 2020. The rapporteur identifies four concrete measures that could easily be taken by the Eritrean regime to show progress in transformation of the national service, a) stopping the forced roundups; b) separate the education system from the national service conscription; c) implementing an independent system to monitor and follow up on violence and abuse in the national service; and d) stop forced labour and child labour in the national service. None of these measure has been taken during these times.

I have two questions –How does the EU believe it continues saying that its dual approach is bearing fruit and what sorts of results in terms of human rights are we seeing for the population on the ground? In this context how does the EU justifies the statements according to which positives measures have been taken by the Eritrean government in terms of the national service? How can the EU justify in the light of this information that conscripts under the national service set up are being used in the motorway project – the most important project of the EU. In which the EU is providing money to companies directly under Eritrean regime’s control.

And finally, in the report from February 2020 from the World Bank, in which the WB has identified Eritrea as a country where humanitarian aid is associated with offshore tax havens and illegal activities of this nature. Given the lack of financial transparency in Eritrea, how can that EU guarantee that the EU’s taxpayers’ money is not being used to enrich Eritrean elite? Are you sure that 80 million is helping the population and not the government?

In the light of this information, which shows that this EU approach is not helping an improvement on the ground at all, and you have said that yourself, what does the EU intend to do under MFF 2021-27? Are you going to continue with this dual track approach which is actually benefiting the Eritrean government? Because through this policy in staying in Eritrea you actually favouring the dictatorship there. I think what has been done is extremely worrying for democracy and EU values. I would like some answers to my questions.

Answers:

Hans Stausboll:

On the question of balance and trigger points – we do believe that we certain trigger points, we have dialogue on national service but it is correct that if you walk to Eritrea and say – unless you do A,B,C we will walk away – that approach simply does not work in Eritrea. And this is a tricky issue that we need to get along. I said that government continues to confirm that they are prepared to reform the national service as soon as the conditions allow. They say there are two conditions there must be jobs. There are no jobs currently. If they abolish the national service they have no other opportunities. And don’t forget that majority of the people in the national service get a salary that is bigger that the most ministers in Eritrean government get today. Yes, we do believe that there is willingness involved.

The question on evaluation – I need to check with my authorities, but I believe we can share the reference for the evaluation. Our intention is to ask an institute to make an assessment we are doing this with the member states now.

Obviously, I am disappointed that Mrs Rivasi is disappointed. I do think that we are changing our approach. We have listened very carefully to the discussion concerning the discharge. The Government has the expectation that they will receive 50 million more for the roads but we have said no. And programs that are being put in front of our member states right now is indeed targeting the soft areas, human rights, economic governance etc. We are not here to support the government we are here to support the people of Eritrea in the best possible way we can do. We have seen the report of the special rapporteur and we do agree that we have never pretended that there is major progress. We continue to say that engagement is better than disengagement. We have change directions of the programs that we are supporting now. And before we decide on the next MFF programming we want to have serious evaluation which will be also discussed with the Parliament. There are no money given to the government. Money stays within the UN and we are providing expertise and equipment. So the notion that there is corruption and that the EU’s money disappear in the government’s hands are not correct. We continue to monitor very closely everything is implemented by the UN on the basis of their criteria and their procedure. Obviously it is political appreciation whether you want to stay engaged in Eritrea or not. We continue to believe that this is the best possible within the limitations that we have to operate on in Eritrea.

Lothar Jaschke, EEAS:

Disappointingly, the number of Catholic health facilities have been closed. Some of them have reopened, some not. Overall healthcare situation has not improved by this. This could be seen as a reaction to statements by the Catholic Church that did not go well by the regime. This is event that we are concerned with that we have told the regime in the political dialogue that they should reconsider this decision and that it might not have been good move. The strength is that at least there is a political dialogue where we can address issues. The same goes for human rights. We have continuously encouraged them to participate in the UPR. Now they have accepted 131 recommendations including free speech, economic and social rights. They also told us that they will accept the visits of the UN of special mandate holders. Let’s see but that is positive move. I think this stronger openness and little shift in policy is paying off. It is certainly about the future. The EU is seen as an attractive alternative as a positive force. I don’t think we have an interest to leave it all to China and Saudi Arabia.

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