Bi-monthly English Organ of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party

Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, centre, arrives at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa in July. Photograph: AP

Ethiopia faces a dangerous cycle of intensifying internal political dissent, ethnic unrest and security crackdowns, observers have warned, after a series of protests in recent weeks highlighted growing discontent with the government of Abiy Ahmed, a Nobel peace prize winner.

Many western powers welcomed the new approach of Abiy, who took power in 2018 and promised a programme of radical reform after decades of repressive one-party rule, hoping for swift changes in an emerging economic power that plays a key strategic role in a region increasingly contested by Middle Eastern powers and China. He won the peace prize in 2019 for ending a conflict with neighbouring Eritrea.

The most vocal unrest was in the state of Oromia, where there have been waves of protests since the killing last month of a popular Oromo artist and activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, in Addis Ababa, the capital. An estimated 180 people have died in the violence, some murdered by mobs, others shot by security forces. Houses, factories, businesses, hotels, cars and government offices were set alight or damaged and several thousand people, including opposition leaders, were arrested.

Ethiopia

Further protests last week prompted a new wave of repression and left at least 11 dead. “Oromia is still reeling from the grim weight of tragic killings this year. These grave patterns of abuse should never be allowed to continue,” said Aaron Maasho, a spokesperson for the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

The Oromo community have long felt excluded from power and the benefits of Ethiopia’s booming economy. The Oromo protest movement gained momentum from 2015 and contributed to the appointment of Abiy, an Oromo from the ruling party, who promised democracy and prosperity for all.

“We are seeing a continuation of that movement, and also signs that the government’s response will be equally forceful. Once people are shot and arrested then that becomes a rallying cry,” said William Davison, an analyst based in Addis Ababa for the International Crisis Group.

The decision to indefinitely delay elections due later this year because of coronavirus – which has caused 600 deaths in the country of 100 million so far – has also worried diplomats and other international observers.

The protests in Oromia last week began amid claims that Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo opposition politician and one of Abiy’s most outspoken critics, was being denied medical attention in prison.

Young protesters described being “hunted down, shot in the streets” in the Oromia town of Aweday.

“Soldiers shot at us so I ran as fast as I could. I witnessed people getting shot in the back as they fled,” said Kedir, who took part in a demonstration on Tuesday.

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Haacaaluu Hundeessaa performing in Addis Ababa in July 2018. He was known for his activism and political lyrics. Photograph: EPA

Aliyyi Mohammed, a 22-year-old from Hirna, was taken to hospital after being shot in the thigh on Monday. Relatives said he had been “nowhere near” the protests when injured and now feared for his safety. “There are police waiting outside the hospital … We have heard that they want to arrest him as soon as he’s recovered. We can only pray they leave him alone,” said a member of the family who requested anonymity.

Relatives of Farhan Ali, 22, claimed he had been killed by security forces after leaving his home in Dire Dawa to visit a neighbour. “Soldiers killed him in cold blood,” said Bahar Omar, a cousin. “He didn’t break the law. They shot him multiple times in the back. He died right there and had no chance.”

Officials have denied such claims. “There has been violence, but we are yet to confirm reports of any killings by state forces,” said Getachew Balcha of the Oromia region’s communication affairs office.

But claims of mistreatment by security forces are fuelling the cycle of unrest in Oromia. Graphic images of 21-year-old Durassa Lolo were widely shared on social media after relatives claimed he had been tortured in the town of Asasa by soldiers who had asked him for his name.

“My brother did nothing wrong. When they heard an Oromo-sounding name, his fate was sealed. They took him to a military camp and inflicted on him unbelievable savagery. [He] is fighting for his life in hospital. This is why there are protests. The government sees us as expendable,” Durassa’s brother, Abdisa Lolo, said.

The government says Haacaaluu was murdered by Oromo nationalist militants as part of a wider plot to derail its reform agenda. The ruling party has also suggested that its rival in the northern region of Tigray, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), masterminded the conspiracy. The TPLF dominated the ruling coalition until Abiy took office. It has since joined the opposition, accusing the prime minister of planning to replace the ethnic-based federal system with a more centralised state.

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After Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated in July, there were angry protests in towns such as Shashamene. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

Both the TPLF and Oromo nationalist groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front deny involvement in either the murder or the unrest.

Government policy has also led to fallouts within the ruling party. The defence minister, Lemma Megersa, an ally turned critic of Abiy, was last week fired and placed under house arrest. State media reported Lemma’s dismissal from the ruling party being due to his “violating party discipline”.

Analysts say it was important to recognise that recent unrest has been limited to Oromia and that there was credible evidence suggesting violence over the previous months had not simply been inflicted on protesters by the security forces but also had occurred between ethnic communities.

The office of Ethiopia’s attorney general last week defended the government’s response to the unrest, saying in a statement that investigations would reflect a “commitment to human rights”.

Abel Abate Demissie, an Addis Ababa-based analyst with London’s Chatham House, said Ethiopia’s political polarisation has deep roots, with structural problems that have been insufficiently addressed under Abiy: conflicting narratives about Ethiopia’s history, an unfinished federal project and tensions over the division of power between the centre and the regions.

“Two years down the line [after his appointment], and you find every major political group is disappointed with Abiy,” he said.

Source=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/29/ethiopia-falls-into-violence-a-year-after-leaders-nobel-peace-prize-win?CMP=share_btn_link

AUGUST 29, 2020 ERITREA HUB ETHIOPIA, NEWS

Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance, counterterrorism and military education and training, anti-human trafficking programs, and broader development assistance funding, officials and congressional aides said.

Source: Foreign Policy

U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan

Some U.S. officials fear the move will harm Washington’s relationship with Addis Ababa.

BY ROBBIE GRAMER

 | AUGUST 27, 2020, 2:41 PM

A general view of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam near Guba in Ethiopia, on Dec. 26, 2019. EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country’s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River.

The decision, made this week, could affect up to nearly $130 million in U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia and fuel new tensions in the relationship between Washington and Addis Ababa as it carries out plans to fill the dam, according to U.S. officials and congressional aides familiar with the matter. Officials cautioned that the details of the cuts are not yet set in stone and the finalized number could amount to less than $130 million.

Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance, counterterrorism and military education and training, anti-human trafficking programs, and broader development assistance funding, officials and congressional aides said. The cuts would not impact U.S. funding for emergency humanitarian relief, food assistance, or health programs aimed at addressing COVID-19 and HIV/AIDS, officials said.

The move is meant to address the standoff between Ethiopia and other countries that rely on the Nile River downstream that have opposed the construction of the massive dam project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Egypt sees the dam’s construction as a core security issue given the country’s heavy reliance on the river for fresh water and agriculture, and in the past Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has hinted his country could use military force to halt the dam’s construction.

Some Ethiopian officials have said they believe the Trump administration is taking Egypt’s side in the dispute. President Donald Trump has shown a fondness for Sisi, reportedly calling him his “favorite dictator” during a G-7 summit last year. Officials familiar with negotiations said the Trump administration has not approved parallel cuts in foreign assistance to Egypt.

Administration officials have repeatedly assured all sides that Washington is an impartial mediator in the negotiations, which mark one of the few diplomatic initiatives in Africa that the president has played a personal and active role in. These officials pointed out that Egypt has accused the United States of taking Ethiopia’s side in the dispute as well.

“There’s still progress being made, we still see a viable path forward here,” said one U.S. official. “The U.S. role is to do everything it can to help facilitate an agreement between the three countries that balance their interests. At the end of the day it has to be an agreement that works for these three countries.”

But the move is likely to face sharp pushback on Capitol Hill, according to Congressional aides familiar with the matter. State Department officials briefed Congressional staff on the decision on Thursday, the aides said, and during the briefing insisted that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship would remain strong despite a cutback in aid because the United States can have tough conversations “with friends.”

“This is a really fucking illogical way to show a ‘friend’ you really care,” one Congressional aide told Foreign Policy in response.

The administration’s mediation efforts started last year, when Sisi asked Trump for assistance during a visit to the United States. While the State Department handles diplomatic issues, Trump asked Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to lead the mediation. That arrangement has caused friction within the administration, with some State Department officials privately venting that the administration is mishandling its role in the negotiations by putting Treasury in the lead.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/u-s-halts-some-foreign-assistance-funding-to-ethiopia-over-dam-dispute-with-egypt-sudan

Source: What’s in the blue

Briefing and Consultations on the Situation in Somalia

Tomorrow (20 August) Security Council members will discuss the situation in Somalia, meeting in person in the ECOSOC chamber. Special Representative and head of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) James Swan and AU Special Representative Francisco Madeira are expected to brief.

This meeting takes place as the Council begins to negotiate a resolution on the UNSOM mandate, which is due to be renewed in just over a week following two technical rollovers on 30 March and 22 June. These rollovers were due to the impact of COVID-19 on Council working methods in March and, in June, a desire to wait to know more about the Federal Government of Somalia’s plans for upcoming elections. Negotiations on the current draft started on 13 August, and it seems that there have been some proposed changes regarding the length of the mandate, as well as election assistance modalities.

The situation in Somalia has been tumultuous in the past few weeks due to security, humanitarian and political challenges. The briefers are likely to express their concern about the recent violence perpetrated by Al-Shabaab against government officials and civilians. On 13 July, Al-Shabaab attempted to assassinate General Odowaa Yusuf Rageh, the head of the Somalia National Army, in a suicide car bomb attack in Mogadishu. Rageh survived, but one civilian was killed and several others wounded. On 8 August, a suicide car bombing at the front gate of a Somali military base in Mogadishu killed at least nine people and wounded around 20; Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility. On 11 August, several members of Al-Shabaab attempted to escape from a Mogadishu prison. The resulting shootout killed around 20 people, including both prisoners and Somali forces. Investigations are underway as to how the attempted escapees received weapons. On 16 August, Al-Shabaab orchestrated an attack on a popular beach hotel in Mogadishu. It began with a car bomb; then terrorists rushed into the hotel, resulting in a four-hour siege. In the end, 16 people were killed and 18 were injured, while more than 200 were rescued by Somali special forces. There have also been some smaller, deadly skirmishes throughout Somalia involving Al-Shabaab.

Council members are likely to highlight their concerns about the recent Al-Shabaab attacks, particularly at a time when the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is scheduled to be undergoing a technical review. They may want to learn from AU Special Representative Madeira about measures being taken by the AMISOM to curtail future attacks.

The severe humanitarian situation in the country is also likely to be addressed in tomorrow’s meeting. Weeks of rains led to severe floods that have caused around 100,000 Somalis to be displaced since the end of June, and more than 40 villages have been completely flooded in the Hirshabelle, South West, Jubaland States, and Banadir region. Thousands of acres of farmland have been destroyed. Meanwhile, as of 19 August, Somalia’s COVID-19 cases stood around 3,200 with 93 deaths. In a statement submitted to the Council in late May (S/2020/466), Ambassador Abukar Dahir Osman of Somalia noted that limited resources had hampered his country’s ability to address COVID-19 and that the virus “poses a serious security challenge in a context that is already marked by fragility”.

On 11 August Pramila Patten, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, released a statement criticising the “Sexual Intercourse Related Crimes Bill” currently being considered by the Somali Federal Parliament. Patten says that the bill breaches international and regional standards relating to rape and other forms of sexual violence. Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for human rights, released a similar statement. According to Bachelet and Patten, the bill is a step back from the 2013 joint communiqué in which Somalia committed to strengthening laws on sexual violence, because this new law does not adequately protect victims, witnesses and the accused and allows minors to marry based on reproductive maturity, independent of age. Several civil society groups in Somalia have been mobilising action against the bill, including a petition. The United Kingdom’s ambassador in Somalia tweeted his concern about the bill, calling it a “big moment for MP’s to decide Somalia’s future values”. Similar concerns are likely to be expressed by some Council members tomorrow as well.

In the political arena, after several weeks of delays, the chair of the National Independent Electoral Commission (NIEC), Halima Ismail, announced in a meeting with the Federal Parliament on 27 June that upcoming elections should be postponed because of logistical, financial, and COVID-19 challenges.

Council members are generally united in their belief that the upcoming elections are important for Somalia. High-level Somali officials have said that the elections will be one person-one vote, but such a poll takes longer to organise than the clan-based system of indirect voting Somalia has used in the past. In that model, clan elders vote in lawmakers, who then elect a president from a group of selected contenders. In her statement on 27 June, Ismail said that one person-one vote elections would take at least until March 2021 to organise and possibly longer if using biometric registration. (Before the announcement, parliamentary elections were tentatively scheduled for 27 November, and the president’s term ends on 8 February 2021).

Many Council members have repeatedly stressed the need for one person-one vote elections.  However, there appears to be some disagreement in the Council on whether or not to support delaying the elections, or supporting some alternative direct election model that could be proposed by Somalia, a compromise between the clan-based and one person-one vote systems that could allow elections to happen sooner. In tomorrow’s meeting, the divisions on this issue may be stark.

Council members are also likely to express their concern about the ongoing disagreements between Somali political stakeholders. The suggestion that elections could be delayed has set off a political dispute inside Somalia. Some members of parliament and the NIEC continue to support universal suffrage and therefore have supported the NIEC’s recommendation to delay elections. However, the recommendation to postpone elections was rejected by the presidents of Somalia’s federal states (Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland, Ahmed Mohamed Madobe of Jubaland, Ahmed Abdi Karie Qoorqoor of Galmudug, Abdiaziz Laftagareen of South West and Mohamed Abdi Ware of Hirshabelle). They released a joint statement on 12 July calling for modified indirect elections that could be held sooner than the sought-after universal suffrage elections.

A series of meetings between federal states’ presidents and the Federal Government of Somalia took place in July and August to try to pave the way toward a solution. On 22 July, it was announced that the stakeholders had agreed to nominate a technical working group that would design a plan to hold “timely” elections. On 15 August, the leaders were to reconvene for further discussions; however, that meeting has been delayed.

Council members have consistently stressed the need for better relationships between the Federal Government of Somalia and Somali federal states, as there have been periodic flare-ups. Members are likely to voice the need for reconciliation in their statements tomorrow.

An additional political challenge likely to be discussed in the meeting is the 25 July removal of Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire through a no-confidence vote in Somalia’s parliament. According to the speaker of parliament, Khaire was removed due to the government’s inability to “fulfil its national promises, including holding one man-one vote elections, and establishing a national security force capable of tightening the security”. Khaire’s removal was criticised by both the EU and the United States.

Martin Plaut | August 20, 2020 at 7:41 am | Tags: Somalia, UN Security Council | Categories: Africa, Horn of Africa, Somalia, United Nations | URL: https://wp.me/p1OD48-4pN

AUGUST 18, 2020 MARTIN PLAUT NEWS

‘If the government tells us to go, then we have no choice but to go.’Jaclynn Ashly

Independent multimedia journalist based in East Africa

Newly arrived Eritrean refugees at Ethiopia’s Endabaguna reception and registration centre in Shire town, near the Eritrean border, 2017. (Tiksa Negeri/REUTERS)ADDIS ABABA

A plan by the Ethiopian government to relocate around 27,000 Eritrean refugees to two already overcrowded camps is yet to be shelved, despite concerns by aid organisations over both the risk of spreading COVID-19 and the confusion the stated policy has caused.

The government announced plans in April to close Hitsats refugee camp and relocate its residents to Adi Harush and Mai Aini, two other Eritrean camps also located in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region.

The UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, has warned that both Adi Harush and Mai Aini are “already operating at full capacity”, and says that moving the Hitsats residents could “expose the refugees to the risk of COVID-19 infection and outbreak in the camps”.

Aid workers say all four Eritrean refugee camps in Ethiopia, sheltering a total of about 100,000 people, are severely overcrowded, food is in short supply, and there is poor access to water – crucial for the additional sanitation needs as a result of COVID-19.

Underlining the threat, a 16-year-old Eritrean girl in Adi Harush in June became the first refugee in the country to test positive for the coronavirus.

Read more → Eritrean refugees defy border closures only to find hardship in Ethiopia

Several other camp residents have since been diagnosed with COVID-19, according to an aid worker in Adi Harush, who asked for anonymity. Ethiopia’s ministry of health did not respond to a request for confirmation from The New Humanitarian.

“Everyone is very afraid now,” said Tesfay, speaking by phone from Hitsats, who asked that a pseudonym is used to protect his identity.

“We live with sometimes 15 or 16 people in one room,” he told TNH. “So we don’t know how to quarantine ourselves and it feels impossible to control our environment or protect ourselves from the disease.”

Ethiopia has recorded close to 30,000 COVID-19 cases with around 530 deaths.

Water woes

Along with Ethiopia’s Agency for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA), UNHCR is working to instal hand-washing facilities, set up quarantine centres, and provide protection equipment to healthcare workers – but acknowledges that more needs to be done.

Tigray is a bone-dry region where access to water is a perennial problem. While the average daily per capita water supply across the four camps is 19.5 litres, in Hitsats it is just 16 litres – well below the minimum humanitarian standard of 20 litres per person per day.

Ann Encontre, the head of UNHCR in Ethiopia, said “efforts are being made to address the [water] shortage”, but the refugee agency has so far raised only 30 percent of its $385 million budget for 2020 – including the additional financing needed for its coronavirus response.

“Because we are refugees, if the government tells us to go, then we have no choice but to go.”

Established in 2013 in response to overcrowding in Adi Harush and Mai Aini, the Hitsats camp consists of more than 1,300 small concrete block shelters – measuring four metres by five metres – which serve as the cramped, shared living quarters for the refugees.

Despite the bleak conditions, “none of us want to go to Mai Aini or Adi Harush,” said Tesfay, who fled Eritrea after being jailed for refusing compulsory military conscription. “But because we are refugees, if the government tells us to go, then we have no choice but to go.”

In the dark

Four months after the announcement, no relocations have happened, and UNHCR says it is yet to receive any official timeline for the closure of Hitsats, adding to the sense of confusion.

“Neither information on the government’s plans around the future of Hitsats nor on the options available for the refugees living in the camp have been forthcoming,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch.

“The lack of clarity makes it difficult, notably for humanitarian actors, to assess the impact and plan for any viable, safe alternatives,” Bader told TNH, noting that the uncertainty “risks creating significant confusion and fear for the Eritrean camp residents”.

In a letter in April informing UNHCR and other aid organisations of the decision to relocate the Hitsats refugees, ARRA said there were “relatively quality services and many unoccupied shelters available” at Adi Harush and Mai Aini, and insisted the move would be carried out in a “very coordinated way that can ensure the safety and dignity of the persons of concern”.

Read more → Amid border wrangles, Eritreans wrestle with staying or going

Encontre said her office has “not observed any expansion of shelters or other infrastructure in either Mai Aini or Adi Harush, or any other preparations to absorb the refugees from Hitsats”.

ARRA cited a lack of funding from UNHCR – which helps finance the Ethiopian government agency – as one of the reasons behind its decision to close Hitsats.

Although UNHCR has cut ARRA’s funding by 14 percent this year, “this would not justify a camp closure,” said Encontre.

TNH reached out to ARRA numerous times for comment, but did not receive a response.

Struggling with a refugee surge

Ethiopia has a long tradition of hosting refugees, currently sheltering around 769,000. Eritrean arrivals are typically escaping persecution by a violent and authoritarian government, an economy that cannot provide enough jobs, or are looking to reunite with family members who have already made the journey.

Last year, there was a surge of 70,000 refugees following a peace deal in 2018 normalising relations between the two countries who fought a two-year war that ended in 2000.

The influx “overwhelmed key infrastructure in the three camps, particularly shelter, water, and sanitation facilities,” Encontre told TNH. “This is precisely why UNHCR maintains the position that the planned consolidation of Hitsats camp requires adequate planning and time, as well as resources, to be able to expand the necessary infrastructure before any large-scale movement can take place.”

“Everyone in the camp is very scared to speak about what’s happening here.”

ARRA has given the Hitsats refugees the option of moving from the camp to cities or towns as part of Ethiopia’s progressive “out of camp” policy. More than 20,000 Eritrean refugees live in urban areas, according to UNHCR. 

But Tesfay said most people in Hitsats, located about 45 kilometres from the nearest town of Shire, do not have the money or connections to survive outside the camp.

As the months have passed since the closure announcement, distrust has grown between the refugees at Hitsats and ARRA staff, and officials have been accused of trying to pressure the camp’s refugee committee into persuading their fellow refugees to leave.

“They are causing infighting and disturbing the camp,” Tesfay said of the ARRA staff in Hitsats. “Now, everyone in the camp is very scared to speak about what’s happening here.”

ja/oa/ag

Read more about: Ethiopia Eritrea Migration

Source 

• MHI
 

 Posted 18 Aug 2020 Originally published 18 Aug 2020

UK charity Muslim Hands is urgently calling on supporters to donate so that vital relief can reach those affected by the floods in Sudan. On 29th July prolonged intense heavy rains caused the first wave of severe flooding, which has since continued, killing 65 people, and affecting more than 185,000.

The infrastructure of more than 30,400 homes are damaged, 14,000 homes have been destroyed, and livelihoods are now at threat with the death of 700 cattle. Thousands of water sources have either been contaminated or are non-functional and the risk of disease outbreaks is extremely high. Sudan is in the midst of its rainy season, which lasts from June to October. More heavy rainfall is expected in the coming months, wreaking havoc in 17 of the 18 states that make up the country, such as the north, south and west of Darfur, White Nile and the Khartoum states.

Muslim Hands's initial response will be to distribute £25,000 of emergency aid which will include food packs and other essential items, such as mosquito nets, plastic sheets, and mats to protect against the environment to over 1000 families in Khartoum. Sudan is also one of the worst hit countries in regard to Covid-19 in Africa coupled with an outbreak of polio. Muslim Hands will also distribute PPE and medication to protect those that are now vulnerable and susceptible to the disease.

To find out more about Muslim Hands and the work we do visit our website muslimhands.org.uk or call 0115 9117222.

Dr Basel Alkhder, Muslim Hands Emergency Lead, said:

‘The floods have caused utter devastation in Sudan, leaving thousands displaced. The country’s infrastructure is damaged leaving the nation prone to disease, with malaria now rife. This vital aid is needed for survival and means the difference between life and death. We are calling on our supporters to donate so we can reach those who need it the most. Unfortunately, this is just the first wave of what is yet to come in the next few months, and therefore we must act now.’

Dr Ismail Abdalla, Muslim Hands Sudan Country Manager, said:

‘We would like to thank the donors for their kind and continuous support to the needy people of Sudan since 1994. The floods this year is something exceptional and there is suffering on every street in Sudan. The rain is heavy, and people have no shelter, left helpless. The main highway is destroyed and for people to use alternative routes is difficult as fuel is hard to come by and is expensive. The water has taken everything, people have lost their livestock, their lives and with the current pandemic sweeping through Africa, we are under immense pressure. The people of Sudan are extremely affected, and recent events have taken away their smiles. So please help we are in need of your donations.’

ENDS

Notes to editors

Established in 1993, Muslim Hands is an international aid agency and NGO which aims to be at the forefront in delivering relief from poverty, sickness and the provision of education worldwide – regardless of race, religion or gender.
Muslim Hands works in over 30 countries worldwide.
Muslim Hands has been working in Sudan for over 15 years, supporting various projects which focus on education, livelihoods, health, and food security. Its operations started in July 2004 and was registered at the Humanitarian Aid Commission in September 2003. Muslim Hands main office is in Omdurman in Khartoum.
We rely on voluntary donations to continue our vital work. You can donate now by calling 0115 911 7222 or visit our website muslimhands.org.uk

Source=https://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/urgent-response-needed-after-floods-sudan-kill-65-and-affect-more-185000-people

AUGUST 17, 2020 MARTIN PLAUT ETHIOPIA, NEWS

Source: Sudan Tribune

August 16, 2020 (KHARTOUM) – The Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Irrigation in Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia have agreed to resume difficult negotiations on the Renaissance Dam next Tuesday.

The minister of the three riparian countries held a videoconference meeting on Sunday convened by South African Foreign Minister, the current chair of the African Union, after the postponement of the talks for a week on the request of the Sudanese government.

“At the invitation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa, we the Foreign and Irrigation Ministers of Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia, agreed in a meeting held on Sunday to resume negotiations next Tuesday,” said Foreign Minister Omer Gamar Eldin.

Gamar Eldin added that the parties agreed to compile their positions papers in one document with the support of African Union experts and observers.

“The draft will be submitted to the AU chairman to review it and considering if it can become a basis for an agreement between the three countries,” he added.

For its part, the Irrigation ministry said in a separate statement that Sudan demanded returning to the agenda set by the President of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa, in his letter of August 4, 2020, and included in the report of African experts submitted to the African mini-summit on July 24, 2020.

The report recommended a legally binding agreement on the filling and operation of the GERD and ensured “Ethiopia’s right to freely develop future upstream projects as long as they are in accordance with international law”.

In Cairo, the foreign ministry issued a statement saying that during the meeting Egypt stressed the need to conclude a legally binding agreement that regulates the filling and operation of the Renaissance Dam.

The deal should “preserves the rights of the three countries, secures their water interests, and limits the impact of this dam and its effects on the two downstream countries”.

Ethiopia sovereign rights

Speaking in a virtual meeting with the Ethiopian in the Nile River riparian countries on 15 August, foreign minister Gedu Andargachew stressed that the Renaissance Dam “corrects historical imbalances” in the use of the Nile water.

“The minister said since the Nile river basin holds 2/3 of Ethiopia’s water resources, utilizing it is a matter of sovereignty and an essential requirement for the development of the country,” further said a statement issued by the Ethiopian foreign ministry.

Ethiopian Diaspora contributes to financing the $4 billion hydropower dam being built on Blue Nile river.