I am writing this piece to expose something that continually perturbs my conscience; I have to speak it out now because no one knows when one passes away. I also earnestly call on those brothers and sisters who were with me in the incident to speak out. It is imperative that we find in our own separate ways how and to whom these crimes should be told. It is also timely to loudly speak and tell about it to our own people.
There is no need of talking here about my identity except informing that I was born in the 1960s and joined the the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) in the 1980s; presently, I live in the western world. Those of us who know many of the brutally inhumane and untold crimes committed and still being committed against our people by the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) are not few in number. Many of us also know some of the crimes PFDJ committed against non-Eritreans. The one I am narrating here below is one of those crimes.
It is to be remembered that in the 1990s, relations between the Sudan and Eritrea were bad. In 1996, before we attacked the Sudan, the leadership deployed us [Army Corps No. 271] in region of Nakfaand Karora passing this order: "the Sudan is a threat to our security by sheltering terrorism and Jihad; be at full alert; we will attack them". Our [commanders}, who previously said that Egypt, Ethiopia and Uganda were supportive of the action later on changed the message and said: "Those countries have changed their viewpoints, but we will continue what we have planned".
On this basis, a two-front heavy attack was opened on 27/03/1997 by our Army Corps 271 led by Abdu Remech and his deputy Wedi Keshi. One flank of the attack covered the area from the Sudanese Karora up to Merafit; and the other flank attacked Sudanese army positions from Denbobet up to Jelhandi in the Red Sea; the Sudanese army encampments at Karora, Habokhayt, Ayterbay, Adaret, Agit-Keseret, Agit-Merafit and up to Jelhandi were cleared. Only to justify that the attack was made by the Sudanese opposition fronts and not by the Eritrean army, there were insignificant number of fighters from the armed wings of John Gerang, Sadiq al Mahdi and of Dr. Abdul Aziz (Halfawi). Their presence was nominal.
After 4 days and in some places 5 days, all the Sudanese army positions were put under Eritrean army control. We stayed in all of them till June 1998 except that the Eritrean unit that was in Merafit retreated to Agig after only three days.
[But after 14 months] in June 1998, we retreated [back to Eritrea] when the Sudanese army attacked us in huge numbers. The small units of Sudanese opposition fighters also retreated with us. After our retreat, we occasionally fired heavy shells to the Sudanese army in addition to a few attacks by the air force.
When we opened the initial attack [on 27 March 1997], we were ordered not only to capture camps but also to kill soldiers [massively]. Two weeks after the start of the attack, our brigade leader Wedi Tekeste called a meeting and told us: "beside the Sudanese soldiers killed in the battles, we had taken 1,273 prisoners. However, we asked the Sudanese opposition organization, especially that of John Gerang, to take care of them, but they refused saying they had no capacity to do so. Therefore, we were afraid of outside knowledge and world condemnation [of our attack on the Sudan] and therefore we had no choice but to shoot all the prisoners". At this point, some members of our brigade started to protest against such action but they were intimidated and silenced. The Sudanese opposition fighters also did not show any reaction about the killing [of 1,273 Sudanese prisoners].
Other than this, it is known that [the Eritrean Army] Corps No. 381 had also launched an attack in the Kassala region during that time. However, they did not remain long in the positions they attacked. I am also not fully aware of what mistakes were committed in that zone. Those of you who were in the Kassala region attacks may tell what happened. But what was heard was that leaders of the Eritrean Army Corps 381 killed the Sudanese army officers captured in the battles by burning them inside a cottage using benzene. The other information I was made aware by knowledgeable persons was that 105 Tigre speaking Ben-Amer soldiers of the Sudanese army who fled from the Sudanese army refusing to fight against their brethren in the Eritrean army, were executed and collectively damped in two huge burial vaults. This crime aimed to hide the Eritrean army's action in the Sudan. Then, when will [the eye witnesses] tell the tales of innocent victims killed in front of their eyes? Why are we keeping silent instead of exposing the crimes we witnessed? I want to say the time has come for all of us to speak out and reveal all what we know so that a new dawn of justice can replace the ugly secrets of the past.
The crime I mentioned in relation to Army Corps 271 is one of the agonizing crimes against humanity committed by PFDJ. It has given me so many sleepless years. When I heard that the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea will give its final report about its findings on crimes committed against humanity, I decided to speak out and release it even to the general public. I know that those who were with me and know what I know are pained by the act as much as I am. It is thus time for me and my compatriots who witnessed these acts to come forward and show readiness to be first-hand witnesses. It is also hoped and recommended that the UN Commission of Inquiryinvestigates acts at the level of Wedi Tekeste [head of Army Corps 271] and upwards in the hierarchy [of PFDJ].
Your Eritrean brother, who hopes to see criminals facing justice in a better Eritrea
Award for Seada Fekadu comes as number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK plummets
Seada Fekadu’s world was turned upside down when her father was arrested for his work with the opposition in Eritrea. Photograph: Riffy Ahmed
A young Eritrean woman who fled to the UK after her father was arrested for his political activities in her home country will receive an award for helping and inspiring other migrants and refugees.
Her award comes as the number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK has plummeted after a change in Home Office advice on asylum requests from the repressive east African country.
At 16, Seada Fekadu’s world was turned upside down when her father was arrested for his work with the opposition in Eritrea. Fearing for her safety, an aunt paid for Fekadu to escape the capital, Asmara. Fekadu took a boat to neighbouring Djibouti, caught a plane to Paris and made her way to Calais, where she and others were smuggled in a lorry to London’s Waterloo.
“In Calais, they put you in a truck, you don’t have a choice. ‘You have to take this one,’ the agent said. I didn’t know where I was going. The truck dropped us near a police station, they found us a translator and after two hours, social services came,” she said.
In a sense she was one of the lucky ones. Fekadu arrived in Britain before the current migration crisis currently engulfing Europe. Getting to the UK in the back of the truck was relatively easy in 2011. Since then, Fekadu has built a new life. She is studying for her BTec – physics is her favourite subject – and has offers from four universities to study biomedical science.
“I want to become a doctor to help people, it’s about saving lives. I’ve wanted to be a doctor since I’ve been a child,” she said.
“Young Roots helped me gain confidence. Now it’s my turn to help others,” she said. “I’ve been in their situation so I can understand them and I’m happy to help. They are young, I am young, we are like friends.”
Fekadu, now a trustee at the charity, takes youngsters to museums, to play football, to swim and for trips outside London. In recognition of her work, Fekadu will receive an award recognising women with a migrant or refugee background who provide inspiring leadership.
“So much of our time is taken up with communicating negative stories, we wanted to show the hopeful and positive work being done,” said Laura Padoan from the UNHCR, the UN agency for refugees, a joint organiser of the Women on the Move awards with the Forum, a migrant group. The event is on Friday at the Royal Festival Hall.
“She certainly stood out for her maturity and resilience despite what she went through. It’s really remarkable,” said Padoan, one of the judges.
The timing of Fedaku’s flight from Eritrea was fortunate. The Home Office last March advised that people from the country were no longer at risk of persecution if they returned home. The updated advice said citizens who left without permission – many of them to escape its indefinite military service – would not face persecution if they returned.
Yet the researchers behind the report, which the Home Office cited heavily, publicly distanced themselves from the findings, claiming the report was unsubstantiated and distorted. In June, the UN issued a damning report which concluded that the Eritrean government’s systematic use of extrajudicial killing, torture, rape, indefinite national service and forced labour may amount to crimes against humanity.
The UNHCR estimates that 5,000 people leave Eritrea every month and Eritreans account for the largest group of people applying for asylum in the UK, with 3,729 applications in 2015, a 48% increase over 2014. Eritrea also had the highest number of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children last year at 694.
As a result of the Home Office advice, the proportion of initial decisions allowing Eritreans to stay plummeted to 48% in 2015 from 87% in the previous year. Meanwhile, the number of appeals from Eritreans soared from 172 in 2014 to 1,718 in 2015. Eighty percent of those Eritrean appeals determined in 2015 were allowed (which means refugee status for five years), an increase from 44% in the previous year.
Asked whether she misses Eritrea, Fedaku says: “Sometimes I miss my friends, but I don’t have much time to think about home, I have to study and the friends around me are like family, like home.”
Any organization has three levels of action( strategic, management and operative levels) and two methods of steering control from below and control from the above( Decentralization) to advance the work spirit and commitment of all actors in the process of democratization. Here in this article I am not going to deal with organizational decentralization but our experience in conducting national dialogues at this time of transition from dictatorship to democracy.
Dialogue is a democratic method that enables us to find the true meaning or deeper understanding of our problems. By conducting dialogue we are able to know who we are and recognize where we are. It gives us the opportunity to interact in non-violent way when we face opposing issues. Dialogue encourages diversity of thinking and opinions than oppressing them. It facilitates the emergence of mutual understanding of the problems and search for common understanding. In practicing dialogue one should not take the precedence over his partners and common understanding should not come by exerting pressure on others. Dialogue is a tool used for solving problems, it can be between states, it can be between organizations and it can be between systems. It is listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in your circumstances. When dialogue is conducted with this knowledge then movement towards resolution has a real opportunity to take place.
Do we in the Eritrean Opposition for democratic change been practicing dialogue by deep understanding of dialogue or have we been practicing it in wrong way?
This article on dialogue is not the first by this writer to explain the meaning of practicing dialogue. Many have written on dialogue focusing on building partnership in the opposition camp for democratic change in Eritrea. The building of Eritrean National Alliance during the 1999 was the fruit of the dialogue between the political organizations, the next was the building of Eritrean National Alliance( ENA) then later was the dialogue between political organizations and civic societies that come after the Akaki conference and lastly the dialogue of Awasa that brought broad partnership under the name of Eritrean National Council For Democratic Change/ ENCDC. In all these attempts of dialogue we still have not learned practicing dialogue with responsible listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in the struggle from dictatorship to democracy, are we moving towards resolving the conflicts in a right way or just circulating in a circle of conflicts without no progress.
Dialogue is the main tool for bringing stakeholders together to discuss the opportunities and problems for democratic change in Eritrea and to develop strategies to address the issues that must be given priorities. I think we have been practicing dialogue without certain principles and beliefs that serve guide us towards the benefit of our people.
We need develop a conceptual framework for conducting a dialogue by examining the values and importance of dialogue and not as temporary and tactical method for oppressing others. The value of dialogue is it contributes strengthen democratic forces against dictatorship, helps to assess the movement for democratic change, enables identifying issues of priority and articulate the importance of partnership and helps get legitimacy and acceptance by the international community.
Dialogue is a tool for prevention of conflict but in our case ( Eritrean) practicing dialogue has been used as conflict creating. It has been practiced as a tool of confrontations and conflict. Dialogue is a tool for managing conflicts- helps us structure and set limits of political conflict and leads us to political consultation and joint action that can help us manage potential conflicts. Dialogue as a mechanism for resolving conflicts, we in the opposition failed to build institutions and procedures providing us framework to sustain peace settlements and prevent the recurrence of conflict ( See the experience of ENCDC)
The Eritrean opposition failed in practicing national dialogue for democratization inside itself and between itself. We need an academic analysis assessing the Eritrean Opposition practicing dialogue. The values of dialogue, dialogue as a tool of conflict management, dialogue framework and application of the framework.
I think the process of democratization inside the forces for democratic change cannot achieve without a true national dialogue guided by national principles including all stakeholders to own and be involved in the process. How do we foster this national dialogue must be the responsibility of all. I think time is ripe to reflect and say we have learned from our past failures let us come together and practice dialogue in a right way that can lead us towards building a democratic society in Eritrea after the fall of dictatorship.
Democracy is a process never ends after the fall of the dictatorship. It is a way of life respecting the rights and dignities of humanity. Democracy is inclusive, encompasses the state, civil society, public and private sector, all share joint and complementary responsibilities for its advancement. Inclusion and participation are two key dimensions of democratizations. This culture of inclusiveness and participatory approach constitutes the basis for a pluralistic partnership. Are we towards building a pluralistic partnership? Let us assess.
We need for a combined approach- combining the two levels of organization combining the steering and control from below and steering and control above.
Any organization had parts of bodies top and below and they have complementary responsibilities but not substitutes. We have learned a great deal from the ambitious ideas and strenuous efforts by the political and civic organizations regarding building a cooperative partnership but this have not been sustainable except splitting and creating every time new organizations based on patron-client relationships.
Djibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh said on Tuesday that the release of Djiboutians held in Eritrea remain the first precondition for the restart of talks to resolve a territorial dispute between his country and Eritrea, an official source said.
“The resolution of the dispute between Eritrea and my country will depend on the release of Djiboutian
soldiers,” Guelleh said on Monday in Doha during his three-day visit to Qatar, the mediator in the dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti.
He reminded the Emir that the refusal by Eritrea to give information on the state of the imprisoned Djiboutian soldiers was a source of “unbearable pain for their families.”
The two men agreed on the “need to end the prevailing situation of no war and no peace between Djibouti and Eritrea.”
Guelleh used the opportunity to thank the Emir of Qatar for his tireless efforts in the mediation of the dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea.
In 2008, a territorial dispute caused a three-day armed conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea. Enditem
Dear Freedom fighters:
As we all know, our county, Eritrea, is on the eve of commemorating the 25th Silver Jubilee of its independence. Nevertheless, for a quarter of a century, the country’s hard won and dearly paid for independence remains at the whims of a dictator and his lackeys. The sad realities of Eritrea’s political, social and economic conditions notwithstanding, the tyrant is getting ready to conduct its propaganda and paint a picture that doesn’t exist. The regimes supporters and sympathizers are also preparing to be part of this unsavory agenda.
Those of us who are part of the justice and democracy seeking camp of political and civic organizations as well as individual members have a historic duty to expose PFDJs deceitful plan and make it futile. That’s why, in order to uplift the morale of our people and our struggle, we are respectfully calling upon you to join us and be a part of our campaign we are conducting under the theme: “25 Years of Independence without Liberty”.
This campaign will commence on Monday, March 14, 2016. We invite you to send your representative to the pre-launch planning and discussion meetings schedule for consecutive Sundays on March 6th and March 13th. We will let you know about the time and place of the meeting shortly. Given the short period of time we have, we respectfully request your response at your earliest convenience.
Victory to the change-seeking oppressed people of Eritrea!
Yonas Hagos, Chairman, EYSC
25/02 - 17:38
Eritrea’s government is not prepared to alter its controversial national service programme.
Many of the country’s youth have left as a result of the prolonged service period with several others threatening to leave the country if nothing is done about the duration of the programme.
“I left Eritrea because of the regime in general but I left especially, because I was in the army for three years. I did not see that they were going to release me, I was supposed to have finished my military service in one year and six months. And also the treatment in the military, it was very bad as we were working for the commanders. I was cooking and washing clothes for the commanders,” Tsige Gabrehiwist, an Eritrean migrant said.
The country’s youth between the ages of 18 and 40 years are expected to serve as soldiers or civil servants for 18 months. But the government says continuous threats from Ethiopia has left it with no alternative but to prolong the national service.
“… in the event of war then anybody and everybody eligible can be mobilised again. What has happened is we have had war, people are mobilised for the war. We had a peace treaty, we signed the peace treaty, but the peace treaty has not been implemented,” Yemane Ghebremeskel, Eritrea’s Information Minister said.
Some Eritreans interviewed by Reuters have promised to go back to the country when the situation changes because of love for their families, country and culture.
Eritrea’s Information Minister agrees that the youth are fed up with the situation.
“Migration, I would not say is going to be totally stopped because of the measures that we have taken. But I am sure this is going to have a significant impact on the number of people who would migrate from the country,“Ghebremeskel said.
THE number of unaccompanied children claiming asylum in the UK has risen by almost 60 per cent in one year, new figures show.
A total of 3,043 youngsters travelling alone and without guardians in Britain asked for asylum last year, up 56 per cent from 1,945 in 2014.
Most – almost 700 – of the under-18s came from Eritrea in the Horn of Africa, followed by Afghanistan and Albania. Eritreans accounted for the largest number of asylum applications overall, with 3,729 requesting permission to remain, compared with 2,609 from Syria.
The figures were published yesterday as ministers in the Eritrean capital Asmara ruled out an end to the national service system blamed for driving many young people from the impoverished country.
Many are trapped in the system for decades, independent media are banned, citizens are subject to detention and torture and those who attempt to cross the border without permission can be shot on sight.
Releasing the figures yesterday, the Home Office noted “concern over human rights” in Eritrea, saying fewer than 800 Eritreans sought asylum in 2011.
However, the proportion of cases knocked back has risen since the UK Government updated its guidance on the country in March.
The proportion of Eritreans granted asylum or another form of protection at the first time of asking was 48 per cent last year, compared to 87 per cent in 2014.
Over that period the number of appeals lodged increased from 172 to 1,718. Eight in 10 of these were allowed to continue – almost double the figure from the previous year.
Last night Naomi McAuliffe of Amnesty International called Eritrea “the forgotten refugee crisis”, saying: “The rise in unaccompanied child refugees is disturbing – not least because they are so vulnerable and at risk of violence, exploitation, and trafficking. Even if they manage to reach Britain, the UK Government’s immigration rules fail them; currently a child refugee in the UK cannot sponsor any family members, even their parents, to join them.
“By reforming these rules, the UK Government could make a huge difference to families torn apart by crisis in their home country.”
McAuliffe went on: “Eritrea could be considered the forgotten refugee crisis. One reason for the rise in unaccompanied child refugees from the country is the fact children are conscripted into compulsory military training where they face harsh living conditions and weapons training.
“Thousands of people have tried to avoid conscription – some by leaving the country. Those caught, including children, have been arbitrarily detained without charge or trial in horrendous conditions without access to a lawyer or their families.”
Official rules state all Eritreans aged between 18 and 40 must complete 18 months of service, but citizens say this can last indefinitely. The UN is among a number of agencies to criticise the country’s human rights record. It believes as many as 5,000 people leave each month, but this is disputed by officials.
Yesterday, Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel said the system offers protection from “belligerence” from 97 million-strong neighbour Ethiopia following the 1998-2000 war.
Overall asylum applications rose 20 per cent to 38,878 in 2015, including dependants. Full data on the number of applications granted during the period is not yet available.
However, a total of 700 unaccompanied minors underwent age assessments and 68 per cent of this group were judged to be over 18.
While the Tories aim to reduce net migration to the UK to 100,000 by 2020, it currently remains at near-record levels, sitting at 323,000 in the year to September.
Of the 165,000 EU citizens who came to the UK for work, almost 60 per cent had a definite job to go to, including 45 per cent of the 45,000 arrivals from Bulgaria and Romania.
Immigration Minister James Brokenshire said the Government is committed to reducing migration to “sustainable levels”.
He added: “The Government will continue to do more to ensure that Britain’s businesses find and develop the talent they need within the UK, while ensuring they still have access to the top talent from abroad to help them prosper."
“In addition, our new Immigration Bill, which is currently going through parliament, will provide new powers to tackle illegal working and make it harder than ever for those with no right to be in the UK to stay here.”
European nations say that the poor Horn of Africa nation is moving only slowly and cautiously to stabilize the economy to stem the tide of migrants which is aggravating the refugee crisis that is gripping the European Union.
The Asmara government insists conscription is vital for national security saying that it fears attack by its far bigger neighbor Ethiopia with which it fought a bloody and expensive war that ended in June 2000.
On paper, citizens between the ages of 18 and 40 must complete 18 months of service to the state but diplomats and those who have fled say this can stretch to a decade or more. The government reserves the right to extend length of service in periods of emergency.
Eritrea is raising national service salaries, printing new local currency notes to deter people-traffickers and investing in mining and other sectors, but diplomats are not convinced it is doing enough to retain its young people.
Western diplomats said the strategy, boosted by a new EU financial package, showed greater engagement and openness by one of Africa's poorest countries, which has championed "self reliance" and has long accused world powers of trying to push it into isolation with U.N. sanctions.
But the diplomats, who all spoke on condition of anonymity, accused Eritrea of back-tracking on privately made commitments by some officials last year to fix national service at 18 months, a term stipulated four years after Eritrea's independence from Ethiopia in 1991.
European nations say that as long as national service dragged past the time limit Eritrean youths would continue to leave the country, thereby losing valuable workers that are needed to prop up the domestic economy.
Each month as many as 5,000 people flee Eritrea according to U.N. figures, estimates the Eritrean government disputes. The government puts the population at about 3.6 million, while other estimates suggest it could be almost double that.
"The government is doing the utmost that it can do, under the circumstances," Information Minister Yemane Ghebremeskel told Reuters in Eritrea, saying salaries would rise but there were no plans to scrap or cut national service.
"Demobilization is predicated on removal of the main threat," Yemane said in his office overlooking Asmara.
"You are talking about prolongation of national service in response to ... continued belligerence by Ethiopia," he said referring to Eritrea's neighbor with a population of 97 million.
ERITREA "ENGAGING MORE"
Eritrea, which sits on the Red Sea coast next to one of the world's busiest shipping lanes, won independence after decades of conflict in which the death toll for both sides was tens of thousands dead. It also fought a border war in 1998 to 2000.
It has complained that world powers failed to push Ethiopia to accept an arbitration ruling on demarcating their boundary. The government in Addis Ababa has said it wants talks on implementation, which Asmara rejects saying the ruling is clear.
Diplomats want the Eritrean government to make creating more jobs in the state-dominated economy a priority to discourage young people from fleeing, but believe the government is acting cautiously. “They are engaging more," one Western diplomat said. "You have to build their confidence. They don’t move quickly."
Eritreans in national service receive military training, but many move to civil service jobs after a few months, working as medical professionals, teachers, engineers or other jobs. For years, they have earned less than regular civil servants and often complain they are shunted into careers they didn't choose.
"Some people come out after two to three years. Some serve more than 10," said another diplomat. "That makes it difficult for the young people to plan their life. That has been one of the main reasons why Eritreans get asylum so easily in Europe."
Rights activists have described it as "forced labor" and accuse Eritrea of other rights abuses too, including holding political prisoners, allegations the government denies.
Eritreans who have fled dismiss the idea of serious reforms to the national service system, run by President Isaias Afwerki since independence. However, others who have stayed said some national service conscripts were now being better paid.
Abel Haile, a 21-year-old who fled this month to Ethiopia, told Reuters when he was drafted into the army in 2014 an army general told conscripts they would be in the military for just one year. He left 13 months later when he saw no end in sight.
"It would mean sacrificing your whole life otherwise," he said in Enda Aba Guna, an Ethiopian town near the border.
In Asmara, a 23-year-old who works at a ministry said she earned 500 nakfa - the equivalent of about $33 a month at the official rate but less on the black market. But she said she understood her earnings would rise under new rules.
"We are waiting. Graduates pay is higher," she said, speaking while helping out in her family's small grocery shop.
PUSH VS PULL FACTORS
In a series of interviews, ministers accepted there were "push" factors like low pay driving people abroad, but mostly blamed "pull" factors enticing Eritreans away, saying migrants only needed to complain about what they said were injustices in national service to get asylum in Europe.
Foreign Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed, who said ties with European Union states were deepening, also told Reuters that Western policies had "taken the young generation to Europe".
The EU signed a 200-million-euro package of support last month with Eritrea, a nation that has in the past turned down some foreign aid when it believed it would create dependence not development. The EU package includes energy sector support.
Generators from chronic power shortages often rumble in the capital, an elegant, low-rise city with buildings and street cafes from the early 20th century Italian colonial era.
Most residents cannot afford the luxury of a private power supply, leaving shops in the dark as evening draws in. In rural areas, many are not connected to the national grid at all.
Finance Minister Berhane Habtemariam said new mines - one commercial mine is in operation and three more are due to start by 2018 - would boost the economy, but he said the government also wanted investment in tourism, fisheries and other areas.
He declined to give growth or other economic forecasts.
"Every time we give figures, it is used by our enemies to attack us," he said, the kind of remark that fuels Eritrea's reputation as a reclusive nation, a description the government vehemently disagrees with saying it is open but faces threats.
The African Development Bank estimates growth in 2015 was 2.1 percent up from 2.0 percent a year before.
The minister said he did not know how the bank reached those figures, but said growth had been in double digits about five years ago when gold mining started and prices were higher.
Berhane outlined some new national service pay scales, including for graduates who would receive 4,000 nakfa a month instead of 1,400 nakfa. Civil service pay across the board was under review and would help discourage migration, he said.
SECRET PLAN, WORTHLESS NOTES
Introducing new nakfa currency notes late last year was designed to rein in a black market and hit human traffickers abroad, such as those in Sudan who took cash from migrants in nakfa and had kept the old notes, the minister said.
The new notes were issued in a six-week period - the timing of which had been kept "top secret" said one official - to ensure traffickers could not send their cash hoard back in time, leaving them holding now worthless old currency notes.
"It might not stop (human trafficking) altogether, but I am sure it is going to have an impact," the finance minister said.
While the official rate of around 15 nakfa to the U.S. dollar has stayed fixed, the black market rate has plunged to about 20-25 from 50-55 before the new notes were circulated.
Western economic experts say floating the nafka currency would help scrub out the black market in a nation that relies heavily on remittances from Eritreans abroad. Government officials say it would simply hurt the economy.
The government has instead limited circulation of the new notes and bank withdrawals to encourage more Eritreans to use cheques and bank transfers, trying to reduce the size of the cash economy that officials say allowed illegal trade to thrive.
But this has created challenges for a country with just two commercial banks and 30 branches combined. A cash crunch has left shops and restaurants struggling to find customers, as few people have enough notes to spend on anything more than basics.
"Demand is less than it was since the new exchange system," said Mohamed Nour, a 70-year-old clothes shopkeeper on one of Asmara's main commercial streets. "But we must have patience."
(Additional reporting by Aaron Maasho in Ethiopia; Writing by Edmund Blair, editing by Peter Millership)