الأستاذ/ ولد يسوس عمار

علي الرغم من كل المثبطات المضحكة المبكية ومن كل الألوان والظلال يظل لقاء نيروبي التشاوري محاولة إيجابية وخطوة عزيزة نحو لم شتات المعارضة الارترية في المهجر. لا شك هناك محطة أخرى جرى فيها التقييم الدقيق لنقاط ضعف وقوة كلٍّ من النظام والمعارضة، لقد تمت دراسة التحديات مثل الانتقال السياسي وسيناريوهاته الممكنة، لقد تم تفحص جميع التصورات، وأخيراً تم تفحص السؤال المفتاحي المتمثل في ما العمل إزاء ترتيب بيت المعارضة بما يؤهلها لطرد النظام الدكتاتوري وَرُسُــو سفينتها علي بر الانتقال السلمي والمناخ الصحي ومن ثم الي النظام الذي ظل الحلم المشروع، النظام الديمقراطي.    

كاتب هذه السطور أتيح له شرف نيل عضوية لجنة مناقشة ورقة (الانتقال السياسي) والعقبات التي تجتازها الأمم أثناء نضالها لاستئصال الدكتاتوريات ثم توجد الطريق السالك نحو الديمقراطية وحكم القانون.

السطور أدناه تعتبر ملاحظات مدخلية تلخص المادة المذكورة، أما النص الكامل لخطة حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري المتعلقة بالمرحلة الانتقالية والموزعة علي التنظيمات منذ أكثر من ست سنوات سوف ينشر فيما بعد منفصلاً. والآن الي مداخلتي:

ما تركز حوله الحديث:

عمليات الانتقال السياسي نحو التغيير الديمقراطي في ارتريا والهياكل المتطلبة:

الملتقى الوطني التشاوري/ نيروبي: 27 – 29 نوفمبر 2015م

ملاحظة مدخلية:

نسبة لضيق الزمن المتاح، سوف لن أقدم لهذه الورشة ورقة بحثية، بل نسخة قديمة من (الخطة الانتقالية لارتريا) والتي طرحناها – نحن الأحزاب المؤسسة لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري الحالي في الورشة السياسية الارترية في يوليو 2009م ثم مرةً أخرى في فبراير2010م، لكن للأسف لم يتبنَّ أيٌّ من الملتقيين المذكورين المشروع، (انظر الورقة في نسخها باللغات العربية، التجرينية والانجليزية في غير هذا المكان).

لكن قبل التعريف بالورقة وفتح باب المناقشة حولها اسمحوا لي بذكر حقائق عامة عن افريقيا عموماً وارتريا خصوصاً علي علاقة بعمليات الانتقال السياسي والتي غالباً ما تتبلور عن عقدة عصية علي الاختراق، وذلك لأن التغيير الحقيقي يتطلب هدم النظام التسلطي القائم وبناء نظام ديمقراطي جديد علي أنقاضه يمتلك مؤسسات راسخة وقوية.

إفريقيا:

بعض الكتاب الأفارقة يستعملون تعبير (التحرير الثاني) لوصف عملية الانتقال السياسي من الأنظمة التسلطية الي نظام الحكم الديمقراطي، لكن عمليات الانتقال هذه صفات مميزة لدولة قطرية/ مجتمع ...الخ. هناك حالات مختلفة وتجارب متفاوتة الحجم والنوع، وذلك لأن كل قطر يملك من الخصائص والتجارب التاريخية والاجتماعية ما يتفرد به عن الأقطار أو المجتمعات الأخرى وتحديات أخرى لابد من وضعها في الاعتبار عند وضع أو مناقشة الخطة الانتقالية والتي قد ترتبط حتى بعوامل خارجية أيضاً.

قراءة سريعة للساحة الافريقية تثبت أن الأغلبية الساحقة من دولها المستقلة سقطت في قبضة دكتاتورية (الرجل الواحد، الحزب الواحد) أو الأنظمة العسكرية، وبقيت ترزح في هذا المستنقع الآسن ما يربو علي الثلاثين عاماً. لماذا؟! للآتي:

أ/ الهيمنة التاريخية للزعامات الافريقية التقليدية.

ب/ الاستسلام لفكرة مشروعية حكم الفئة الغالبة ديموغرافياً، أي الفئة السكانية الأكبر حجما وبالتالي نفوذاً.

ج/ التعلل بالدفاع عن الوحدة الوطنية في وجه فوضى النعرات القبلية، الطائفية، المناطقية..الخ.

د/ التبرير الأيديولوجي لاستمرارية الحكم الدكتاتوري.

هـ/ الأفضلية المدَّعاة لحاكم قوي (المستبد العادل) للإسراع بخطوات النمو الاقتصادي دون معوقات بيروقراطية أو بروتوكولية.

تلك وغيرها حجج وشعارات ترفع في وجه من يعترض علي الدكتاتورية وتبرر استمرارية النظم الأوتقراطية في افريقيا، كما نذكر فإن أغلبية الآباء المؤسسين للدول القطرية الحديثة وحركات التحرر السابقة قد احتكروا السلطة، أما منافسة أو مشاركة المجتمع المدني فقد كبتت وقمعت بلا رحمة، من ثم أصبح الحكام (رؤساء مدى الحياة).

الحرب الباردة والانتقال السياسي في افريقيا:

التحول السياسي نحو الديمقراطية في افريقيا استرشد واستعان بعامل خارجي هام للغاية ألا وهو سقوط أو نهاية الحرب الباردة، يقول كاتب راصد للتطور السياسي في افريقيا: إن دول افريقيا بأجمعها ظلت خلال فترة طويلة امتدت من 1960 – 1989م تشهد عملية انتخابية واحدة في العام، بينما شهدت خلال ما يعادل نحو ثلث تلك الفترة فقط، أي من 1990 – 2012م ما متوسطه سبعة عملية انتخابية في العام، كما شهد العام 1991م ستاً وثمانين (86) تظاهرة عنيفة تطالب بالدمقرطة والتغيير، حيث نتج عن ذلك قيام 28 قطراً افريقياً بتنظيم انتخابات عامة خلال أعوام قليلة، وغادر السلطة مهزوماً بنتائج تلك الانتخابات 13 رئيساً أو حاكماً. لقد كانت بداية واعدة ولكن الكثير من تلك الحالات تعرضت لانتكاسات وارتدادات وانقلابات مضادة، (في 1991م رقصت ارتريا طرباً وفرحاً بنصرها التحرري الباهظ الثمن، بينما كانت بقية أقطار افريقيا تقيم حفلات الوداع والاستيداع لرؤسائها السابقين).

الانتقال السياسي في افريقيا يمر بطرق وممرات متعددة منها الآتي:

• عبر الانقلابات العسكرية والتي لم تعد مقبولة من قبل المنظمة القارية/ الاتحاد الافريقي
• عبر مؤتمرات وطنية تداولية (شهدت افريقيا الغربية عدة نماذج منها).
• عبر بعض الرؤساء الذين قبلوا أن يصبحوا جزءاً من العملية الانتقالية (نماذج الثورات أو الانتفاضات الشعبية التي شهدتها جمهوريات كلٍّ من بنين، اثيوبيا، تونس).
• عبر توافق تفاوضي (الحالة في زمبابوي، ناميبيا وجنوب افريقيا).

حالة بنين في 1989م والعملية الانتقالية في تشيلي سمحتا لحكامهما بالاستمرار جزءاً من العملية الانتقالية التي من طبعها أن تعمل في خاتمة أمرها علي إنهاء واستئصال الدكتاتورية، لكن في تشيلي المتنامية القابلية للعنف تغلبت بندقية العنف علي الهدوء والاستقرار.

أما ارترياً فإن: زيادة فرص تقليص التوتر. خلق علاقات إيجابية مع المجتمع الأهلي، صناع القرار، الهيئات الدولية والاقليمية، خلق وعي عميق بالحاجة الي انتقال سياسي آمن، تحديد الطريق المناسب الي التحول السياسي، زيادة القدرة علي التصرف الحكيم تجاه احتمالات ظهور العنف في مرحلة الانتقال الي ما بعد الدكتاتورية في ارتريا ...وغير ذلك من التحديات والمهمات الجسيمة تنتظر القوى الارترية التي تناضل من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي.

ارتريا:

بحكم أن لكل مجتمع مميزاته الخاصة، فإن مناقشة الانتقال السياسي في ارتريا لا شك تستدعي إلقاء الضوء اللازم علي الخلفية التاريخية والاجتماعية للقطر مع التركيز بصفة أخص علي التطورات السياسي – اجتماعية التي مر بها ذلك القطر، لنقـُــلْ مثلاً خلال الأربعينيات – الخمسينيات من القرن العشرين، وبالقدر ذاته خلال الثلاثين عاماً عمر الكفاح التحرري المسلح وأخيراً حقبة ربع القرن التي أعقبت تحرير البلاد من الاحتلال الأجنبي واستيلاء نظام الرجل الواحد والحزب الواحد علي السلطة. في مناقشتنا اليوم، فإن المرء لا يملك إلا أن يقرر أن الانتقال من الدكتاتورية الي حكم ديمقراطي في ارتريا لابد أن يتأثر بعدد من العوامل تشمل الآتي:

• غياب القيم والمثل الديمقراطية، جنباً الي جنب الافتقار الي نخبة رائدة وجديرة بالثقة، (إذ كيف تبنى الديمقراطية بلا ديمقراطيين؟) كما تساءل كاتب عن أحوال مماثلة للحالة في ارتريا.
• التنوع العرق – لغوي، الديني، الثقافي، الجغرافي ...الخ.
• العقلية العسكرية الراسخة القدم في البلاد.
• وجود وحدات سياسية مترددة وأزمة ثقة متبادلة والتي ما تزال بحاجة الي المصالحة.
• انعدام الثقة في المحيط المجاور، خاصةً اثيوبيا.
• انخفاض مستوى التعليم والوعي السياسي لدى المواطن العادي.

وكما ذكرنا آنفاً فإن مساءلة الذات أو النقد الذاتي بإثارة مثل هذه العوامل والتحاور المستمر (كما فعلت قوى التغيير التشيلية، انظر الهامش رقم "2") سوف يفيدنا كثيراً.

في ارتريا اليوم قد تحتوي السيناريوهات الحالية للتغيير علي ما يلي:

• انقلاب عسكري يقوم به بعض كبار الضباط لضمان استمرار حكم الجبهة الشعبية للديمقراطية والعدالة، مع الإيماء الأكثر ترجيحاً الي إمكانية استدعاء وتفضيل رفاق سلاح الشعبية السابقين والوعد بإنفاذ دستور 1997م.                    
• قادة الجيش المتنافسين قد يشعلون حرباً داخلية قد تتطور الي حربٍ أهلية شاملة.
• ضباط الجيش من الرتب الأصغر والكادر التحتي للحزب الحاكم قد يسعيان الي دعوة شتات المعارضة الخارجية مع أنها ليست في وضعٍ يمكنها من تقديم المساعدة أو الإسهام المجزي بالنسبة لهم.
• قد يندلع صراع داخلي بين وحدات الجيش مدعوم من دولة أو دول جارة.
• احتمال قيام انتفاضة شعبية عارمة قد ينبثق عنها تحول ديمقراطي كلي أو جزئي.

معظم هذه السيناريوهات (وعلي رأسها السيناريوهات خاصتي) قد تقود الي المزيد من الكوارث. صحيح أن البعض منا في معسكر المعارضة بل والنظام أيضاً يحبذ حدوث التغيير عبر انتفاضة شعبية يتمنى ويترقب حدوثها كلما أشرق صباح ورحل مساء. إلا أن هذا الخيار أو السيناريو الخامس (سيناريو الانتفاضة الشعبية) يتطلب درجة من الدمقرطة، حتى ولو كانت محدودة وتحت حكم الدكتاتورية. وعلي افتراض تحقق ذلك التغيير الضئيل علي أيدي القادة الحاليين أو من يخلفهم، فإن الانتفاضة الشعبية المدعومة من كافة قطاعات الشعب أمر قابل للتصوُّر والتصديق أيضاً. لكن تحقيق ذلك يستدعي تحقق عوامل من قبيل الآتي:

1-    أن يكون الداخل مركز النضال والتأطير من أجل الديمقراطية.

2-    قوى معارضة خارجية موحدة تنقل رسالة صحيحة ومتناغمة (لا مكان فيها لمن يوحي لشعبنا أننا شعبان اثنان أو ربما تسعة شعوب).

3-    تحويل وجهة العطف والدعم العالمي للنظام الي المعارضة وأن تجد الدعم الكامل من المنظمات الاقليمية والدولية.

4-    أن يتجه جيران ارتريا الي دعم وتفضيل التغيير فيها.

5-    يجب التركيز علي أن التغيير الديمقراطي الأكثر فاعليةً وضماناً لن يكون إلا ذلك الذي لا يحدث بالأسلوب اللاعنفي والذي يتيح إمكانية أكبر قدر ممكن من مشاركة جماهير الشعب في عملية التغيير. خلق مظلة وطنية شاملة وجاذبة ومحتضنة لفئتي المرأة والشباب داخل البلاد وخارجها، (حزبياً "الشعب الديمقراطي" نسعى الي خلق تحالفات سياسية مؤقتة وطويلة الأمد ترسي دعائم دولة ديمقراطية مستقرة ومزدهرة).

6-    كثيرون منا يقولون: "نحن لا زلنا حيث كنا، لأن بداية حقبة 1991م لم تكن شاملة، أي لم تشملهم"، لا شك أن الحزب الذي أحرز قصب السبق في حلبة السباق التحرري تملكته عقلية الحزب الواحد.

7-    التحدي الكبير الذي يواجهنا اليوم هو محاربة العقلية المترددة وتوجهات الإقصاء للآخر لتحل محلها الثقة بين كل اللاعبين. كما تشير الفقرة الواردة بعد، نحن في حزب الشعب الديمقراطي نؤمن بأن تبني ميثاق وطني كالذي بين أيدينا الآن يؤكد أننا سوف نبدأ طوراً جديداً يتخلله تشكيل حكومة وحدة وطنية مؤقتة نطلق من خلالها آلية إصحاح ومصالحة.

الخطة الانتقالية لارتريا:

كما هو مشار إليه آنفاً، في يونيو 2009م بعث كلٌّ من حزبي الشعب والديمقراطي الارتريين، العضوين حينها في تحالف المعارضة المعروف بالتحالف الديمقراطي الارتري، بعثا بمسودة مشتركة للخطة الانتقالية الي التحالف لتعتمد ضمن أوراق ورشة التحالف التي عقدت بأديس أبابا في يوليو 2009م. ثم بعثا بها ثانيةً في فبراير 2010م وقد اندمجا في حزبٍ واحد هو حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الحالي لتكون جزءاً من أوراق الملتقى الجامع المعروف بالملتقى الوطني الذي عقد لاحقاً في صيف 2010م. باختصار احتوت المسودة علي شقين:

الأول: ما قبل الانتقال وقد حوي الآتي:

أ/ الدعوة الي مؤتمر وطني جامع ذي قاعدة عريضة يعقد بالمهجر ليضع العملية الانتقالية ضمن الميثاق الوطني المنبثق عنه.

ب/ هذا المؤتمر الوطني الأول بالمهجر ينتخب قيادة (مجلس شيوخ) كأعلى سلطة تقود المرحلة الانتقالية.

ج/ يشكل المجلس الوطني (مجلس الشيوخ) هيئة تنفيذية تتولى عملية إنفاذ الميثاق الوطني.

د/ تتولى لجان عمل من الخبراء والمختصين إعداد مختلف الخطط والأوراق عن فترتي ما قبل وبعد سقوط النظام.

الثاني: المجلس الوطني وهيئته التنفيذية مضافاً إليهما عدد من ممثلي الشعب بالداخل "إذا دعت الحاجة وسمحت الظروف" يخلفان النظام المخلوع ويعملان كأعلى سلطة في الأطوار الأولى من الفترة الانتقالية ويدعوان الي المؤتمر الوطني الثاني الذي ينتخب المجلس الانتقالي الذي يشكل بدوره حكومة كفاءات (تكنوقراط) انتقالية محددة الأجل.  

1/ المبادئ المرشدة للخطة الانتقالية: "روح السلام، العدل، حقوق الإنسان"

2/ أن تتوفر لأي مواطن فرصة المشاركة الكاملة في أي منشط تشاوري يتعلق بالعملية الانتقالية.

3/ أن تتمتع العملية الانتقالية بالسلاسة وتحظى برضا الشعب واطمئنانه علي إنفاذها رسمياً وقانونياً.

3/ صون استقلال البلاد ووحدة أراضيها.

4/ أن لا تتجاوز المرحلة الانتقالية مدة عامين.

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الهوامش:

1/ نموذج الزعيم ماثيو كيريكو رئيس جمهورية بنين حالة مثالية لزعيم افريقي يسمح بفترة انتقالية عبر التنازل طوعاً لا عنفاً، تبع ذلك تظاهرات احتجاجية متكررة في 1989م، كما أنهى كريكو ولاءه الأيديولوجي للماركسية. قدم تنازلات، دعا الي مؤتمر مصالحة وطنية انتهى الي نتائج في غير صالحه، تواضع وطلب العفو فوجده، خاض الانتخابات وخسرها، تم وضع دستور جديد، كان ذلك نقطة تحول تاريخية في الانتقال الي الديمقراطية في افريقيا.

2/ كما نعلم خضعت تشيلي للدكتاتورية في الفترة من 1973 – 1990م. علي الرغم من تمتع تشيلي بتقاليد ديمقراطية عريقة وامتلاكها لطبقة وسطى ضخمة الحجم، إلا أننا ما زلنا نستمد دروساً غنية من تجربتها في الانتقال. "أ" كما هو الحال لدى الارتريين اليوم كانت المعارضة التشيلية تعاني من التمزق. "ب" في 1984م انخرطت القوى التشيلية الديمقراطية في عقد الآلاف من الاجتماعات والسمينارات، وهذا في النهاية ساعدها علي الاتفاق علي المطلوب منها القيام به. اتفقوا علي خارطة طريق لفترة الانتقال، كما اتخذوا من دستور الدكتاتور/ بينوشيه قاعدة قانونية يضيفون اليها ويحذفون منها، ثم شرعوا في وضع تفاصيل وملامح الهياكل المستقبلية للدولة. "ج" اتفقوا علي أن يكونوا حذرين تجاه المؤسسات الطويلة الأجل، إذ الدكتاتوريون يتجاوزون علامات حدودهم القانونية، الإجراءات، قوة الشخصية. "د" الديمقراطية يجب أن تعني الأمن والنظام. يجب أن تكون قادرة علي منع ظهور العنف (في ارتريا بلغ رهق الحرب وكراهيتها أقصى الحدود، وذلك لامتداد الحرب علي مدى أكثر من نصف قرن بصورة وأخرى. لذا فإن أولى أولويات الارتريين اليوم هي السلم والنظام). "هـ" تحقيق قفزة صلبة في النمو الاقتصادي. "و" الديمقراطية يجب أن تعني العدل وحكم القانون والتمثيل في المؤسسات السياسية والمدنية، تمهيد الأرضية لترسيخ المصداقية، التحقيق في انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان من خلال آليات فعالة.

ብምኽንያት ሓዲሽ ዓመት ንዕለት 2. 1. 2016 ቀዳም ኣብ ኮለን በዓል ኣዳሊና ስልዘሎና ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ክሳተፎ ብኽብሪ ንዕድም። ቦታ ካብ ስዓት 12. 00 ቀትሪ ክፉት ኮይኑ መድብና ስዓት 4. 00 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ይጅምር። መደብና ወጋሕ ትበል ለይቲ ኰይኑ፡ ብወናማት ሙዚቀኛታት መንእሰያት ተሰንዩ ክሓድር እዩ።

በዓል ዝግበረሉ ቦታ ROM e.V Venloer Wall.17 50672 Köln መጓዓዝያ S.Bahn 4 ን 5ን ካብ ዶም ሃውት ባንሆፍፍ ትወስዱ ኣብ ሳልሳይቲ "እስታስዮን ትወርዱ ።

ኣዳለውቲ ብዓል

ማሕበረ ሰብ ኮለንን ከባቢኣን

ጨንፈር ሰዲህኤ ኮለንን ከባቢኡን

ጨንፈር ኮለንን ክባቢን ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ሕድሪን

ብደሓን ምጹ

16 ታሕሳስ 2005 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ቅድሚ 10 ዓመታት ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ናይ ሽዑ ኣቦመንበር ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውድቡ ነይሩ። ስዩም ኣቐዲሙ ብ27 ሕዳር 2005 ብውድባዊ ስራሕ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ መጺኡ ዮርዳኖስ ኣብ ዝተባህለ ሆቴል ኣብ ቁጽሪ 206 እዩ ኣዕሪፉ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ዕለት’ዚ ምስ ብጾቱ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ብሓባር ተመሲሑ ኣጋ ሰዓት 3፡30 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ናብ ከዕርፈሉ ዝተመደበ ሆቴል ከይዱ። ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ጸኒሐ እንተመጺአ ክንራኸብ ኢና፡ ተዘይመጺአ ድማ ጽባሕ ንግሆ የራኽበና ኢሉ ተፋንዩና ከይዱ። እንተኾነ ኣቐዲሙ’ውን ሰውነተይ ይኸብደኒ ኣሎ ይብል ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ምሸት ከምቲ ዝበሎ ኣይተመልሰናን። ንሕና እውን ኣቐዲሙ ሓቢሩና ስለ ዝነበረ ብዘይምምጻኡ ብዙሕ ኣይተሻቐልናን።

ንጽባሒቱ ቀዳም እዩ ነይሩ። ካብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ናብቲ ምስ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ብሓባር ንሰርሓሉ ዝነበርና ቤት ጽሕፈት ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኪዳን ንምኻድ እንዳተሰባሸብኩ፡ ስዩም ደዊሉ ናብቲ ሆቴሉ ንኽመጾ ሓቲቱኒ። ሰዓት 7 ናይ ንግሆ እዩ ነይሩ። ቤት ጽሕፈትና ናብቲ ንሱ ዝነበሮ ሆቴል ቀረባ ስለ ዝነበረ፡ ናብቲ ሆቴል ቀልጢፈ በጺሐ። ምስኡ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ብምኽንያት ስራሕ መጺኡ ምስ ዝነበረ ኣቶ መንግስተብ ኣስመሮም ድማ ኣብቲ ስዩም ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ ተራኺብና። ስዩም ካብቲ ዓራት ወሪዱ፡ ኮበርታ ደሪቡ ኣብ ወንበር ኮፍ ኢሉ ጸኒሑና። ከም ዝሓመመ ድማ ነጊሩና። ከመይ ከም ዝገብሮ ክነግረና እንከሎ “ቁሪቁሪ የብለኒ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ኣፍ-ልበይ’ውን ውግኣት ይስመዓኒ፡ ክሕሸኒ ኢለ ተተሓጸብኩ ድማ መሊሱ ገዲዱኒ” ኢሉና። ግዜ ከይወሰድና ናብ ሕክምና ክንከይድ ወሲና ድማ ኣነ ሒዘዮ፡ ኣብ ቦሌ ሳይ ኣብ ዝበሃል ህንጻ ናብ እትርከብ ኣቐዲምና ብማዕዶ ናብ እንፈልጣ ክሊኒክ ከይድና። እንተኾነ እዛ ክሊኒክ ተዓጽያ ጸኒሓትና። በታ ዝሓዝናያ ታክሲ ድማ ኣብ መስመር ቀንዲ ጐደና ቦሌ ኦለፒያ ኣብ ዝበሃል ቦታ፡ ጥቓ ናይ ሽዑ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውድብና ናብ እትርከብ ክሊኒክ ቤተዛታ ከይድና። ንግሆ ብምዃኑ መካይን በዚሐን መንገዲ ስለ ዝይተዓጽወ ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ቀልጢፍና በጻሕና። እንተኾነ ሰዓት 8 ስለ ዘይኣኸለ ምዱባት ሓካይም ክንረክብ ኣይከኣልናን። ክሳብ ሰዓት ኣኺሉ ሓካይም ዝመጹ ሓደ ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ዝሓደረ ክኢላ ንግዜኡ ቃንዛ ዘዕግስ መርፍእ ካብቲ ናይታ ክሊኒክ ፋርማሲ ክገዝእ ኣዚዙኒ ምስ ኣምጻእኩ ንስዩም ወጊእዎ።

ሓኪም እንዳተጸበና፡ ንስዩም እቲ ዝወሰዶ መርፍእ ጠቒምዎ እንተኾይኑ ሓቲተዮ። “እወ ደሓን እየ። ግና ሓኪምስ ደንጉዩና ጋና ድዩ ሰዓት” ኢሉ መሊሱለይ። ሰዓት 8፡15 ናይ ንግሆ ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ሓኪም መጺኡ። ኣብቲ ክሊኒክ ቀዲሞምና ዝበጽሑ ሕሙማት ስለ ዘይነበሩ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ስዩም ተራእዩ። ኣነ እውን ምስኡ ነይረ። እቲ ሓኪም ብኹነታት ስዩም ከም ዝሰንበደ ካብ ገጹ ይንበብ ነይሩ። ኣነ እውን ወዮ ነቲ ሕማም ኣቕሊለ ዝርእዮ ዝነበኩ እንዳተቐየረ ብውሽጠይስ ክሰግእ ደኣ ጀመርኩ። እቲ ሓኪም መሳርሒታት እንዳቐያየረ ክርእዮ ምስ ጸነሐ፡ ካብቲ ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ ሸረር ብዝብል መንበር (wheelchair) ናብ ካልእ ክፍሊ ወሲድዎ። ካብዚ ጀሚረን እንተን ከይደን ዘይርብርባ ዝነበራ ኣእጋር ስዩም ስራሐን ኣቋረጻ። ስግኣተይ ድማ ማዕረ እቲ ቅልጡፍ ምቅይያር ኣብ ኩነታት ስዩም እንዳዓረገ መጸ። ቁሩብ ጽንሕ ኢሉ ድማ እቲ ሓኪም ንእሽቶ ወረቐት ጽሒፉ ሂቡ፡ ብኣንቡላንስ ካብ ክሊኒክ ቤተዛታ ኣብ ከባቢ ስታድየም ናብ ዝርከብ ሆስፒታል ቤተዛታ ብህጹጽ ክንከይድ ምዃና ስግኣትን ፍርሕን ብዝጸለዎ ቃላት ነጊሩኒ። እዚ ዝኸውን ዘሎ ኣብ ጐረቤት ናይ ሽዑ ቤት ጽሕፈት ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እዩ ኢለ ኣለኹ። ኣነ ኣብዚ ሰዓትዚ ንግሆ ሒዘዮ ዝወጻእኩ ገንዘብ ውሑድ ስለ ዝነበረ ይሓጽረኒ እሞ፡ ናብ ሆስፒታል ቤተዛታ ቅድሚ ምኻድና ብጉያ ናብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከይደ ገንዘብ ሒዘ ተመሊሰ፡ ስዩም ኣብ ዓራት ደቂሱ ሳልሳይና መራሕ መኪና፡ ሓያል ናይ ኣሕልፉኒ ድምጺ ጥሩንባ ብእተስምዕ ጻዕዳ ዝሕብራ ኣንቡላንስ ናብቲ ሆስፒታል ጉዕዞ ጀሚርና።

ኣብቲ ጉዕዞና “ስዩም ከመይ ኣለኻ” ኢለ ሓቲተዮ። በቲ ምዑዝ ኣዘራርባኡ ድማ “እዋእ ደሓን እየ፡ እንተኾነ እታ ሸቕሸቕ ተብለንስ ኣየቋረጸትን” ኢሉኒ። ኣስዒቡ ድማ “እስከ ንኣቶ ገብራይ ደውለሉ እሞ መኪና ሒዙ ናብቲ ሆስፒታል ይምጸኣና” ኢሉኒ። ከምኡ ምስ ገበርኩ ድማ ምስ ኣቶ ገብራይ ኣብቲ ሆስፒታል ተራኺብና። ድሕሪኡ ካልእ ዘረባ ወሲኸ ከየድክሞ ዘረባ ኣይወሰኽኩን። ኣነ ብውሽጠይ በይነይ ይዛረብ ነይረ። ስዩም እውን ከምኡ። እቲ ንኸዶ ርሑቕ ስለ ዘይነበረ ከኣ ቀልጢፍና ኣቲና። ነቲ ድምጺ ጥሩንባ ዝሰምዑ ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሰረሕተኛታት ዝተወጸዐ ሰብ ከም ዝመጸ ተረዲኦም፡ እንዳተጓየዩ መጺኦም ሓጊዘሙኒ፡ ንስዩም ካብታ ኣንቡላስን ኣውሪድና ኣብቲ ናይ ህጹጽ ረዲአት ክፍሊ ኣብ ዓራት ብጐቦ ኣደቂስናዮ። ቅድሚ ሓኪም ምምጻኡ ስዩም “እዚ ሆስፒታል ናይ መንግስቲ ድዩ ናይ ብሕቲ?” ኢሉ ሓቲቱኒ። ኣነ ድማ “ናይ ግሊ እዩ” ኢለ መሊሰሉ። ቀጺሉ “ እሞ ወጻኢ ደኣ ክበዝሓና እንድዩ፡ ናብ ሕስር ዝበለ መንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ዘይንኸይድ” ኢሉኒ። ኣነ ድማ “እዚ ናይ ሕጂ ኩነታትካ ንርኣዮ’ሞ እዚ ትብሎ ዘለኻ ደሓር ቀስ ኢልና ተረኣናዮ እዩ ዝሓይሽ” ኢለ ምስ መለስኩሉ፡ ድሕሪኡ ዘረባ ኣይቀጸልናን። ምኽንያቱ እታ ካብ ክሊኒክ ዝተዋህበትኒ ወረቐት ምስ በጽሓቶ ቀልጢፉ ናብ ስዩም ዝመጸ መንእሰይ ዶ/ር ዮናስ ስለ ዘቋረጸና። ዶ/ር ዮናስ ቅድሚ ስራሕ ምጅማሩ ካብቲ ክፍሊ ክወጽእ ኣዚዙኒ ወጺአ። ድሕሪ እዚ ንስዩም ብጐቦ ዓይነይ እንዳረኹዎ ምስ ተፈላለና፡ እነሆ እቲ ምፍልላይ ንሓዋሩ ኮይኑ።

ዶ/ር ዮናስ ንስዩም ምስ ረኣዮ ብዝሃቦም ምልክት ብቕጽበት ብዙሓት ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሓካይም እንዳጐየዩ ናብታ ስዩም ዝነበራ ናይ ህጹጽ ረድኤት ክፍሊ (emergency room) ክኣትዉ ተዓዚበ። ወዮ ኣብ ቀረባ ዝጸንሐ ፍርሐይ ድማ ናብ ስንባደ ተቐይሩ። ንሕማም ሰጊረስ ብዛዕባ ካልእ ከቢድ ጉዳይ ክሓስብ ጀሚረ። በቲ ኣጸቢቖም ዘይዓጸውዎ ናይቲ ስዩም ዝነበሮ ክፍሊ መስኮት መጋረጃ ኩሎም ኣቶም ሓካይም ክኸብዎ ተዓዚበ። ካብቲ ምንቅስቓሳቶም ብውሕዱ ስዩም ትንፋስ ከም ዝሓጸሮ ተገንዘብኩ። ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ ደቓይቕ፡ ከባቢ ሰዓት 10 ናይ ንግሆ ኣቢሉ ይኸውን ሕጂ ስሞም ዘይዝክሮ ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ሕክምናዊ ዳይረክቶር “ቤተሰብ ኣቶ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል” ኢሎም ጸውዑ። ኣነን ናይ ስዩም ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ዓርክን መቓልስትን ኣቶ ገብራይ ገብረ እየሱስን ኮይና ኮን ደኾን ተስፋ ንረክብ ብዝብል ትጽቢት ቀልጢፍና ቀረብናዮም። ዝሃቡና ሓበሬታ ግና “ኣቶ ስዩም ልቦም ስረሓ ኣቋሪጻ እያ። ናይ እግዚኣብሄር ደገፍ ተተወሲኽዎ ሓካይም ህይወቶም ንምድሓን ይቃለሱ ኣለዉ” ዝብል ቀዳማይ ደረጃ መርድእ ነይሩ። ኣቶ ገብራይ ነቶም ሓኪም “ናብ ዝሓሸ ሕክምና ዋላ ናብ ወጻኢ ምውሳድከ ኣይትተሓባበሩናን?” ኢሉ ሓቲትዎም። እቶም ሓኪም ድማ ወዮ ኩነታት ኣበይ በጺሑ ከምዘሎ ስለ ዝፈልጡ “ንሱ ሕጂ ዝግበር ኣይኮነን” ኢሎም መሊሰሙልና፡ ናብቲ ስዩም ዝጸዓረሉ ዝነበረ ክፍሊ ተመልሱ። ድሕሪዚ በብውሽጥና ስዩምን ሞትን ኣዝዮም ተቐራሪቦም ከም ዝነበሩ ገመትና። ደፊርና ግና ስዩም ክመውት እዩ ኢልና ክንዘራረብ ኣይከኣልናን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፡ ናይቲ ኩነታት ህጹጽነት ዝሓበርኩዎም ኣሕዋት መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ( ናይ ሎሚ ኣቦመንበር ሰደህኤ)፡ ገብሪህይወት ጸጋይ፡ ጅምዕ ኣሕመድን ተኽላይ ተስፋጋብርን ናብቲ ሆስፒታል መጺኦም ኩነታት ይከታተሉ ኣለዉ። እንደጋና ከባቢ ሰዓት 11፡30 ረፋድ እቶም ናይቲ ሆስፒታል ላዕለዋይ ሓላፊ ዶክተር ጸውዑና’ሞ ከምቲ ናይ ቅድም መዓንጣና ሓቚፍና ቀረብናዮም። “እዚኣ ኣብ ክፍሊ ገንዘብ ከፊልካ ምጻእ’ሞ ቅብሊት ሒዝኩም ተመለሱ” ኢሎም ናይ 194 ብር መእዘዚ ሰነድ ሃቡኒ። ከፊለ ቅብሊት ሒዘሎም ምስ ተመለስኩ እቶም ዶክቶር፡ በቲ ጭንቅና እንዳተጨነቑን እናሕዘኑን “እምበኣር ጻዕርና ኣይሰመረን ሓውኩም ኣቶ ስዩም ዓሪፎም ፡ ጽንዓት ከኣ ይሃብኩም” ኢሎም ኣርዲኦሙና ናብ ካልእ ስረሖም ከዱ። በዚ ድማ እነሆ ናይ መወዳእታ ናይ ስዩም ቃላትን ናይ ስዩም ዕረፍትን ቀዳማይ ሰማዒ ክኸውን ክኢለ። ብኡንብኡ ድማ ነቶም ኣብኡ ብስግኣት ተዋሒጦም ዝነበሩ ኣቐዲመ ኣስማቶም ዝዘርዘርኩዎ ኣሕዋት’ውን ኣርዳእናዮም። ጸሓይ እቲ ባህርያዊ ብርሃን ናይ ምልጋስ ተግባራ ኣይቀየረት። ንዓና ግና ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ብቐትሩ ጸልሚቱና። ንደገን ንውሽጥን ድማ ከም ሕሱም ነቢዕና። ን17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ድማ ረገምናያ።

ድሕሪ እዚ ብጉዳይ ህይወት ናይቲ ሰሪሑ ዘይደክም፡ ኩነታት ተጸበብ’ውን ዘይሽበር ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዘይኮነስ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣስከሬኑ ክንሓስብ ተገዲድና። ስዩም ድማ ድሮ ብዛዕብኡ እንዳተዛረብና ናብ ዘይዛረብ ፍጡር ተቐይሩ። ንሕና ከኣ ብሃንደበታዊ መስዋእቲ ብጻይ ስዩም ዝተገዝኤ ነናትና ሓድሽ ስረሓት ክንዓምም ተቐሲብና። ገሌና ንላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ-ሰውራዊ ባይቶን ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ንዝርከብ ኤምባሲ ሆላንድን ዝምልከቶም ኣብ ምሕባር ተዋፊርና። ገሌና ድማ ኣብ ምውጋን ኣስከሬን ናይቲ ሽዑ ዝተፈልየና ሓርበኛ ተጸመድና። በዚ መሰረት ቅድሚ ኣበይን ብኸመይ ይቕበር ዝምልከት ውሳነ ምፍላጥና ኣስከሬኑ ክምርመር ናይ ግድን ስለ ዝነበረ፡ “ገብረ እግዚኣብሄር” ካብ ዝበሃል ትካል ኣስከሬን ኣትጸውር መኪናን ሳጹንን ኣምጺእና “ናይ ኣስከሬን ይመርመረልና” ጥርዓን ኣቕሪብና ናብ መንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ሚነሊክ ወሲድናዮ። ዕለቱ ቀዳም ስለ ዝነበረ ከኣ ሰኑይ ክንምልስ ቆጸራ ወሲድና። ንስዩም ምስ ከዛርብዎን ከዛርቦምን ዘይክእል ኣስከሬናት ገዲፍናዮ ተመሊስና። እዚ ኩሉ ወዲእና ከባቢ ሰዓት 3 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ብመሪሕነት ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈትና ተኣኪብና። ኣብዚ ኣኼባና ሓዘንና ክኢልና፡ ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዘይነበሩ ኣባላት ውድብና’ውን ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲና፡ ነብስና ከፋፊልና ክንዓሞ ብዛዕባ ዝግበኣና ስረሓት ወሲና። ሰኑይ ንግሆ፡ ገሌና ጉዳይ መርመራ ኣስከሬን ክንከታተል፡ ገሌና ብዛዕባ ኣስከሬን ናብ ሆላንድ ዝጐዓዘሉ ኣገባብ፡ ምስ ናይታ ሃገር ኤምባሲ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትርን ርክባት ክንገብር ዝተረፍና ድማ ኣብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኮይና ሓዘኖም ክገልጹ ንዝመጹ ኣጋይሽ ክንቅበል ናይ ስራሕ ምክፍፋል ገበርና።

ሰኑይ 19 ታሕሳስ 2005 ምስ ኮነ እቶም ጉዳይ ኣስከሬን ንከታተል፡ ንጉዕዞ ብዘኽእል ኣገባብ ብኩባዊት ክኢላ ኣመርሚርና፡ ንናይ ርሑቕ ጉዕዞ ዝምጥን ሳጹን ገዚእና ነቲ ኣስከሬን መዝሓሊ ናብ ዘለዎ ዘይመንግስታዊ ሆስፒታል ሓያት ወሲድና ዓቀብናዮ። እቶም ኣብ ካልእ ስረሓት ዝተዋፈሩ ኣሕዋት እውን ብተመሳሳሊ ስረሓቶም ኣሰላሲሎም። ኣስከሬን ሰሉስ 20 ታሕሳስ 2005 ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ሆላንድ ክጉዓዝ ከም ዝኽል ርግጸኛታት ምስ ኮና ድማ ኣብ ነፋሪት መንግዲ ኣየር ኢትዮጵያ ቦታ ኣትሒዝና።

ብ20 ታሕሳስ 2005 ኣብ ሰዓታት ድሕሪ ቀትሪ፡ ቅድሚ ኣስከሬን ጉዕዞ ናብ ሆላንድ ምጅማሩ፡ ሆስፒታል ሓያት ኣዳራሽ ፈቒዱልና ናይ መፋነዊ ፕሮግራም ሰሪዕና። ኣብዚ ናይ ፈነወ መደብ ሓጺር ታሪኽ ህይወት ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤልን ንሓርበኝነቱ ዝገልጽ ግጥምታት ተነቢቡ። እዚ ናይ ፈነወ ስነ-ስርዓት ንሓርበኝነት ስዩም ዝበቅዕ እኳ ተዘይነበረ፡ ሓያሎ፡ ቤተሰቡ፡ ፈተውቱን፡ መራሕትን ኣባላትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራውያን ነበርቲ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ኢትዮጵያውያንን ተሳቲፎም። ብወገን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣቶ ስብሓት ነጋ ካብ ኢህወደግ፡ ኣንበሳድር ሱሌማን ካብ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስተር፡ ኣንበሳደር ሃይለ ኪሮስ ገሰሰ ናይ ሽዑ ኣንበሳደር ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ቻይና፡ ኣቶ ሕቡር ገብረኪዳን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ምትሕብባር ፎረም ሰንዓን ካለኦትን ይርከብዎም።

ድሕሪ እዚ ምሸት በዚ ዕለት እዚ ክሳብ ሰዓት 10 ኣብ ዝነበረ ግዜ ኣስከሬን ሓርበኛ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካእል ናብ ሆላንድ ብኣድራሻ በዓልቲ ቤቱ ወይዘሮ ኣዝመራ ሃይለ ኣፋኒና። ሓው ጅምዕ ኣሕመድ ድማ ኣስከሬን ኣሰንዩ ተጓዒዙ። ድሕሪ’ዚ ናይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ሓዘንና ዓጺና።

ደበሳይ በየነ

17 ታሕሳስ 2015

The story is too long to be covered by one person, and that is why I said many will join me in telling just part of the momentous chronicle that remains yet to be told about you to the present and future generations. Azmera Haile, your widow, will be one of the potential story-tellers at your 10th anniversary about you and your life-time comrade-in-struggle, Martyr Woldedawit.

The second point to be included in this private message to you is on how we are doing now and what occurred since December 2005. Well, eeehh.. We are still in exile, SOM, and I know that will deeply upset you. But, frankly speaking, we could not make it happen because of the many factors that you knew well. What you used to call "that exclusionist and chauvinist regime" has continued deepening its hate and divisive messages and broke down the nation into its primordial pieces. Our  opposition camp continued to multiply. You left us 11 but in recent years, we counted up to 34 "political organizations" in the diasopra. This sad situation has  prevailed until now while the PFDJ state has failed to deliver all the promises of our Revolution. However, there is some hope these days: the regime and its head are in their death-beds, and the forces of change appear to be reviewing their weaknesses (our weaknesses). Many of us hope that something good can  happen in the coming New Year - Inshallah. And I will write to you when it happens!!

You left us arguing over articles 3 and 4 within the EDA/Kidan whose members continued to violate agreed upon laws. Similar outfits were built over it after your martyrdom, but that new edifice again failed to accommodate many others, including us,  let alone to deliver what was expected of it.  

Regarding your organization, the ELF-RC, we encountered the challenges of the vacuum you left  by increased personal sacrifices: e.g. Degiga, Melekin, Mengistu and yours-truly  vowed to join full-timer comrades like Menghisteab Asmerom, now the chairman, to keep alive your dream of building a viable organization. Through exigent efforts, we created a new party called EPP;  then  joined with brother Ismail Nada's Gash-Setit and also continued your blue-print for narrowing down the old ELF/EPLF divide. Breaking many barriers, we forged unity that gave birth to what we named EPDP. We are still in the uphill process of building that much dreamt viable force, always without overlooking our ever-existent principle of building a truly inclusive force that can confidently create a peaceful, democratic and prosperous Eritrea.

Finally, I have other bad news to tell you, SOM,  in case you did not yet meet them at your end. For example, of those ELF-RC leadership colleagues with whom you decided on so many historic resolutions at the Damascus meeting of 1997 (see picture above), Chairman Ahmed Nasser, Dr. Beyene Kidane, and Dini Ismail have followed your path. Your other close comrade, Ibrahim Mohammed Ali, is not in excellent health condition, while the whereabouts of Mohammed Ali Ibrahim are not known; he disappeared from Kassala. Nor did we yet obtain any news about  Woldemariam Bahlibi and  Teklebrahan 'Wedi Bashai', who, as you knew,  faced the same kidnap fate way back in April 1992 by the evil regime of your schoollmate, Isaias.

I will stop here for today. Since this letter is also to be copied to your children, who by now are well versed in the English language,  I am annexing here for their interest a small writing about you done 10 years ago this month.   

*****

Tribute to a Brave Old Friend,

Seyoum and His Generation

By

Woldeyesus Ammar

         30 December 005                                                                                                                                                                                                          

I shudder under spells of pain combined with anger every time I recall or hear people mention names like: Michael Ghaber, Mahmoud Jenjer, Woldedawit Temesghen, and Mussie Tesfamichael – old time close friends whose burial I could not attend when they fell while contributing more than their share for the national cause and its sentiments that we shared with extraordinary intensity. Seyoum Ogbamichael has now elongated the list and in his special ways made the pain almost unbearable to human limitations and frailties. Little understood and little known hero till the end, Seyoum was a big asset to our entire liberation struggle era as well as to the current uphill fight for reconciliation, acceptable change and democratization. His death is a loss beyond description at this hour of the unfinished struggle that he helped build at the cost of his entire life and at a big price paid by his loved ones.

A Person of  Rare Qualities

Seyoum was a man of exceptional attributes. Until he let out his last breath in an Addis Ababa hospital, where he stepped in during the morning hours of 17 December, still walking straight and sturdy, Seyoum possessed inexhaustible physical energy and vitality that helped him accomplish all what he was doing. In average, he slept less than five hours every night throughout his adult life - yet he did not show weakness until the fateful 17  December 2005.

As of his early teenage, Seyoum single-mindedly wanted to see an independent Eritrea flying the Blue Flag. No flinching. His steadfastness and courage remained big astonishment even to his close peers at all stages of his life. His prioritization of tasks and reading of situations usually led him to conclusions almost all of which were proven by future developments to had been right and correct. He advocated and championed those conclusions and beliefs with absolute determination. The intelligent and gifted Seyoum I knew possessed huge self-acquired knowledge and competence that justified his drive to achieve under any circumstance. And everyone who knew him well will recall that Seyoum was always willing to accept responsibility with self-confidence. The very nature of the fight for national liberation and transition to democracy required not only a huge capacity to communicate through the spoken and the written word, but it also required the skill to motivate others for more work and sacrifice of their time and energy. These are among the much looked after qualities for success in one’s work, especially as a leader. Seyoum had them all in plenty - and for sure more than any of his political critics at any time in the long or the recent past. In other words, Seyoum was  a Successful Motivator and a Great Communicator who could make his listeners see the Hopes and the attainable Visions that he saw and that were clear in his head and clear in his language.

I Met Seyoum 44 Years Ago

It was in September 1961 that Seyoum Ogbamichael and I first met as classmates in grade 9 at Prince Mekonnen Secondary School in Asmara. Seyoum was about 15 and I a couple of years older and almost ‘mature’ enough with my ‘political awareness’ about Eritrean nationalism – probably because of the age-advantage plus the advantage of my background from the ever restive Keren and its highly politicized shopkeepers; outspoken and authority-defying elders like Balambaras Tiluq Hamad; class teachers like Seyoum Negasi, and ardent nationalist classmates like Mahmoud Jenjer (who joined the ELF in 1963 and martyred in 1966). Young Seyoum Ogbamichael was among the first ‘comrades’ I met and felt comfortable with at Prince Mekonnen, whose political environment gradually became Keren-like.

And it was after a couple of previously quiet years in Asmara that we, 9^th graders of the 1961-62 academic year, succeeded to restart student militancy and organized our first big demonstration in May 1962, parading in the streets of Asmara and embarrassing government officials and onlookers with our audacious chant of:

Natsinet Delina!

Hagizuna!!

The phrase was put together in a chat between us the ‘ring leaders’ while running near Cinema Roma on our way to the Parliament soon  after we (Seyoum and other students from Prince Mekonnen) managed to go and force out from their classes the then less politically active Haile Selassie I Secondary School students to join us in that initial demo. By 1963, Seyoum was a fire-brand student leader. In fact, I used to call the 1963 demonstration “Seyoum’s demonstration” because it was he who pushed the rest of us to organize it!

Between 1961 to 1965, Asmara demonstrations became yearly events from our school, with the same batch of students leading those modest political acts that eventually helped awaken many Asmara residents to full and passionate national awareness. Seyoum was already a prominent member of this small group of student leaders, who, incidentally, were same class or same grade-mates for four years. Besides Seyoum and I, the others included my closest friend Michael Ghaber, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile Woldetensae, Isayas Afeworki, Bereket ‘Aket’, Abdurahman Hassan Mehri, the twins Andom/Habtom Ghebremichael and a few others in the lower grades, among them Gherezgheher Tewolde and Abdalla Hassan.

Seyoum  with ELF in 1965, Aged 19

After another big demonstration in mid-March 1965, Seyoum and his closest friend Woldedawit thought that we three were the most wanted by the security at Agip and that we better join the ELF in the field within days. I objected justifying that we would, among other excuses, serve the cause better inside Asmara and later in Addis than in the field and that it was preferable for us to take the risk of  a short imprisonment at Agip. Seyoum and Woldedawit did not agree. Finally, by the third week of March 1965, the three of us found ourselves standing at the Asmara bus station: I seeing them off and remaining behind and they trying to reach the field by making a diversion through Ethiopia. When they finally reached Kassala, Seyoum and Woldedawit were given assignments which included going back to Asmara and organizing ELF cells on professional and work categories. 

10 Years in Prison

It was while conducting the above mentioned ELF assignment inside Asmara in late August 1965 that Seyoum and Woldedawit were arrested and kept in prison for 10 years.

Amid all the suffering they were subjected to in enemy dungeons, Seyoum and his colleague never failed to talk to every prisoner they met about the nationalist struggle and its politics. By Woldedawit’s estimation, approximately 25,000 short- and long-term prisoners were lectured on Eritrean nationalism by both of them  during the years of their incarceration. Thus, the prison years were not wasted by Seyoum and his friend. It was also in prison that Seyoum managed to learn Arabic, French and some Spanish in addition to his already existing command of Italian, English, Amharic and of course Tigrinia, a language that he might have helped to develop in certain ways.

Back to the ELF in the Field

After release from prison in February 1975, Seyoum served in a number of important posts in the ELF. He was not one of the ‘new comers’ though, as the 1975 recruits to the front were pejoratively referred to. As indicated, Seyoum always lived abreast the ELF while in prison by following all developments within it.

Thus he, Woldedawit and their likes had no lack of knowledge of the political situation in the front to flirt with mostly emotional judgments that led many fresh comers to lawlessness by demanding, among other things, another ‘national congress’ a few months after the second ELF congress of 1975 was convened. By 1977, the ELF army more than quadrupled from its previous size and this meant that the vast majority of ELFers were ‘new comers’ who were liable to misleading whisper of certain interest groups and hot tempers here and there. Seyoum was a great voice and a major contributor (though still little evaluated and appreciated) in the salvation of his front from that crisis that could even have brought about a more dangerous ‘armed’ polarization in Eritrea at that stage. His memorable 1977 radio messages reprimanding the encouragement of sectarianism in the EPLF and lawlessness in the ELF, and his radio poems teaching people to submit to dialogue and the rule of law were characteristic of Seyoum.  He repeated the same 1977 stand and voiced the same message and took the same stand against lawlessness in his organization in 1982 and again in 2003.

A Fierce Opponent of  Dictatorship

Seyoum’s unflinching stand against the dictatorship in Eritrea is also about the rule of law and democracy. In 1991, Seyoum was among the key ELF-RC leaders who absolutely rejected the Isayas-regime’s offer to members of Eritrean political organizations to return home as ‘individuals’. The ELF-RC firmly asked for one-to-one dialogue with the new government, and Seyoum’s role in that stand is understandable. But as we all know a scheduled ELF-RC delegation’s visit to Asmara, of which Seyoum was to be a  member, was foiled by the one-man decision-making mechanism that plagued the Isayas-led organization for decades.

Like many others, I am of the conviction that the ELF-RC will be remembered in Eritrean history for a good number of things, prominent among them being its firm defense of principles at any stage whose reckless violation would result in obliterating the entire national edifice. One of this is ELF-RC’s insistence in 1993 to be considered as a partner in the referendum. The organization believed that the ABC of democratic participation could be learned by forcing EPLF at least to allow members of other organizations to vote in the referendum with the IDs of their respective organizations. This was to show the EPLF and its leader that Eritrean citizenship cannot be determined by decrees issued by a leader of a single political organization but by an elected national assembly in the future. We can recall Seyoum was the strongest ELF-RC voice in the insistence that the ABC for our democratic participation in the new Eritrea be started at the referendum. He went to the extent of bending (not breaking) decisions of his organization to see to it that the EPLF denial of others’ participation is challenged. It was also during that early period that Seyoum assisted some kind-hearted compatriots to absolutely drop considering Isayas Afeworki as a bed-fellow before multi-party democracy is openly granted.

What Seyoum Was

Seyoum was a moving engine. He at times wrongly assumed that others were made of the same stuff as he. That did not help him easily obtain the understanding he deserved. He could be compared to a successful business manager who would lead a profit-making corporation. (And of course no  successful manager would be expected to be as meek as the shopkeeper around the corner.)  After any problem of misunderstanding with his work colleagues, Seyoum would immediately start reconciling and talking in a normal businesslike way as if nothing had happened. Others would carry on with their grudges – not he. At one point five years ago, I suggested to Seyoum something like this: “Why don’t you try to change some of your traits that sometimes create misunderstandings...?”  His solid response was: “Emo ente qeyires Seyoum aykonkun beleni enber!” (meaning: If I change [my way of doing things] I will end up being not myself). Seyoum remained to be himself and did not regret that he was what he was. As we bury his remains on 30 December, we will be celebrating what Seyoum was and what he stood for. 

What Seyoum Was Not

Seyoum was not anti-democrat. He, who insisted throughout his life that others abide by commonly agreed upon rules and laws cannot be a candidate ‘dictator’. He was not a Kebessan chauvinist. He was not isolationist. He was not the other side of Isayas and his Nhnan Elamanan. He was not anti-unity. He was not anti- this and that (name it yourself). He simply was one of my heroes, of  my ‘Ras Tessema Asberoms’ (with the meaning that I gave to this phrase in an earlier write up.)

Eternal Memory to Our Martyrs!

ጨንፈር ማእከል ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኣን ኣበቲ ልሙድ ቦታ ኣኼባኡ ኪርች ፕላትዝ ብዕለት 13-12-2015 ወርሓዊ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ኣካይዱ፡፡ እቲ ኣኼባ ካብ ሰዓት 2፡00 ድ.ቀ. ጅሚሩ ሰዓት 5፡00 ድ.ቀ. ድማ ወዲኡ። ኣኼባ ብሓው ታድሰ ኣስመላሽ ኣቦ-መንበር ጨንፈር ብእንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም እዩ ተኸፊቱ። ካብኡ ብምቕጻል፡ ኣብቲ ኣጀንዳታት ኣኼባ ብምእታው ብዛዕባ ኣገደስቲ ጉዳያት ተመያይጡ።

ኣጀንዳታትና (1) ኩነታት ጨንፈርና፡ ማለት ኣተሃላልዉኡን፡ ኣሰራርሑኡን፡ ከመሓይሾን ክእርሞን ዘለዎ ነገራትን፡ ከምኡ‘ውን ኣገዳስነት ዲሲፕሊን ኣብ ጨንፈርናን፤ (2) ብዛዕባ ኩነታት ሰልፊ ይኹን ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ሓበሬታታት ምልውዋጥን ኔሮም።

ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ካልኣይ ኣጀንዳ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ምርድዳእ ኔሩ። ኣብዚ ዓመት 2015፡ ጉዳይ ሃገርና ዓለማዊ ኣቓልቦ እናተገብረሉ ክኸይድ ከም ዝጸንሐን፡ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ‘ውን ክምስገን ዝግብኦ ምጥርናፋት ከርኢ ከም ዝጸንሐን ርኢና።

ብፍላይ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቀረባ እዋን፡ ብ9/11/2015 ፓርላማ ኤውሮጳን፡ ቀጺሉ ከኣ ብዕለት 11-12/11/2015 ሃገራት ኤውሮጳን ኣፍሪቃን፡ ብጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ማልታ (ፋለጣ) ዘካየድዎ ኣኼባታት፤ ከምኡ‘ውን ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ብዕለት 13-14/11/2015 ኣብ ፍራንክፎርትን፡ ቀጺሉ ድሕሪ 2 ሰሙን‘ውን ብዕለት 27-29/11/2015 ኣብ ናይሮቢ (ከንያ) ብመድረኽ ንሃገራዊ ልዝብ ዘዳለዉዎ ናይ ምርድዳእን ምምኽኻርን ኣኼባታት፡ ኣዝዩ ተስፋ ዝህብ ምዃኑን ክተባባዕ ዝግብኦ ንጥፈታት ምዝኾነ‘ውን ኣስሚርናሉ፡፡

እዚ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ምምኽኻራትን ልዝብን‘ውን ሰልፍና ዕላምኡን ክቃለሰሉ ዝጸንሐን ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣበርቲዑ ክደፍኣሉን ጨንፈርና ተላብዩ። ብድሕር‘ዚ ሰዓት 5፡00 ድ.ቀ. ኣኼባ ብዝኽረ ሰማእታት ተዛዚሙ፡፡

ሽማግለ ጨንፈር ማእከል ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ፍራንክፎርትን ከባቢኣን

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዕለት 13 ታሕሳስ 2015 5ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ቀንዲ ኣጀንዳ ናይዚ ኣኼባዚ፣ ምምዕባልን ምሕያልን ዝምድናን ርክብን ናይዚ ቤት ጽሕፈትዚ ምስ ካብ ሰልፊ ወጻኢ ዘለዉ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ መንእሰያት ማሕበራትን ምንቅስቃሳትን ዝብል ነበረ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ፣ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ኣብቲ ናይ ዝምድና ርክባትን መትከላት ሰልፊ ተመርኲሱ፣ ብዝከኣል መጠን ምስ ኩሎም ኣለዉ ዝበሃሉ ናይ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ማሕበራት ክራኸብ በርቲዑ ክሰሪሕ፣ ከከም ኣድላይነቱ ድማ ሓቢርካ ናይ ምስራሕ ዝምድናታት ክፈጥር ከምዘለዎ ተመያዪጦም። ኣኼበኛታት ብተወሳኺ ጠመተ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፣ ንተሳትፎ መንእሰያት ኣብ ቃልሲ ንምዕዛዝን ንምሕያልን ኣብ ዝብል ጥራሕ ተሓጺሩ ከይተርፍ ኣተሓሳሲቦም። ኣብ ክንድኡ መንእሰያት ድሕሪ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲውን እንተኾነ፣ ካብ መገልገልቲ ፖለቲካዊ ስርዓታት ናጻ ዝኾነ ኣብ ሃገራውነትን ሓድነትን ዝተስረተ ናጻን ሪእሱ ዝኸኣለን ሃገራዊ ማሕበር ብምምስራት፣ ዝውደቡሉን ዝንቀሳቀሱሉን ኣገባብ ካቢ ሕጂ ክሕሰበሉን ክስረሓሉን ኣለዎ ድሕሪ ምባል፣ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ቀንዲ መሳለጢ ናይዚ ሃገራዊ መደብዚ ኮይኒ ክዓዪ ከምዘለዎ ኣስሚሮምሉ።

ኣኼበኛታት እንደገና፣ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ መንእሰያት ማሕበራት ዝምስረትን ዝጅመርን ዝምድናታት ሰልፍና ኣብ ክንዲ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እንዳ ማዕበለን እንዳ ሓየለን ዝመጽእ፣ ንዜናን ፕሮፖጋንዳን ጥራሕ ዘገልግልን፣ ተቀልቂሉ ዝቅህምን ከይከውን ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛኡን ምክንኻኑን ሓያል ጻሕሪ ክግበር ከምዘለዎ ኣዘኻኺሮም።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰደህኤ

‘‘ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ኣብ ጀርመን ”ብዝጸውዖ መሰረት፤ ብዕለት 05-12-2015 ኣብ ከተማ ካሰል ክለብ/ክበብ ተጎርባ፡ ነቶም ኣብ ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ዝሰንከሉ፡ ኣብ ከሰላ ዝርከቡ ውጉኣት ሓርነት ንምሕጋዝ ወፈያ ተጌሩ። ኣብ‘ዚ ዕለት‘ዚ ኣባል ምምሕዳር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ሓው መዓሾ ኣስራት እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም ብማለት ነቲ መአከቢና ምኽንያት ዝኾነ ምስ ገለጸ፡ እቶም ኣብ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ውጉኣት ዝለኣኹዎ ዲ.ቪ.ዲ (ቪድዮ) ተራእዩ። ካብቲ ዝተራእየ ንሳቶም ዝገብሩዎ ምንቅስቓስ፡ ስራሕ ናይ ናብ ዕዳጋ ዝወርድ መኾስተር እናሰርሑን፡ ንኹሉ መነባብሮኦም ዘመልክት ሃለዋትን፡ ኩነታት ጥዕንኦም ዝገልጽን ኔሩ። ብተወሳኺ ንሃገር ከም ዝሰንከሉ መጠን፡ ኣብ ምእላዮም ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ግቡኡ ምዃኑ ፈሊጡ ክትሓባበር ጸዊዖም።

ብድሕሪ‘ዚ እቲ ናይ ወፈያ መደብ ተጀሚሩ ክሳብ 1000.00 (ሓደ ሽሕ)ኦይሮ ተዋጺኡ፡ ካልኦት‘ውን ተስፋ ዝሃቡና ከም ዘለዉን፡ እቲ ናይ ወፈያ መስርሕ ቀጻሊ ከም ዘሎን ክንሕብር ንፈቱ። እዚ ድማ ኣዝዩ ዝምስገን ተግባር‘ዩ። ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን በዚ ሰናይ ተግባር‘ዚ ዝተሰምዖ ሓጎስ እናገለጸ፡ ንኩሎም‘ቶም እጃሞም ዘበርከቱ የመስግን።

ከምኡ‘ውን ምምሕዳር ክበብ/ክለብ ተጎርባ ንዝገበሩዎ ምትሕብባር ናይ‘ቲ ዕለት እቲ ወጻኢታት ብምኽታቶም፡ ፍሉይ ምስጋና ነቕርብ።

ክብርን መጎስን ንስዉኣትና!

ሓበንን ጽንዓትን ከኣ ንስንኩላትና!

ማሕበር ኣካለ-ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ጀርመን

10 ታሕሳስ 2015

Only two weeks before the Nairobi Consultative Conference, the German Felsberger Institute (FI) for education and research organized a constructive dialogue among Eritrean political and civil society representatives to discuss vital issues related to political transition from dictatorship to democratic governance in Eritrea.

The invited representatives were required to explain their respective organizations' viewpoints on a number of key issues.

Published below are the written responses given by the EPDP delegation at the Frankfurt workshop held between 13 and 14 November, 2015. Good reading.

***

EPDP Talking Points at the FI Workshop

Based on questions raised by the organizers (Felsberger Institute) of this workshop, the notes below try to give a summary of the political positions and basic policies of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP).

1. Political Transition in Eritrea

(Questions suggested by FI: 1. How do you expect a future transition to take place? By people-power 2. What is your standpoint on a peaceful, or a military solution, respectively? By non-violent struggle 3. In your organization's point of view: what should be the “starting point” or the fundament, on which Eritrea’s political, economic, military and societal reconstruction should be based upon? Unity based on citizenship)

Full Response:

Every country has its own unique history, social characteristics and challenges that need to be addressed in a transition phase. Therefore, discussing political change/transition in Eritrea will necessarily give due attention to the country's social and historical background of at least the past 125 years, with more emphasis on the 1940s, the 30-year liberation struggle and the past 24 years under the one-man/one party rule. A political transition in Eritrea will be affected by the absence of democratic tradition, the military mentality ingrained in the society, the low level of education and political awareness of the average citizen, the religious, linguistic, geographic diversity in the society and other factors.

It is known that a number of political transitions in Africa were achieved through:

• Rulers making concessions;

• National conferences;

• Popular revolutions/uprisings;

• Negotiated settlements;

• Military coup d'états.

The EPDP is convinced that, in the Eritrean case, the preferred path to transition from dictatorship to democratic governance is a popular uprising that is supported by all segments of the population, including the armed forces. The supportive factors to a popular uprising include:

• Presence of democratic struggle inside the homeland;

• United diaspora force that can convey a coherent and correct message;

• International support to regime change;

• International support to the opposition and concrete diplomatic pressure weighed heavily on the regime by major regional and international organizations;

• Relation and attitude of neighbouring countries need to be favourable to the required change.

Only to emphasize, regime change in Eritrea will be successful when it is achieved through a non-violent struggle that facilitates the participation of effectively mobilized people. The creation of a national democratic front that includes the vast majority of the people, especially that gives prominence to the mobilization of youth, women and internal forces is a critically essential task. On its part, the EPDP aspires to create short- and long-term political alliances to achieve its goal of establishing a democratic, stable and prosperous state.

National Conference for transition

We are where we are because the start in 1991 was not inclusive. It was part of the old winner take all mentality of one-party systems. Today, fighting this attitude and creating trust among all actors is a big challenge. Therefore, a national conference should be help immediately after the fall of the regime to help the forces of change to agree on fundamental issues of urgent importance like:

• Adopting a national charter;

• Formation of a national unity government for a specified duration;

• Launching a healing and reconciliation mechanism.

Security: To prevent any disorderly situation in the immediate aftermath of the dictatorship, it is imperative to have peace and security in order to ensure the success of the transition.

Economic revival: Prevent any economic hardship, and create incentives for investment and the return of Eritreans to help build the private sector.

2.  Political Parties

(Qs suggested by FI:1.How does your organization want to promote its political program inside and outside of Eritrea?  By appealing  on unity in diversity 2. How is your organization preparing for acting as a political party in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? By coalescing/merging with others of same vision for Eritrea.

Full Response

The EPDP shall continue to mobilize Eritreans of all religions, regions and ethnicity under its fold. This can be approached through coming closer or merging with other groups/parties espousing similar programs for Eritrean political formations. This is a party base on equality and social justice. The national charter is expected to chart out the specifics of party formation in post-dictatorship Eritrea in which the mass media and the civil society must be capacitated to have big roles in building a democratic state of institutions.

3.  State Structure

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1.  What kind of state structure does your organization promote? Well considered decentralized system of governance. 2. What is your organization's standpoint of the role of religion in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Separation of church/mosque and state but being respectful to all faiths. 3. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of ethnicity in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Promotion of rights, specially cultural 4. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of languages and education in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Two official, others also promoted.

Response

As its political program affirms: The EPDP staunchly believes in, and respects as valued national treasures, the religious, ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity in Eritrea. In recognition of this reality, the Party shall struggle to realize a decentralized system of governance that ensures equitable distribution of power and economic resources to the people.

In other words, the plurality of cultures and traditions in the Eritrean setting demands a decentralized system of governance that allows extending political  power down to the provinces, districts, sub-districts and villages. This will prevent the concentration of state power and wealth in the hands of a few, a phenomenon which can jeopardize national unity. What is to be done will include:

• Proper socio-economic and historical/geographical study on the condition of the regions;

• Prepare the willingness of the people to create the new administrative divisions;

• Approve the plan by constitutionally established organs of the state. Until then, EPDP shall support the continuation of the administrative divisions/provinces that existed before the independence of the country.

  The state shall be separate from the church/mosque but respectful to religious institutions. The human and political rights are enshrined as follows in the EPDP political program:

1. Respecting freedom of faith, and thwarting any discrimination whatsoever on the basis of religion, ethnicity or gender;
2. Guaranteeing by a national constitution with a multi-party system of governance the rights of the people to freedom of expression and speech, freedom to organize, and freedom to peaceful demonstration.
3. Sparing no efforts for the formation of advocacy groups like civic and professional associations.
4. Defending rights of prisoners and protecting them from physical and psychological torture.
5. Working to respect the rights of children and the elderly.
6. Defending the right of ownership and protecting the property of citizens and residents.

Regarding languages and education, the party believes in the right of guaranteeing and encouraging the development of Eritrean languages. Also as stated in its political program,

1. Arabic and Tigrigna shall be the media of instruction in elementary education, and English from middle school upwards. At the elementary level, Arabic will be taught as subject in Tigrigna classes, and Tigrigna will be taught as subject in Arabic classes. In middle school and high school, both Arabic and Tigrigna shall be taught as subjects.
2. Education can be given in mother tongue upon demand and decision of the concerned locality. In those localities, Arabic and Tigrigna, being the official languages, can be taught as subjects. Efforts shall be made to lay down the right mechanisms to prevent undue domination by the official languages and to prevent marginalization of the rest of the languages.

4. The Military

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1. What is your organization's standpoint on the role of the Eritrean military in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? To be inclusive 2. Will your organization promote a downsizing of the army? Yes 3. Will your organization promote an end of the National Service? Limit it.

Response

The military is part of the oppressed and victimized population. Yet, the current formations of the armed forces are beyond national needs. The EPDP shall downsize the army but always make sure that a qualified army defends national sovereignty, the constitution as well as the promotion of peace and stability.

• The army need to be composed by all social segments;

• Politically neutral army;

• Well trained army;

• May include men and women who support the new system;

• National service for a limited period of time;

• Army members not to be candidates in elections or join parties.

5. PFDJ

(Qs suggested by FI:- 1.What is your organization's standpoint on the role of the PFDJ in a future post-Isayas Eritrea? Not as we know it now. 2. Are you willing to negotiate and/or cooperate with parts of the PFDJ in case a change comes from within?

Yes dialogue for transition.

Members of the party who have not been top level decision makers in the government or who were not involved in acts extremely harmful to the people can join the national conference for democratic change......

LAND in the EPDP Political Program

On the question of land, the EPDP political programme states as follows:

6.1 Ownership and Management of Land:   The EPDP champions the conviction that the land belongs to the people. To guarantee a long-last land tenure system which not only reflects the wishes and best interests of the people but also benefits the present and future generations in Eritrea, the EPDP shall replace the unfair and monopolistic policies and proclamations of the regime and restore land to the ownership of the people. On top of that, the Party shall introduce policies, as stated below, in order to reassure that the unfair allocation of rural and urban land is set straight and forward looking land tenure system is introduced:

1. Mindful of the fact that land and land resources, which already have a critical space in the prospects of economic growth, the Party shall exert efforts to scrupulously register land and land resources and direct them for national growth and prosperity;
2. The Government shall be responsible for the implementation of ministerial policies through a board for land administration that oversees activities at the level of lower administrative units, as appropriate;
3. Rents from major land leases shall be collected and used by the state to benefit the residents of localities in the surroundings of such lands;
4. Plans shall be laid down to benefit residents of areas where land in their environs is exploited both for underground and over ground resources. Whenever the state designates land for strategic uses, peasants and herders of that region shall be duly compensated with land elsewhere or become stakeholders in the projects established over their land property.

Eritrean forces struggling for positive change and democracy in the country have repeatedly shown the inclination of  reinvention the wheel, so to say, every now and then. The brilliantly written and re-written charters, working documents, unity proposals....what have you.... are almost the same. Yet, we keep meeting and drafting, re-drafting the same old ideas, the same old stuff.

This is what panelists from the EPDP pointed out at the recent Eritrean consultative conference in Nairobi. A clear mention was made of the EPDP transitional plan for Eritrea that was first introduced to a workshop of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) in July 2009, and again to the leadership of the EDA in February 2010 for their careful consideration as part of many issues that needed to be exhaustively discussed before going to a national "Waela".

The National Consultative Conference (NCC), which was organized by the Eritrean Forum for National Dialogue (Medrek/al-Muntadha) in Nairobi between 27 and 29 November 2015, received Arabic, English and Tigrigna translation of the old EPDP document for discussion.

As pledged, the www.Harnnet.org is pleased to post today the English version of its document which underwent a number of revisions in the past. Good reading:

***

Transitional Plan for Eritrea* (TPE) Revised and Presented for 2nd Time To Be EDA Document -- the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), February 2010

Table of Contents

Letter from EPDP Chairman                                                                                3

Acronyms                                                                                                              5

Executive Summary                                                                                              6

Introduction to the Transitional Plan                                                                    7

EPDP's/EDA’s Commitment                                                                                9

Guiding Principles of the Transition                                                                     10

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan                                                           11

A Rundown of Bodies within the Transitional Process                                       11

National Conference                                                                                             13

National Council of Shimagles**/Elders                                                              14

The Executive Board                                                                                            15

Independent Auditing Board                                                                               16

Group of Experts                                                                                                   16 

Transitional Assembly                                                                                           17

Eritrean Transitional Government                                                                         17

Independent Task Committees                                                                             18

Elections and Referendum                                                                                   19

National Security                                                                                                  20

Economy                                                                                                               20

Demobilization                                                                                                      21

Civil Services                                                                                                        21

Judiciary                                                                                                                22

The Diaspora                                                                                                         22

Foreign Relations                                                                                                  23

* This document, prepared by EDP in March 2006, was revised in June 2009 and made a shared draft of the EDP and EPP and presented to the July EDA workshop as EDA draft and again edited as EPDP paper and presented to the EDA which did not give it due attention.

**In Eritrea, the word “Shimagle (s) in Tigre and Tigrigna signifies a group of   elders delegated by the community to accomplish a given task.

Letter from the EPDP Chairman

Dear Compatriots,

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), has, like other Eritrean opposition organizations, been engaged in a protracted process of searching for constructive ways and means of contributing its share in finding a peaceful and practical strategy that is designed to resolve the immense challenges facing the Eritrean people and the State of Eritrea.

We feel that the paramount crisis confronting our country revolves around peaceful assembling of a constitutionally anchored multi-party and democratic system of governance that replaces the current one-party system.

This is a formidable national task that demands the participation of all Eritreans. Unless we fully commit ourselves to finding a peaceful and creative way of managing our differences, we will not be able to build a just and prosperous nation for which our martyrs sacrificed their lives.

We present this Transitional Plan as a potential steppingstone towards building a democratic Eritrea. We hope for and look forward to receiving positive and critical input from all Eritreans that will help us polish and refine this plan and finally adopt it as a document of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA).  Through this plan, we believe our people will have a unifying strategy that will help bring to closure the tragic outcome of an authoritarian system which is presently controlling every aspect of their lives. Moreover, we believe this plan will help in guiding our people to be through a period of peaceful transition.

The task of building a democratic system and institutions that outlive individual leaders, political parties and recurring political and economic crises cannot take place unless we put our differences aside. As Eritreans, we need to agree to come together and identify the best solution from all possible options on the basis of mutual understanding and commitment to our national survival.  

With high hope and great expectation we present this Transition Plan for your consideration.  We earnestly invite every Eritrean to contribute to the enhancement of this endeavor.

A peaceful transition would be the crowning of our lifetimes that were spent in the struggle to bring not only independence but also democracy to our country. Our dreams are to see the establishment of real institutions and the rule of law that guarantees peace and freedom for our children and the children of every Eritrean citizen.

Let us reiterate that the EPDP believes that [If accepted by EDA as its draft] the success of this initiative will depend on everybody’s active participation and constructive feedback.

Woldeyesus Ammar,

Chairman, EPDP

Acronyms

EB                Executive Board

EDA             Eritrean Democratic Alliance

EDF              Eritrean Defense Forces

EDP              Eritrean Democratic Party

ENC              Eritrean National Charter

EPDP            Eritrean People’s Democratic Party

EPP               Eritrean People’s Party

ETG              Eritrean Transitional Government

FPC               Free Press Committee

GE                 Group of Experts

IAB               Independent Auditing Board

IEC                Independent Electoral Commission

IHRC             Independent Human Right Commission

IOC                International Observers and Consultants

ITC                Independent Task Committees

NC                 National Conference

NCS               National Council of Shimagles/Elders

NS                  National Security

NPCRB          National Police and Civilian Relations Board                                                                  

PFDJ               People’s Front for Democracy and Justice

PRC                Public Relations Committee

TA                Transitional Assembly

TCC               Transitional Civilian Commissioner

TDM              Transitional Defense Minister

TG                 Transitional Government

TPE                Transitional Plan for Eritrea

Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea

Executive Summary

The “Transitional Plan for Eritrea – The Roadmap to Democratic Eritrea,” is divided into two phases where the structure and roles of the various bodies and institutions will be defined.

Phase I – Pre-Transitional - In the pre-transition phase we envision the following steps: (a) Call for a broad based and all-inclusive political First National Conference (NC) to lay the framework for the transition process and, (b) elect the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) from among those participating in the NC. An extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces, civic institutions, independent political activists, and others will be conducted on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The NCS will be the highest authority to guide and coordinate the debate and expert studies of the social, political and economic policies of the nation during the transitional period. To discharge these responsibilities, the NCS will elect an Executive Board (EB), whose role is to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) and to function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS.  The EB is accountable to the NCS and will present reports of its activities to the NCS. The EB is authorized to form Task Forces to assist it in fulfilling its mandate. One of the Task Forces shall a draft transitional laws and regulations that can be adopted for use in the transition period.

Phase II – Establishing a democratically elected Government in Eritrea. When the present Government is removed from its grip of power, the NCS will assume full responsibility until the Second National Conference is convened and a Transitional Assembly (TA) is formed, this time with the full participation of all sectors of the Eritrean people at home and in the Diaspora. The TA will function as a transitional legislative body, adopt transitional laws and regulations, and will carry out the process toward a constitutionally elected Government. But until a permanent constitution is adopted through popular referendum and an elected government takes power, the TA will appoint a transitional government of technocrats to conduct the day-to-day operations of the government.

Introduction to the Transitional Plan for Eritrea

The people of Eritrea are once again being put to an extraordinary test of character. They are being summoned to reaffirm their renowned resoluteness; this time by standing up against an indigenous tyranny that has imposed on them a cruel and despicable one-party system:

• Whereas, the values for which their sons and daughters paid with their precious lives, including thousands who are left physically disabled and emotionally scarred, have been betrayed and replaced with a new political order that benefits the few individuals in power;

• Whereas, in order to realize a free and democratic Eritrea, the material, physical and emotional sacrifices that were invested by every Eritrean family were misused and the benefits that were reaped during the post independence era were monopolized by the few in power;

• Whereas, the heroes who survived the armed struggle for independence, not only continue to live a life filled with poverty and repression, but also face a gloomy future;

• Whereas, many genuine and highly regarded cultures have been tarnished and their generational social values devalued by those in power;

• Whereas, young people have been forcibly conscripted to serve in the authoritarian regime’s militaristic adventures that are counter-productive to the country’s overall development;

• Whereas, the national treasury has been emptied to advance unsound economic policies and other misappropriations;

• Whereas, the lawless regime has imprisoned elders, journalists, national assembly members, politicians, women, religious individuals, teachers, students … etc. whose numbers reach in the thousands;

• Whereas, in the face of cyclical drought and the unwise rejection of critical and indispensable aid has rendered the nation in abject poverty;

• Whereas, the leaders’ lack of diplomacy and aggressive approach added towards Eritrea’s total isolation from the international community;

• Whereas, the war-mongering attitude of the regime has caused unimaginable damage inside the country and the region;

• Whereas, a constitution ratified under its sponsorshiphas been shelved for years while a self-appointed government continues to impose itself with a declared stance against a multi-party democratic style of government; and

• Whereas, the regime’s total disregard for basic human rights and elementary principles of rules of law has become world-renowned making Eritrea virtually, a failed state.

Therefore, the total sum of the above and other downward spiraling trends,   make it incumbent upon EDA [EPDP hoping the EDA will adopt this draft] and other opposition organizations to make strong efforts towards saving the country. It is EDA ’s belief that saving the nation from total destruction and despair must be given a higher priority over all other political activities. In order to realize this objective, EDA adopts this draft Transitional Plan for consideration, discussion and further development by all political organizations, civic organizations, concerned individuals and the people of Eritrea at large.

The EDA believes that the fate of Eritrea must not be left in the hands of such a cruel and irresponsible leadership. The reign of tyranny must come to an end. The era of individual liberty and pluralistic democracy must be built on the graves of our martyrs so their souls can find peace and solace. Constitutional governance and rule of law must prevail across the width and breadth of our young nation.

EDA’s (and EPDP's) Commitment

It is clear to all Eritreans that the present regime has failed to live up to the expectations of the people. The Eritrean people, including most members of the ruling party who are heroes of the struggle for independence, continue to suffer under this oppressive regime. Students, members of the armed forces, farmers, workers, the Diaspora as well as friends of Eritrea have been vocally and actively protesting against the dictatorial regime and demanding fundamental changes.

The combined struggle of member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance for change and democratization that will usher in the downfall of the one-party authoritarian system and the building of a constitutional and democratic Eritrea has been the cornerstone of the national umbrella. Since its inception, the alliance has been advocating that political sovereignty must be transferred to its rightful owner: the people of Eritrea.

EDA reaffirms its determination to live up to its commitment by playing its role in the democracy building process. It is taking the initial step by proposing a rational and practical transitional process in order to bring an end to the autocratic system imposed on the people of Eritrea. In order to facilitate a smooth transfer of sovereignty, EDA hereby adopts a comprehensive Transitional Plan to the people of Eritrea, at home and in the Diaspora, for their consideration and action.

Transitional Plan for Eritrea (TPE) is a work-in-progress that is open for all citizens, civic organizations, and political forces to participate in its development and finalization. The TPE is a preliminary attempt to set the general outline of the transition process as well as to prioritize specific tasks that must be accomplished in a defined period and sequence to smoothly expedite the transition.

The most critical thread interweaving the TPE is the fundamental national responsibility of making sure thatthe process is peaceful and does not threaten or endanger Eritrea’s national security.   Again, EDA strongly believes that anchoring our TPE on a secure Eritrea is the indispensable ingredient of the whole transition process. 

The national umbrella, EDA, fully acknowledges that the people of Eritrea must have the final say in all political changes.  However, given the prevailing political conditions inside the country, in which no one can freely express her/his wishes, EDA member organizations are forced to speak-up in defense of the people and the nation. Indeed, there is no substitute for the people’s direct involvement in the affairs of the nation in order to usher in a peaceful and sustainable democratic change. Nonetheless, we are confident that the people of Eritrea have enough experience and are endowed with rich accumulated wisdom to sort out their internal problems and build a just and peaceful nation that can endure the test of future generations

The EDA member organizations categorically state that it is not their intention to let the current regime perpetuate its criminal rule. They would also like to send a clear signal that deters any individual or group who may wish to repeat the same dictatorial rule in the future. Therefore, we are presenting this plan:

• To solemnly declare to our people inside and outside of the country that we are truly committed to democracy;

• To challenge our people to stand against anyone, military or civilian, that intends to usurp power through undemocratic processes and refuses to hand it over to the people;

• To appeal to our people to cherish democracy, rule of law and accept nothing short of total liberty;

• To help coordinate the efforts of the opposition forces;

• To openly declare our vision for Eritrea and let the international community know our ultimate goal is to support a peaceful transfer of power to the people of Eritrea.

Guiding Principles of the Transition Plan

The transition plan is guided by the spirit of peace, justice and human rights. It stands against rancorous and retaliatory measures and is fully committed to the wishes of the Eritrean people.  The guiding principles are based on the fact that:

• Every citizen should have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to the transition.

• Citizens are ensured that the process is legal and peaceful. 

• The independence and territorial integrity of the country are firmly secure.

• The transitional period shall not exceed two years

Participants of the Initial Transitional Plan/Phase 1

The proposal assumes that a broad based and all-inclusive political National Conference (NC) will be held to lay the framework for the transition process. Participants should be willing to exhibit commitment, a nationalist vision and flexibility in order to translate the plan into practice within an agreed timeframe and with the highest spirit of collaboration.

All representatives attending the NC will abide by the final decision of the Conference. In case of a conflicting political stands between a member organization and the collective decision of the NC, the latter decision will supersede that of a given member organization’s stand.

EDA, and in consultations with other opposition groups, civil societies, independent individuals and community leaders in the Diaspora, will take the initiative of planning and executingthe National Conference (NC).

A Rundown of Bodies within the whole Transitional Process, Phase I and Phase II

The structure of the transitional institutions is envisioned to be as outlined below:

• The First National Conference (NC) abroad: The mandating body that elects the National Council of Shimagles (NCS) to implement the Eritrean National Charter (ENC). This Charter is the final document that delineates the basic agreements reached during the pre-transition process by representatives attending the first National Conference.

• The National Council of Shimagles (NCS): By virtue of the mandate given to it by the National Conference (NC), NCS will be the highest authority during the pre-transitional phase.

• The Executive Board (EB): A body to be appointed by NCS which will function as the day to day administrator of the guidelines set out by the NCS from the end of the first meeting of the National Conference until its next meeting.

• The Transitional Assembly (TA): The assembly that will be organized by the NCS with the cooperation and consultation of the EB immediately after the acquisition of power. 

• The Transitional Government (TG): The government that will be formed by the TA to govern the nation until a democratically elected National Assembly and Representative Government are in place.

The Second National Conference, inside the Homeland

The National Conferences (NC) will be instrumental in facilitating a peaceful transition that will lead the country towards democratization and accelerated progress and development.  EDA believes the experiences the opposition camp gained over the years should be strengthened by holding a second National Conference inside the homeland. This will give a positive signal to all Eritreans and the international community that Eritreans are determined to unite on all fronts to establish a democratic country where its citizens can enjoy peace and prosperity.

Cognizant of the fact that there is not even a modicum of rudimentary political freedom inside Eritrea, EDA feels that the extraordinary circumstance makes holding a genuine and full-blown National Conference inside Eritrea unattainable. Due to this circumstance, as stated above, there shall be a National Conference held in the Diaspora to frame the general outline of the pre-transition process.

Assisted by experiences of the work of the first National Conference and its institutions, the second National Conference to be held inside the homeland shall formulate a strategy that will expedite the struggle for democracy and rule of law as well as inducing the turning over of political power by the present authoritarian regime to the Transitional Government (TG).

This National Conference will work to secure smooth transition, delineate ways for the nation to regain a well-suited life style, to jump-start the economy and to maintain stability.

The National Conference should debate and build general consensus on the following strategic national issues.

• National Security - how best to maintain peace, stability and protect our national   security during the transition period.

• Constitution - coordinate a discussion on a permanent Constitution.

• Transitional Assembly - coordinate the establishment of the Transitional Assembly.

• Transitional Government – work towards the establishment of a Transitional Government.

• Judiciary – establish an independent, professional and competent judiciary.

• Monitor the election, formation of political parties, formulation of referendum laws and their pertinent procedures.

• Independent Task Committees - the NC will authorize the formation of independent task committees that will expedite the transition period.

• Economy – delve into both Macro and Micro levels.

• Foreign Relations - outline policies that will shape the country’s foreign relations.

• Demobilization – the gradual return of the young to a normal life.

• Reconciliation – democratic dialogue and the search for agreement among various sectors of the society.

• Mobilization of Eritreans in the Diaspora.

The above-mentioned issues should be further studied by different individuals or groups of experts and a working draft policy on each issue should be submitted to the National Council of Shimagles (NCS).

National Council of Shimagles/Elders (NCS)

At the end of the proceedings of the National Conference, it is hereby proposed that a body collectively known as the National Council of Shimagles (NCS), (numbers to be determined by the Conference) be elected to assume the responsibilities as outlined by the NC, to include ensuring that the regime is coaxed to open dialogue on a transition to democracy or forced to resign.

The NCS will be elected from among those participating in the NC.  There will also be a need to make room for those considered of national importance but could not attend the Conference. It will be helpful to conduct an extensive consultation between all Diaspora political forces on the general process and protocol on how to elect the NCS. The authority of the NCS will emanate from the Eritrean National Charter (ENC) adopted by the National Conference.

The NCS will also be in charge of implementing the resolutions and decisions adopted by the National Conference. Until a Transitional Assembly (TA) assumes its responsibilities and sets up a Transitional Government (TG), the NCS will be the highest authority to guide expert studies and formulations of social, political and economic policies that would best serve the people of Eritrea during the transitional period. It will also ensure that the aims and spirit of the NC are upheld and implemented by the EB.

The lifetime of NCS will be restricted to two years maximum. If the regime is not removed from its grip of power within two years, the NC shall convene to review strategies and elect a new NCS. The NCS will have legal existence for the pre-transition period - the period beginning from the adjourning of the NC up to the official opening of the TA - the beginning of the actual transition period.  Beyond the maximum of two-years - in Diaspora, the duration of the NCS’s authority, i.e. after the actual transition period, will not exceed a maximum period of 3 months past the resignation or removal of the present regime.

Other explicit duties and responsibilities of the NCS will be as follows:

• To appoint an Executive Board (EB) which will manage the day-to-day affairs until a Transitional Government (TG) is established.

• To help, in cooperation with the EB, ensure the formation of the Transitional Assembly (TA) by the Second National Conference inside the country.

• To create a peaceful and conducive political environment so that the people of Eritrea can fully participate in the political deliberations of the transition process.

• To hold either a face-to-face or remote conference at least once every quarter, but should meet at least once every year in person.

• To guide and monitor the work of the EB on a preset schedule and by calling an extraordinary meeting when circumstances warrant. NCS meeting will have a quorum which consists of a minimum of 2/3 of NCS members.

• To make all its decisions on the basis of 2/3 majority vote of a quorum present and voting.

The Executive Board (EB)

The NCS will appoint individuals to the Executive Board. The EB, whose membership size is to be determined by the NCS, will consist of highly respected and able professionals. Satisfactory and reasonable salary and allowance will be provided to the EB team when possible by the NCS.

The EB will:

• Implement the policies of the organization and execute the decisions made by the NCS on a daily basis.

• Report to the NCS, to which it is accountable.

• Lead the struggle for democracy until the regime is changed.

• Establish various committees and sub-committees as the needs arise. The EB will also appoint the members of the different committees and subcommittees and will guide and monitor their work.

• Have a lifetime of two years maximum and its decisions are made on 2/3 majority vote basis.

• Cease to exist with the establishment of the TG by the TA.

Independent Auditing Board (IAB)

The work of the NCS and EB is going to necessitate the solicitation of funds and the incorporation of an independent auditing structure.

• IAB will be appointed at the National Conference and they will report to the National Conference.

• IAB will work in close cooperation with the EB.

• The work of the IAB will adhere to international standards.

The Group of Experts (GE)

The GE unit will be composed of Eritrean and non-Eritrean experts. It will also include experienced and knowledgeable volunteers who will be asked to tackle specific tasks with regards to specific issues. Members of the GE will be appointed by the EB.

• The GE will provide ideas, comments and advice as requested by either the EB or its committees on various issues. Above all, it shall have a solid team of experts that drafts a transition constitution for use in the transition period until a permanent constitution is put to a popular referendum.

• It will pursue its tasks within the principles and interests of NC.

• The EB will closely liaise with the members of the GE with regards to all aspects of the tasks.

• The EB will consider requests for allocation by the members of GE.

• The GE will study and provide advice to the EB on matters related to security, economy, foreign relations, public administration, and educational policies and on any other issues as required.

The Transitional Assembly (TA)

The NCS, at the time of transition (as soon as the authoritarian regime’s surrender of political power becomes eminent), will organize and supervise the setting up of the TA. This body will be a broadly based and a diversified-transitional organ. The TA will reflect the widest cross section of the Eritrean society. The TA, as it will be an un-elected transitional institution, will be constituted for a specifically agreed period of time - a maximum of two years.

 The Transitional Assembly (TA) will:

• Function as a transitional legislative body, decreeing laws and controlling the budget during the transition.

• Carry out a thorough deliberation of the ratified Constitution and execute the resulting decisions.

• Organize a referendum on constitutional issues that cannot be settled within its tenure.

• Draft, deliberate and approve Party Laws.

• Draft, deliberate, and approve Election Laws.

• Organize the first democratic election of the Eritrean government (Legislative and Executive branch of government).

• Organize the establishment of an independent human rights commission.

• Elect its officers at its first meeting and conclude its work by handing over power to a popularly elected National Assembly.

The Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG)

As its first priority, the TA will organize the appointment of an Executive Board for the transitional period to run the routine affairs of the nation. This will be known as the Eritrean Transitional Government (ETG). ETG will be organized in such a way that it will be ready to automatically assume the day to day running of the government’s affairs under the supervision and with the cooperation of the TA.

ETG’s mandate ends upon the formation of a popularly elected National Assembly and the establishment of a Democratic Government, reflecting the outcome of the first National Assembly election.

ETG will:

• Be composed of educated and experienced professionals whose allegiance is not to the political parties but to the State of Eritrea. The vision is to establish a Government of Technocrats.

• Keep stability and build national institutions until a democratically elected government assumes power.

• Will study and implement means that will jump-start the economy.

Independent Task Committees (ITC)

The NC will authorize the formation of ITCs that will supply the necessary expertise and consultation in the process leading up to the beginning of the transition period. These task committees will cease to exist as soon as the Transitional Assembly is officially formed.  The TA can reactivate these committees at its own discretion.

To name few committees:

• A Public Relations Committee (PRC): to promote harmony and goodwill toward the Transitional Plan within the various players and the international community.

• Independent Auditing Board (IAB): See p. 17. IAB will be appointed by the National Conference.

• Group of Experts (GP): See p. 17. The GP will be composed of technocrats and experts appointed by the EB to address specific issues and contend with difficult subject matters.

• Free Press Committee (FPC): a committee set up by the EB to promote the revival and redeployment of a vigorous free and independent press which will eventually be an integral part of the transitional process.

• Independent Human Right Commission (IHRC):  a committee set up to coordinate the efforts of human rights activists, help facilitate and direct the future establishment of an independent  human rights institution.

• Reconciliation Committee (RC): a committee that will be tasked to study the causes and effects of the many differences and estrangements that exist between various groups of the Eritrean society. The RC will present its recommendations to the EB and then work towards harmonizing the differences.

Elections and Referendum

Until the establishment of an elected parliament, referendum can be held to settle open constitutional questions where the politicians could not reach agreements at earlier attempts. With the establishment of a democratic Eritrea, interested groups should have the right to voice their wishes including a call for referendums following established procedures and laws.

The TA and the ETG shall prepare all necessary logistics for the election and referendum i.e. Election laws, voter registration process, voter education, formation of electoral commission, arrangements for free participation of all political parties, unhindered participation of voters, facilitating means of communications, transportation, funding, security, assistance to the disabled …etc.

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), which will be established by the TA, will:

• Organize the process to freely elect the first Assembly in accordance with the Eritrean Constitution.

• Examine situations where special laws will be required to conduct free elections and without any pressure.

• Would be mandated to develop, with help from the international community, laws and a system of governance that are straight forward.

• Make the electoral process easily accessible to all citizens.

IEC’s mandate will cease to exist upon the establishment of a democratically elected government. The new National Assembly will legislate the necessary laws to establish the IEC as a permanent institution.

National Security

In the interest of national security, it is important that members of the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) and Police be given the assurance of their safety and respect for their basic rights so they embrace the peaceful change and become part of the process and not against it.  During the transition period, the TA will select a qualified civilian to the office of the Transitional Defense Minister (TDM) in order to depoliticize and institutionalize the army. 

The Transitional Defense Ministry, with the consultation of the Transitional Cabinet, will guide the integration, de-politicization, and modernization of the forces.

The ETG will:

• Prepare studies outlining the benefits and disadvantages of having a professional army, a mandatory national service or a combination of the two options.

• Take into consideration how to restructure and reorganize the national militia. 

• Urgently incorporate military organs of the opposition groups into the national defense forces.

• Ensure that the police force is led by Transitional Civilian Commissioner (TCC) until the police force is reorganized.

• Provide broad reorientation and retraining of the police force that highlights the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights to the policing process.

• Ensure the development of a culture of cooperation between the civilians and the police by establishing a National Police and Civilian Relations Board (NPCRB) to facilitate the necessary progress towards better working relationships.

The Economy

In order to transform the devastated, highly centralized and PFDJ-controlled economy to a free market economy, one of the primary duties of the ETG will be to launch debates and formulate policies based on the studies submitted by the GE and ITC.

In order to do this both the EB and later the ETG will work together with international institutions such as IMF, UN and World Bank etc. in order to inform them of the complex challenges and solicit their direct input and advice in rehabilitating the Eritrean economy.

Demobilization

ETG will assume the responsibility of demobilizing hundreds of thousands of members of the armed forces and helping them join their families and reintegrate them into society.

One of the GE committees will be expected to study the proposal provided by the international community concerning demobilization and conduct further studies of its own before submitting its findings to the ETG.

ETG will:

• Make basic necessities available to the demobilized and their families in order to help them integrate into the society.

• Provide training and employment opportunities.

• Solicit financial and other aid from the international community to facilitate the transition.

Civil Services

The foundation of the future Eritrean Civil Service should be based upon the establishment of a merit-based civil servant system that promotes highly qualified and dedicated individuals. Civil Service should assume its rightful place in the Eritrean society and every endeavor should be made for the public to respect and appreciate the benefits of civil service to society. In order to enhance the works of the politicians and policy makers, the civil servants will be expected to maintain a high standard of cooperation, integrity and work ethic.

During the transition period, the ETG must make sure that:

• Government services are not interrupted.

• The structure of the present Civil Servants remain intact until necessary changes are implemented.

• All civil servants are paid their salaries on time.

• Civil servants continue to collect revenues, and make sure all proper fees and taxes are collected.

• Funds are made available to mitigate the financial squeeze for the first twelve months.

Judiciary

Justice and the rule of law should be the foundation of a future Eritrea. To this end, the setting up of an independent, professional and competent judiciary is paramount.  A comprehensive study should be commissioned and presented to TA for ratification with a proposal for a way forward.  Intellectual and material support should be sought from the international community to facilitate the development of the justice system.

The judiciary should:

• Employ judges who are highly skilled and non-partisan in their dispensation of justice.

• Have a system that is fair, transparent and accessible to all citizens.

• Set up a system that is trusted by the general public.

• Provide no room for special courts that function outside its legal perimeter.

• See that justice is served in time without any delays.

The Diaspora

The ETG will reach out to the vast Eritrean communities presently residing around the world in order to revive the historic commitment and engagement of Diaspora in the affairs of their young nation. The ETG will devise a mechanism that will encourage those in the Diaspora to invest their knowledge, experiences, skills and talents in multitude of ways to help both the transition process as well as the overall effort of constructing a democratic society.

Since the size of the Diaspora is quite large, the ETG will make use of their expertise and experiences in various ways that will promote the reconstruction, maintenance and development processes of Eritrea. 

The ETG will:

• Send delegates to all parts of Africa, Europe, America, the Middle East and Australia to conduct face to face dialogues with the Diaspora community about the transition process and to solicit political, material and moral support for the transition.

• Create incentives for the Diaspora to actively participate in the social, economic and political development of Eritrea.

• Persuade them to invest knowledge as well as financial capital in Eritrea.

• Encourage the Diaspora to function as good ambassadors and as bridges to connect Eritrea with the outside world.

• Send envoys abroad to consult with the Diaspora regarding the economy, politics, justice and other components that make up a nation.

• Dispatch various groups to explore knowledge, creativity and fresh ideas that exist amidst Eritrean citizens living abroad.

• Recognize and respect the achievements of the Diaspora and use their successes in setting up models for the present and coming generation.

Foreign Relations

Eritrea will be a serious and responsible member of the world community once the proposed changes take effect. It is unfortunate that the current regime’s foreign policy has isolated Eritrea. The nation’s foreign policy should be based on respect for the sovereignty and independence of all states located in close proximity to and far from Eritrea. The policy is to promote the interests of global peace, trade, cooperation, stability and orderly development.

The ETG, as its priority, should make the effort to:  

• Mend the strained relationships with our immediate neighbors.

• Pronounce and publicize widely to the world that the new government is democratic and will lead the country to peace and prosperity.

• Solicit the assistance of all friendly countries and international bodies to help the country jumpstart its economy.

• Request for the allocation of funds for immediate use of alleviating poverty.

• Dispatch delegates all over the world to explain the plans and aims of ETG.

The Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)