EPDP News

An Input to Nairobi Consultative Conference

Thursday, 10 December 2015 08:01 Written by

 

By Woldeyesus Ammar

In spite of the utterly nonsensical chatter of ill-informed and ill-intentioned naysayers of all shades and colors, the consultative conference held in Nairobi, Kenya, late  last month was another positive attempt - and the right step - towards consolidating the fragmented Eritrean opposition in the diaspora.  It indeed  was yet another occasion in which:

  • the weaknesses and strengths of both the regime and the opposition were carefully scrutinized;  
  • the challenges for political transition with possible scenarios were studied;
  •  all the shared visions were analyzed; and finally
  • the key question of what is to be done to reorganize oneself to dislodge the dictatorial regime and to embark on a peaceful and healthy transition to the much dreamt of democratic rule was carefully dealt and acted upon.

This writer had the opportunity of being one of the panelists on the subject of political transitions and the hurdles encountered by nations while struggling to remove dictatorships and then finding a suitable path to democracy and the rule of law. (To cut the long story short, published below are the introductory notes I had the occasion to summarize the subject matter. The full text of the EPDP Transition Plan submitted to Eritrean organizations over six years will be released in a separate posting).Good reading.

  Talking points on

Transitional Political Processes and

Structures Towards Democratic Change in Eritrea

National Consultative Conference, Nairobi, 27-29 Nov. 2015

Introductory note

Due to understandable time constraint, I am mainly raising for discussion at this workshop not a researched paper but an old draft transition plan for Eritrea that we (parties that formed today's EPDP) addressed for consideration by an Eritrean political workshop in July 2009 and again in February 2010. But, alas, that draft was not  considered by those concerned. (See the Arabic, English and Tigrigna versions of the draft Transition Plan for Eritrea (TPE) in separate attachments).

But before introducing and opening discussion on that draft plan, let me say a few general things about Africa and Eritrea in connection with political transitions which usually prove complex because real transitions require the destruction of an existing authoritarianism and the construction of a new democratic order with viable institutions.

Africa

"Second liberation" is the term some African writers use  in describing  a political transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic system of governance. But political transitions are country/society specific:  one case is different from the other because every country or society has its own unique experiences, history, social characteristics and other challenges that need to be addressed in a transition process which can be influenced also by external factors.

A quick reading of the African scene shows that the vast majority of the independent states fell and remained for up to 30 years under authoritarian  one-party, one-man or military regimes. Why?

  • The historical dominance of traditional African chiefs;
  • The idea of demographic majority-rule;
  • The excuses of defending national unity from tribal/regional disorder;
  • Using ideology to justify control;
  • The claimed preference of 'strong rulers' for fast economic development etc

 were among the arguments raised in support of continuing  authoritarianism in Africa. As we can recall,  many "founding fathers" of the new states, and former liberation movements monopolized power. Competition and participation of the civil society were suppressed. Rulers became "presidents for life".

Cold War and Political Transitions in Africa: A period of political transition towards democracy in Africa was ushered in supported by an  important external factor: the end of the Cold War. One writer tells that the whole of Africa counted only one election per year for the long period between 1960 and 1989, while the period 1990 to 2012 in average witnessed seven elections per year.  In 1991, there were 86 violent protests calling for change and democratization. As a result, 28 countries held elections within a few years; 13 rulers were defeated in elections. It was a promising start but  many reversals and backsliding occurred in many cases. (By 1991, Eritrea was dancing in euphoria for its hard-won victory while the rest of Africa had enough with  authoritarian  leaders!).

Political transitions in Africa took different paths, including the following:   

  • Military coup d'états (now discredited by AU);
  • National Conferences (many instances in West Africa);
  • Leaders who accepted to be part of the transition, see the case of BeninPopular revolutions/uprisings (Ethiopia/Tunisia);
    • Negotiated Settlements (Zimbabwe/Namibia/S. Africa). 

The case of Benin in 1989 and the transition in Chile allowed the rulers to continue in the transition processes which finally worked against the dictators. In the ChileanIncrease capacity to identify triggers of violence;

  1. Increase opportunities for reducing tensions;
  2. Have positive relations with civil society, policy makers, regional and international bodies;
  3. Create wide awareness on the need of peaceful political transition.

Identifying the suitable path  to political transition and increasing capacity in managing possible occurrence of violence in the transition to post-dictatorship Eritrea are the challenges and uphill tasks awaiting Eritrean forces struggling for democratic change.

 

Eritrea

Since every society has its unique features, discussing political transition in Eritrea will no doubt necessitate giving due attention to the country's social and historical background, probably with more emphasis on important socio-political developments experienced, say, during the  1940s-50s,   as well as during the 30-year liberation struggle and the past 24 years under the one-man/one party rule.  In today's discussion, one can only state that transition from dictatorship to democratic rule in Eritrea  will be affected  by a number of factors including the following:  

  • The absence of democratic tradition,  and a trustworthy  elite that can lead the way ("how do you build democracy without democrats?", as someone put it);
  • The ethno-linguistic, religious,  cultural/geographical diversity; 
  • The ingrained military mentality;
  • Lingering political divisions and mutual mistrust which still require reconciliation;
  • Mistrust of neighbours, especially of Ethiopia;
  • The low level of education and political awareness of the average citizen, etc.

And as noted earlier, soul-searching and self-examination by raising such factors, and continually dialoguing (as the Chilean forces of change did - see footnote 2) on  how to manage them will be helpful in our case.  

In Eritrea, the immediate scenarios for change may include:

  1. A military coup by senior commanders for continuation of PFDJ rule, with the most likely gesture of  inviting former PFDJ colleagues of its preference, and promising to rule under the 1997 constitution;
  2. Rival army commanders can start in-fighting and cause civil war;
  3. Younger army officers with lower PFDJ cadres, and may most likely invite the entire fragmented opposition outside Eritrea which is not in a position to help them or contribute positively;
  4. An internal army faction taking over with support of neighbouring country/ies.
  5. A massive people's uprising may put pressure for a democratic change.

Most of these scenarios (mainly my scenarios) are likely to invite more disaster. It is true that some of us in the opposition camp, including the EPDP,  would prefer change by a popular uprising and hope it will take place. But the fifth scenario requires a degree of liberalization, even limited,  under a dictatorship.  Assuming that minimum change is obtained from the current leader or his successors, then popular uprising supported by all segments of the population could be envisaged. For this to be a reality, factors like the following need to be in place:

  • Presence of democratic struggle/organization inside the homeland;
  • United diaspora force that can convey a coherent and correct message (and not one telling our people that we are two or nine peoples);
  • International sympathy to regime change as well as support to the opposition by  regional international organizations;
  • Favourable attitude to change by Eritrea's neighbours.

Only to emphasize, a reassuring and long-lasting democratic change in Eritrea has to come through a non-violent struggle that facilitates the widest participation possible. The creation of an inclusive national umbrella that is attractive enough to embrace the young generation and women both in the country and abroad becomes critically important. (On its part, the EPDP aspires to create short- and long-term political alliances to achieve its goal of establishing a democratic, stable and prosperous state.)    

Usually,  many of us say: 'we are where we are because the start in 1991 was not inclusive'.  It indeed was part of the old winner take all mentality of one-party systems. Today, fighting this lingering mentality and attitude of excluding others and,  instead, creating trust among all actors is a big challenge facing us.  As the paragraph below will indicate, we in the EPDP believe that adopting a national charter as of now; confirming that we will start the new phase with the formation of  a national unity government for a specified duration, and launching a healing and reconciliation mechanism in that process will be reassuring to all stakeholders as of now.

The Transitional Plan for Eritrea

As noted in the opening paragraph, it was in June 2009 that the then Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) and the Eritrean People's Party (EPP), both active members of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) at the time,  agreed to submit a draft transition plan for consideration by the EDA at its workshop held in Addis Ababa in July 2009. When the EPDP was created by a merger of related parties, the document was again submitted in February 2010 to the EDA  leaders for their consideration before holding the famous "hagerawi waela" that later took place in the summer of  2010. To cut a long story short, the draft Transition Plan for Eritrea included two phase.

Phase I

Phase one or the pre-transitional plan has the following components:

  1. Calling for a broad-based  National Conference in the diaspora to lay down the transition process in a National Charter.
  2. The first National Conference in diaspora to elect a leadership (National Council of Shimageles - NCS) as highest authority to guide the transition.
  3. The NCS to form an Executive Board (EB) that would be tasked to implement the National Charter.
  4. Task Forces would prepare various drafts on pre-regime downfall activities and for future use.

Phase II

  1. The NCS and its executive body, the EB, [together with additional members representatives from inside the country as the need arises], to replace the removed regime and function as the supreme authority in the early phases of the  transition period and call the second National Conference
  2.  The second National Conference would elect Transitional Assembly.
  3. The Transitional Assembly would form a Transitional Government of technocrats for a limited duration.

 Guiding Principles of the transition plan: "the spirit of peace, justice, human rights".

  • Every citizen to have an opportunity to fully participate in every aspect of the deliberations pertinent to this transition.
  • Citizens to be ensured that the process is legal and peaceful.
  • The independence and territorial integrity of the state are firmly secure.
  • The transitional period not to exceed two years.

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[1]  The case of Mathieu Kerekou of Benin is a good example of an African leader allowing transition through concession. Following repeated protests in 1989, Kerekou dropped ideological commitment to Marxism; made concessions; called for a National Reconciliation Conference which worked against him. He was vilified and begged for amnesty which was given him. A new constitution was adopted. He lost in elections. That was a landmark transition to democracy in Africa.

[1]  As we know, Chile was under dictatorship between 1973 and 1990. Although Chile had a long tradition in democracy and possessed a sizable middle class, we can still learn some lessons from their case in transition. 1. As in the Eritrean case of today, the Chilean opposition suffered of fragmentation. As of 1984, the democratic forces engaged in "thousands" of meetings and seminars and these finally helped them to agree on what should be done. 2. They agreed on a path to transition, a legal foundation: to  reform and use Agustino Pinochet's constitution. Then started laying down details of future state structures.  3.  They agreed to be careful in long-term institutions: dictators can leave their marks in laws, procedures, personalities. 4. Democracy has to mean peace and order.  Show ability to prevent emergence of violence. (In the Eritrean case there is war-fatigue because of what happened in the past 54 years and people look for peace and order first). 5. Solid action on economic growth 6. Democracy should mean justice. Rule of law and representation. prepare to establish truth, investigate human rights violations through effective mechanisms. 

1. تعيش إرتريا في ظل دكتاتورية اِستبدادية شديدة المركزية. حيث لا يوجد دستور في البلاد، ولم تُجر أي إنتخابات برلمانية، على المستويين المحلى والعام، تاركةً البلاد دون هيئة تشريعية أو حكومة تتمتع بتمثيل حقيقي. هناك غياب كُلي لحكم القانون، وإنتهاك صارخ لحقوق الإنسان الأساسية؛ وسحق لأي معارضة. والنظام يستمر في سجن وتعذيب وإعدام المعارضين مع الإفلات من العقاب. وإقتصاد مُحتكر أدى إلى حالة من الفوضى والبطالة والفقر المدقع. وأضحى التجنيد الإجباري مفروضًا على الكثير من الشباب، الذين يُجبرون على أعمال السخرة من أجل بقاء واستمرار الدكتاتورية والخوض في حروبها التي لا تنتهي. فلذلك يهرب الشباب بأعداد كبير من البلاد، ويخاطرون بأرواحهم بحثًا عن الأمان ورغبةً في إعالة أنفسهم وأسرهم، ويصبحون عبئًا على البلدان المضيفة.

2.  تتزايد المعارضة للنظام في الداخل وفي الشتات. وبالرغم من الجهود المبذولة للربط بينهما وتشكيل تحالف أكثر تماسكًا لمعارضة الشتات، فإنّه يتعين القيام بالمزيد والكثير في سبيل أن تؤتى هذه الجهود ثمارها، والتأكيد من أنّ سقوطًا وشيكًا للنظام الدكتاتوري لا يؤدي إلى فراغ سياسي وإنهيار داخلي.

3.  وعلى ضوه، انعقد الملتقى الوطني التشاوري، في الفترة ما بين 27 و 29  من نوفمبر 2015، بالعاصمة الكينية نيروبي، حيث استعرض الوضع السائد في البلاد، وناقش بعمق القضايا التالية:-

3.1  نقاط القوة والضعف في النظام والمعارضة.

3.2  تحديات ومعوقات تغيير النظام والسيناريوهات المحتملة.

3.3  دعم الجهود لتعزيز الوحدة الوطنية.

3.4  خلق إطار للعمل المشترك ومواجهة التحديات.

4.  وإدراكًا لحاجة كل التنظيمات الوطنية المعارضة في المهجر والداخل  للإلتحام حول برنامج عمل سياسي مشترك، اتفق المشاركون للعمل معًا على:

4.1  حماية سيادة ووحدة أراضي دولة إرتريا.

4.2  توجيه جهود كل القوى الوطنية الديمقراطية من أجل تحقيق الأهداف.

4.3  استبدال النظام الدكتاتوري بحكومة دستورية.

4.4  وضع التدابير اللازمة لضمان الإنتقال المُنظّم.

4.5  تشكيل هئية تَواصُل تعمل على:

أ-  صياغة رؤية مشتركة وبرنامج عمل، بالتشاور مع التنظيمات السياسية، من أجل إنتقال سلس إلى نظام ديمقراطي.

ب-  التحضير للإجتماع القادم الشامل لجميع التنظيمات المعارضة لمناقشة السبل والوسائل الكفيلة بتسريع التحوّل الديمقراطي.

المشاركون في الملتقى:-

1-  جبهة التحرير الإرترية

2-  جبهة الإنقاذ الوطني الإرترية 

3-  حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الإرتري

4- الحزبالديمقراطي الإرتري                    
5-  حزب النهضة الإرتري
                                                    
6-  الجبهة الديمقراطية للوحدة الإرترية 

7-  حزب المؤتمر الإرتري

8-  حركة الإصلاح الإسلامي الإرترية

9-  الحزب الإسلامي الإرتري للعدالة والتنمية

10- المؤتمر الإسلامي الإرتري

11- الحركة الفدرالية الديمقراطية الإرترية

12- المنتدى الوطني للحوار

الملتقى الوطني التشاوري 

نيروبي، كينيا -29 نوفمبر 2015

عقدت دائرة شؤون الشباب بالمكتب التنفيذي لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري اجتماعها الدوري الرابع في الثاني والعشرين من نوفمبر 2015م، هذا وبعد مناقشة وتقييم عمل الدورة المنصرمة ناقش المجتمعون بند الاجتماع الرئيسي المتمثل في ( أسباب غياب الشباب عن ساحات النضال الذي يجري لإنقاذ الوطن ).

عدَّدَ الاجتماع موانع كثيرة ومتنوعة تحجب الشباب عن المشاركة النضالية إلا أنه رأى أن معرفة الأسباب الحقيقية والرئيسية لذلك الغياب لن تتسنـَّـى إلا بالتقاء الشباب أنفسهم والقيام بتنظيم استبيانات في أوساطهم. وللقيام بهذه المهمة كلف الاجتماع لجنة من خمسة أشخاص لدراسة الظاهرة بالتعاون والتنسيق مع مختلف الجهات المعنية بأمر الشباب بغض النظر عن الموقع التنظيمي والانتماء الفكري.

من جهةٍ أخرى أجمع الحضور أن السبب الرئيس لهذا الغياب يرجع الي انشغال الشباب بأنفسهم وترتيب أوضاعهم الشخصية ومعاشهم اليومي وما يعانونه في سبيل ذلك من مصاعب مما أدى الي شغلهم عن أية قضايا أخرى. ومن ثم اتفق المجتمعون علي أن يبذل الكل جهده من أجل رفع إسهام الشباب في النضال دون التفرقة بينهم من حيث الانتماء التنظيمي أو الديني ...الخ. علي أن يكون علي رأس تلك المجهودات توعية وإرشاد القادمين الجدد من الشباب عبر إعطائهم الكورسات المكثفة عن سبل كسب العيش ومعايشة المجتمعات التي يتواجدون في أوساطها. واتفقت المناقشات علي ضرورة إنفاذ هذا البرنامج الإرشادي بالتعاون مع جميع الشباب من شتى المشارب السياسية والتنظيمية.

ብልቢ እነፍቕሮን ዘፍቅረናን ሓውና፡ ኣቦና ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ብሞት ካብ ዝፍለየና ኣብዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘሎና ወርሒ  ዓሰርተ ዓመቱ ከቑጽር  ኢዩ። እዚ ካብ ግዜ ንእስነቱ ጀሚሩ፡ ደኺመ ከይበለ፡ ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ፡ ምእንቲ ራህዋን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ህዝቡን ሃገሩን ዝተቓለሰ ሓውን ኣቦን፡ ብኣካል ካባና ይፈለ`ምበር ስራሑን ሞያኡን ታሪኹን ምሳና ብምህላዉ ሕቡናት ኢና።

ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ብመደብ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ እዋን ኢዩ፡ ብ17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ብሃንደበት፡ ብሕማም ልቢ ካብዛ ዓለም ተፈልዩ። ኣስከሬኑ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ሆላንድ ብምምጻእ ቤተ-ሰቡን ደቁን ብዙሓት መቃልስቱን ፈተውቱን ኣብ ዝተረኽብሉ ብ30 ታሕሳስ 2005 ኣብ ፍላርዲንገን ከባቢ ሮተርዳም ሓመድ ኣዳም ለቢሱ።

ብኣጋጣሚ ናይ ዓሰርተ ዓመቱ፡ ንእነፍቅሮ ኣቦናን ሓውናን ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል እንዝክረሉ መደብ፡ ንቀዳም 19 ታሕሳስ 2015 ኣዳሊና ስለዘሎና፡ ኣብዚ መዓልቲ ዚ ምሳና ክትውዕሉን ዘሎኩም ዝኽሪታት ከተካፍሉን ንኩሉኹም ፈተውትን መቃልስትን ስውእ ስዩም ብክብሪ ንዕድመኩም።

ስዉእና እንዝክረሉ መዓልቲ፡ ንታሪኽ ሂወቱ ዘንጸባርቕ  ዝተፈላለየ መደባት ተሰሪዕሉ ኣሎ። እቲ መደባት ብከምዚ ኣብ ታሕቲ ተዘርዚሩ ዘሎ ክካየድ ኢዩ።

11.00 - 11.30 ቤተሰብን ቀረባ ኣዕሩኽቱን ፈተውቱን ኣብ መካነ-መቓብር ብምብጻሕ ዕምባባታት የንብሩ
12.00 - 13.00 ክቡራት ካህናት ነቲ ናይ መዓልቲ መደብ ብጸሎትን ቡራኬን ይጅምርዎ
13.00-13.30 ናይ ምሳሕ ግዜ
13.45 – 14.45 ንታሪኽ ሂወት ስዉእ ስዩም ዘንጸባርቕ ቪድዮ ይረአ
15.00 – 18.00 ሓጸርቲ መግለጺታት ብዛዕባ ስዉእ ስዩም ብመሳርሕቱን ናይ ነዊሕ እዋን ብጾቱን፡ ቀንዲ ተራኻይ ኣቶ ወልደሱስ ዓማር ክኸውን ኢዩ
18.00 – 18.45 ናይ ድራር ግዜ
20.00 ዘለዎም ዝኽሪታት ብዛዕባ ስዉእ ከካፍሉ ንዝደልዩ ዕድል
21.30 ፍጻመ መደብ

ኣድራሻ መካነ-መቓብር                         ኣድራሻ መደባት ዝካየደሉ ህንጻ

Begraafplaats Holy

Olmendreef 150

3137 CR Vlaardingen

De Windwijzer
Schiedamseweg 95
3134 BD Vlaardingen

ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽኒያት ኣብቲ መዓልቲ ብኣካል ክርከብ ዘይክእል፡ ብመልእኽቱ ክራኸብ ይኽእል ኢዩ። እትራኸብሉ ኣድራሻ ኢመይል This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. (ኣይዳ ስዩም)

ብሰላም ምጽኡ

ስድራ ቤት ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዕቕባሚካኤል

Memorial Service and get-together on 10th anniversary of the martyrdom of

Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestay) on 19th December 2015 in Holland

Dear family and friends,

Saturday 19th December 2015 will be a special day. A day on which we’ll take the time to remember and celebrate the life of our beloved Seyoum. We kindly invite you to join us.

Please refer to the details stated below and email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. if you’d like to be included in the programme.

Locations

Cemetery [From 11:00-11.30] Remembrance Service [Start 12.00]

Begraafplaats Holy

Olmendreef 150

3137 CR Vlaardingen

De Windwijzer
Schiedamseweg 95
3134 BD Vlaardingen
 SOM 2  

Programme

Keynote speaker Woldeyesus Ammar

11.00 - 11.30 Family and close friends gather at the cemetery to lay flowers and share a moment.
12.30 - 13.00 Priest will start the service and lead a prayer
13.00-13.30 Lunch
13.45 – 14.45 Video compilation
15.00 – 18.00 Speeches by colleagues and friends
18.00 – 18.45 Dinner
20.00 Opportunity for anyone who wants to speak/share anecdotes.
21.30

End of the service

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1፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ዲክታቶርያዊ እዩ። ኣብታ ሃገር ሕገ-መንግስቲ የለን። ብደረጃ ሃገር ኮነ ከባቢ ዝካየድ ፓርላሜንታዊ ምርጫ የለን። ከምዚ ብምዃኑ ህዝቢ ዝውክል ሓጋጊ ኣካል የለን። ስርዓተ-ሕጊ የለን። ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኣይክበርን እዩ። ናይ ምቅዋም መሰል እውን የለን። እቲ ዲክታተርያዊ ስርዓት ይቃወሙኒ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዝብሎም ኣካላት ዘካይዶ ማእሰርቲ፡ ስቓይን ቅትለትን ቀጻሊ ኣሎ። ኣብ እታ ሃገር ዘሎ ምእኩል ፖሊሲ ቁጠባ ብቀጥዒ ዘየብሉ ስራሕ ኣልቦነትን ድኽነትን ዝግለጽ እዩ። መወዳእታ ብዘየብሉ ግዱድ ዕስክርና መንእሰያት ነቲ ዲክታቶር ከገልግሉን መወዳእታ ንዘየብሉ ዝኸፍቶ ውግኣቱ ዝተፈርድሉ እዩ። መንእሰያት ካብዚ ንምድሓን ብብዝሒ ሃገሮም ገዲፎም፡ ንህይወቶም ውሕስነት ብዘየብሉ ጉዕዞ፡ ህይወቶም ንምድሓንን ናይ ምንባር ቀጻልነቶም ንምርግጋጽን ይስደዱ ኣለዉ። እዚ ስደት ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ነተን ዝቅበላ ሃገራት እውን ሰከም ኮይኑወን ዘሎ እዩ።

2፡ ተቓውሞ ኣንጻርዚ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ኮነ ኣብ ወጻኢ ይዓቢ ኣሎ። እቲ ንክልቲኡ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሓይልታት ንምውህሃድ ዝግበር ዘሎ ቃልሲ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ነዚ መስርሕ ፈጺምካ ኣብቲ ዘድለ ውጽኢት ንምብጻሕን ውድቀት ናይቲ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ሃጓፍ ብዘይፈጥር ንምዕዋትን ጌና ቀጻሊ ጻዕሪ ዝሓትት እዩ።

3፡ እቲ ኣብ ናይሮቢ ኣብ 27-29 ሕዳር 2015 ዝተኻየድ ሃገራዊ ምምኽኻራዊ ኮንፈረንስ፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ካለኦት ጉዳያትን ዘትዩ እዩ። ማለት

3፡1 ሓያልን ድኹምን ጐድኒ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓትን ተቓውሞን።

3፡2 ስርዓት ኣብ ምቕያር ዘሎ ብደሆታትን ከጋጥሙ ዝኽእሉ ተኽእሎታትን;

3፡3 ቀጻልን ዝሓየለን ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ምርግጋጽ

3፡4 ሓቢርካ ነቶም ብደሆታት ንምምካት ዘኽእል መስርሕ ምዝርጋሕ

4፡ ተሳተፍቲ እዚ ሃገራዊ ምምኽኻራዊ ኮንፈረንስ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻእን ዘሎ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ፖለቲካዊ መድረኽ ንምምጽኡ ዘለዎ ኣድላይነት ብምርዳእ ብሓደ ክሰርሑ ተሰማሚዖም። ማለት

4፡1 ምሕላው ልኡላውነትን ግዝኣታዊ ሓድነት ሃገረ ኤርትራ

4፡2 ናይ ኩሎም ደገፍቲ ደሞክራሲ ሃገራውያን ሓይልታት ኣስተዋጸኦ ናብ ናይ ሓባር ዕማም ከም ዘተኩር ምግባር።

4፡3 ነዚ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ብሕገመንግስታዊ ስርዓት ምትክኡ።

4፡4 ስሩዕ ምስግጋር ንምርግጋጽ ኣድላይ ዘበለ ስጉምትታት ምውሳድ

4፡5 ግዝያዊት ናይ ርክብ ኣካል ምቛም

ሀ፡ምስ ኵሎም ተቓወምቲ ብምርኻብ መድረኽ ምስግጋር ብልሙጽ ኣገባብ ንምክያድ ዘኽእል ሓባራዊ ራእን ሓባራዊ ናይ ትግባረ መደብን ምቕራጽን ምትግባርን፤

ለ. መስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ንምቅልጣፍ ኵሎም ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ዝካፈልሉ ኣኼባ ምድላው።

5፡ ኣብ'ዚ ኣኼባ'ዚ እተሳተፉ ውድባት፦

1. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

2. ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ

3. ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ

4. ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ

5. ሰልፊ ናህዳ ኤርትራ

6. ፈደራላዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምንቅስቓስ ኤርትራ

7. ኤርትራዊ እስላማዊ ሰልፊ ንፍትሕን ልምዓትን

8. ሰልፊ ጕባኤ ኤርትራ (ስትራተጂ ዓዲ)

9. እስላማዊ ህዝባዊ ጕባኤ ( እስላሕ)

10 ኤርትራዊ እስላማዊ ጕባኤ

11. ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ መድረኽ ንዘተ

12. ዲሞክራስያዊ ግንባር ንሓደነት ኤርትራ (ሳግም)

ናይሮቢ 29 ሕዳር 2015

1. A highly centralised authoritarian dictatorship exists in Eritrea. No constitution exists in the country, and there have never been any parliamentary elections, whether local or national, leaving the country with no legislative body or representative government. Rule of law is absent; basic human rights are denied; and any dissent is crushed. The regime continues to imprison, torture and execute opponents with impunity. The command economy is in shambles, accompanied by mass unemployment and extreme poverty. Compulsory conscription has become the lot of the youth, who are forced to toil for life for the dictatorship and fight its unending wars. The youth are fleeing the country in droves, risking their lives to seek safety and the means to sustain themselves and their families, thus becoming burdens to host countries.

 

2. Opposition to the regime is growing at home and in the Diaspora. However, despite commendable efforts to build a stronger linkage between the two and to forge a more coherent coalition of the diaspora opposition, much more needs to be done to bring these efforts to fruition and ensure that the imminent downfall of the dictatorial regime does not lead to political vacuum and internal implosion.

 

3. The National Consultative Conference (NCC), held in Nairobi on 27-29 November 2015, deliberated on the prevailing situation in the country and, more specifically, discussed:

3.1 The strengths and weaknesses of the Eritrean regime and the opposition;

3.2 The challenges and dilemmas of regime change and possible scenarios of transition;

3.3 Sustaining and further strengthening national unity;

3.4 A framework to address the challenges of working together;

 

4. Convinced of the need for all opposition organisations in the Diaspora and inside the country to coalesce around a common political platform, the participants of the NCC agreed to work together to:

4.1 Safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Eritrea;

4.2 Channel efforts of all national pro-democracy forces towards the pursuit of the common purpose;

4.3 Replace the dictatorial regime with a constitutional government;

4.4 Draw up the necessary measures to ensure an orderly transition; and

4.5 Establish an Ad-hoc Contact Organ to:

a. Draft a common vision and program of action, in close consultation with political organisations, for a smooth transition to a democratic order.

b. Prepare for the next all-inclusive meeting of opposition organisations to discuss ways and means to accelerate democratic transition.

 

5. List of participating organisations:

1. Eritrean Liberation Front

2. Eritrean National Salvation Front

3. Eritrean Peoples’ Democratic Party

4. Eritrean Democratic Party

5. Eritrean Nahda Party

6. Democratic Front for Eritrean Unity

7. Eritrean Congress Party

8. Eritrean Islamic Islah Movement

9. Eritrean Islamic Congress

10. Eritrean Islamic Party for Justic & Development

11. Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement

12. National Forum for Dialogue

Nairobi, 29 November 2015

 

بعد أن تجاوز أعضاء فرع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بجنوب ألمانيا معوقات الحصول علي مقر قاموا بعقد اجتماعهم الدوري بمدينة شتوتغارت في الرابع عشر من نوفمبر 2015م.

 

ناقش الاجتماع الأجندة التالية:

 

أ/ تقييم عام لعمل الفرع:

بعد التقييم الشامل لعمل الفرع توصل المجتمعون الي أن الاجتماعات التي تجرى عن بعد عبر الوسائط الالكترونية لم تكن قادرةً علي إنجاز أعمال الفرع علي الوجه المطلوب، لذلك رأى الاجتماع أن الاجتماعات المباشرة أنجع وسيلة لإنجاز الأعمال ومن ثم ضرورة اتباع هذه الوسيلة في عقد الاجتماعات القادمة.

 

ب/ المهام المشتركة:

بما أن هناك مهام نضالية مشتركة بين كل الناشطين في الحقل النضالي من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي في ارتريا رأى الاجتماع ضرورة تنسيق الفرع مع فروع بقية العاملين في هذا المجال في كل الموضوعات والقضايا المشتركة.

وإنفاذاً لهذا القرار تواً شارك المجتمعون في الأمسية الغنائية المشتركة التي أحيتها فرقة ( إمبي نملكي) ( لا للدكتاتورية ) والتقوا خلالها بعدد من الناشطين السياسيين والمجتمعيين ناقشوا معهم الشأن الارتري العام.  

عقد فرع حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري بفرانكفورت وضواحيها اجتماعه الدوري في الخامس عشر من نوفمبر 2015م.

 

افتتح الاجتماع أعماله بكلمة ترحيبية من سكرتير الفرع السيد/ أفورقي كداني، ثم تناول المجتمعون بالمناقشة والتقييم أعمال الفرع خلال الدورة المنصرمة، كما تم تنوير الحضور بمجريات ومخرجات الاجتماع الالكتروني الشامل لعضوية الحزب الذي عقد في السابع من نوفمبر 2015م. 

 

تناول الاجتماع الفرصة التي أتيحت لوفد قيادة الحزب لحضور ومخاطبة اجتماع البرلمان الأوربي المعقود في التاسع من نوفمبر 2015م والتي تمكن من خلالها من إسماع صوت الحزب المعترض علي منح الاتحاد الأوربي مبلغ 200 مليون يورو للحكومة الارترية لأنها ليست أهلاً لصرفها في مجالي التنمية وتحسين أوضاع حقوق الانسان حسبما يتطلب الغرض الممنوحة له. ثم انتقل الاجتماع لمناقشة أجندته الأخرى.

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البند الثاني من أجندة الاجتماع كان مناقشة دور الشباب ومشاركته في النضال من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي وابتدرت المناقشة الأخت/ فيبن قديوون عضو قيادة الفرع وعضو المجلس المركزي للحزب، كما حضر الاجتماع أعضاء قيادة اقليم أوربا ومنطقة ألمانيا.

 

يجدر بالذكر أنه كان للشباب في هذه الجلسة حضور مكثف، حيث تقدموا الصفوف وأداروا جلسات الاجتماع وساهموا بقوة في المناقشات المتعلقة بدورهم ومشكلاتهم، مما بعث الأمل في النفوس أنهم بالفعل سوف يكونون قادة المستقبل. 

Frankfurt151115 3

 

بل أعلنوا أنهم من أشد المعنيين بأمر التغيير لأنه سوف ينهي عذاباتهم وتشردهم الذي تسبب فيه النظام الدكتاتوري الأرعن.

ناقش الاجتماع العديد من مشكلات الشباب وفي ختام ذلك اتفق المجتمعون علي ضرورة التشبث بالأهداف والشعارات التالية: لنتمسك بهويتنا الوطنية، لنعمل علي إيجاد ارتريا التي يسودها السلام والديمقراطية والعدالة، ولنعمل بعد ذلك علي تنمية وتطوير بلادنا. هذا وبعد مناقشاتٍ ثرة وساخنة أنهى الاجتماع جلساته بإحياء ذكرى الشهداء.

ትማሊ ዕለት 22 ሕዳር 2015 ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 4ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ብዓወት ኣቓኒዑ። ኣብቲ ብተለኮንፈርንስ ንሊዕሊ ክልተ ሰዓት ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ፣ ኣኼበኛታት ትግባረ ናይ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ መደባቶም ድሕሪ ምግምጋምን ሓበረታ ድሕሪ ምልውዋጥን፣ ኣብ ናይ ዕለቱ ኣጀንዳ ዝኾነ ስለምንታይ ብኩራት መንእሰያት ኣብ ዝካየድ ሃገር ናይ ምድሓን ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ብዕምቆት ዘትዮም።

ኣብዚ ኣርእስቲዚ ኣኼበኛታት ንብዝሓ-ተሳትፎ መንእሰያት ኣብ ሃገራዊ ቃልሲ መኸላእታ ዝኾኑ ብዙሓትን ዝተፈላለዩን ምኽንያታት ብኹሉ ሸነኻት ከምዘለዉ እኳ ኣንተዘርዘሩ፣ እቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቅታት እንታይ ምዃኑ ንምፍላጥ ግን ብቀጥታ ምስ መንእሰያት ተራኺብካ ካብኦ ምስምዑ ኣገዳሲ ከምዝኾነ ብሓባር ኣስሚሮምሉ። ነዚ ዕላሚዚ ንምትግባር ድማ ኣባላትን ዘይኣባላትን ዘይብል መጠነ ሰፊሕ መጽናዕቲ ከምዘድሊ ብምእማት፣ ንመጽናዕቲ ዝሕግዝ ሰነዳት ኣተዳሉ 5ተ ዝኣባላታ ሽመገለ መዚዞም።

ንርእሱ ዘይከኣለ ዜጋ ንህዝቡን ንሃገሩን ኣይበቅዕን እዩ፣ መንእሰያትናውን ካብ ከርፋሕን ትሑትን ህይወት ናብ ኣዝዩ ዝተሓላለኸ ህይወትን መነባብሮን ይመጹ ስለዘለዉ፣ ዕቁባ ምስ ረኸቡ ኮነ ከይረኸቡ ዘሕልፍዎ ዘለዉ ህይወት ጸቅጥን፣ ጭንቀትን፣ ብስጭትን ዝመልኦ ስለዝኾነ እዚ ኩነታትዚ ንባዕሉ ንመንእሰያትና ንድሕነት ህዝቦምን ሃገሮምን እጃሞም ከየበርክቱ ሓሊኹ ካብዝሓዞ ሓደን ቀንድን ክኸውን ይኽእል እዩ ዝብል ሪኢቶውን ኩሎም ኣኼበኛታት ዝተሰማምዑሉ ነጥቢ ነይሩ። ካብዚ ተረድኦዚ ብምብጋስ ድማ፣ ኣባላት ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰልፈይ ሰልፍኻ ማሕበረይ ማሕበርካ ንዝብሉ ፈላላዪ ሓጽርታትን ድልድላትን ሰጊሮም ንኹሉ ኤርትራዊ ዘብኡ መንእሰይ መባእታዊ ሓገዝ ከበርክቱ ቃል ኣትዮም። እቲ ከም መበገሲ ንመንእሰያት ክወሃብ ተመዲቡ ዘሎ ሓገዝ፣ መንእሰያት ኣኣብ ዘለውዎ ሃገርን ከባብን ኣቀዲምካ መስቲ ሕግታት፣ ኣገባባት፣ ዝተፈላለዩ ዕድላትን፣ ቀልጢፎ ንኽላለዩን ተጠቀምቱ ንክኾኑን ዝሕግዞም ሓበረታታትን ኮርሳትን ምሃብ፣ ከሙውን ኣብ ኣምር ደሞክራስን መንፈሱን፣ ሰብኣውን፣ ፖለቲካውን፣ ቁጠባውን፣ ማሕበራውን፣ ባህላውን መሰላቶም ንዝምልከት ብቁዕ ኣፍልጦ ከምዝህልዎም ዝሕግዝ ኣስተምህሮታት ምሃብ እዩ። ኮሚተ ምኽርን ምልመላን ድማ ምስ ምትሕብባር ናይ ካልኦት ኣባላት ነዚ መድብዚ ኣብ ግብሪ ከተውዕሎ ሓላፍነት ወሲዳ።

ክብርን ሞገስን ንስዉኣትናን ስንኩላትናን

ዓውት ንዲሞክራስያዊ ቃልስና

ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳያት መንእሰያት ሰደህኤ

شاركت وفود تمثل حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري وتنظيمات وأحزاب سياسية ومنظمات مجتمع مدني أخرى في ورشة عمل عقدت في يومي الثالث عشر والرابع عشر من نوفمبر 2015م بمقر عمدة مدينة فرانكفورت الألمانية، نوقشت فيها موضوعات في غاية الأهمية، وقد اتفق الحضور علي عشر نقاط تتعلق بإزالة نظام اسمرا الدكتاتوري وتهيئة مناخ انتقال سلس بعد سقوط النظام.

 

الورشة التي نظمها معهد فلسبورغ الألماني المختص في حل النزاعات وقضايا سياسية واجتماعية أخرى أتاحت لذوي الشأن الارتري مناقشة كل القضايا المتعلقة بإسقاط النظام القمعي القائم في البلاد، كما بحثت الورشة موضوع الانتقال السلمي والسلس الي نظام ديمقراطي تعددي يخلف هذا النظام. هذا وقد قدم المشاركون رؤاهم المتعلقة بهذا الأمر كتابياً.

 

شارك في الورشة حوالي ثلاثين شخصاً يمثلون تنظيمات وأحزاب سياسية ومنظمات مجتمع مدني ارترية، أحزاب وصحف ألمانية، أعضاء بالمعهد الألماني المذكور ومتعاونون معه، كما شارك بصفة مراقبة كلٌّ من الدكتور/ محمد خير، الدكتور/ دانئيل رزني ومراقبان آخران من حركة الوحدة الارترية لإنقاذ الوطن، هذا وقد مثل حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري كلٌّ من الأخ/ ولد يسوس عمار مسئول العلاقات الخارجية ونقوسي طقاي عضو المجلس المركزي للحزب.

 

تبادل إدارة جلسات الورشة كلٌّ من مدير المعهد المنظم للورشة السيد/ هارموت كول، غونتر شرويدر المختص في الشؤون الارترية والدكتور/ ياكوب أبراهام.

 

هذا وقد ناشد المشاركون في الورشة المعهد إشراك عدد أكبر من التنظيمات السياسية والمدنية في كل ما يدعو اليه مستقبلاً من نشاطات تتعلق بالقضايا الارترية.

 

في الختام وقع المشاركون علي توصلهم لاتفاق تام علي النقاط المذكورة أدناه:

  1. العمل سوياً من أجل التغيير الديمقراطي في ارتريا.

  2. السعي الي إيجاد حلول سلمية.

  3. البحث عن سبل مشتركة لتحقيق الانتقال السلمي وحكم القانون

  4. فصل الدين عن الحكم، علي أن تضمن الدولة حرية الأديان.

  5. إيقاف القمع والقبضة العسكرية المهينة.

  6. بناء العلاقة مع دول الجوار علي أساس الاعتراف بسيادة ارتريا الوطنية ووحدة أراضيها.

  7. الإقرار باعتبار اللغتين العربية والتجرينية لغتين رسميتين لعمل الدولة، مع ضمان مساواة جميع اللغات الارترية.

  8. الاتفاق علي الحد الأدنى من الحكم السياسي اللا مركزي

  9. تحقيق المزيد من مشاركة فئتي المرأة والشباب.

    10- مناشدة قوى التغيير داخل حزب النظام والجيش الارتري أن تكون جزءاً من عملية الانتقال السلمي للسلطة.